T!  IB  NATIVES  OF 
SARAWAK  AND 
HJ<rn  SK  NORTH 
HORN)  10. 


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tUe  WuoloffiQ,  * 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Purchased  by  the  Hammill  Missionary  Fund. 


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Division 


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Nuviber 


THE 


Natives  of  Sarawak 

AND 

British  North  Borneo 

Based  chiefly  on  the  MSS.  of  the  late  Hugh  Brooke  Low 
Sarawak  Government  Service 


BY 

HENRY  LING  ROTH 


author  of 

“ The  Aborigines  of  Tasmania,”  “ The  Peasantry  of  Eastern  Russia,”  &c 


WITH  A PREFACE  BY 

ANDREW  LANG 


OVER  550  ILLUSTRATIONS 


In  Two  Volumes — Vol  II 


NEW  YORK 

TRUSLOVE  & COMBA 
65  Fifth  Avenue 
1896 


PRINTED  BY 
TRUSLOVE  AND  BRAY 
WEST  NORWOOD  S.E 


CONTENTS. 


VOL.  II. 

Contents  of  Vol.  II. 

Page 

iii. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Habitations 

I 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Weaving,  Dyeing,  and  Dressmaking,  Tribal  Dresses, 
Detail 

Dress  in 

29 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Fashionable  Deformities  . . 

77 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Painting  and  Tatuing... 

83 

CHAPTER  XX. 

War  and  Weapons 

96 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Head-Hunting  ... 

140 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Sumpitan  and  other  Poisons  ... 

184 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Peace,  Slaves  and  Captives,  Human  Sacrifices,  Cannibalism 

202 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Government,  Trade,  Mining,  Mensuration,  Natural 
tions 

Produc- 

224 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
Boating,  Swimming,  Riding 

246 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Music 

257 

CHAPTER  XXVII, 
Language,  Names,  Colours 

267 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Arch.eology,  Jars,  Alleged  Native  Writing,  Negritoes 

279 

IV. 


Contents. 


APPENDICES. 

I. 

Vocabularies. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay,  by  H.  Brooke  Low  ...  ...  ...  ...  i. 

Rejang  River  Dialect,  by  H.  Brooke  Low  ...  ...  ...  ...  xlv. 

Malay,  Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan,  Matu,  by  H.  Brooke 

Low  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  xlvii. 

Malay,  Brunei,  Bisaya,  Murut  Padass,  Murut  Trusan,  Dali 

Dusum,  Malanau,  by  C.  de  Crespigny  ...  ...  ...  xciv. 

A Collection  of  43  words  in  24  different  Districts,  by  Rev.  C.  Hupe...  xeix. 
Collection  of  nine  words  in  eight  dialects,  by  Ch.  Hose  ...  ...  ciii. 

Kayan,  by  R.  Burns  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  civ. 

Sadong,  Lara,  Sibuyau,  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  ...  ...  ...  cix. 

Sabayau,  Lara,  Salakau,  and  Lundu,  by  Rev.  W.  Gomez  ...  cxiv. 
Sea  Dyak  (and  Bugau),  Malau,  by  Mr.  Brereton  ...  ...  ...  cxvi. 

Milanau,  Kayan,  Pakatan,  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  ...  ...  ...  cxix. 

Ida’an,  Bisaya,  Adang  (Murut),  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  ...  ...  exxiv. 

Lanun,  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  exxx. 

Sarawak  Dyak,  by  Rev.  W.  Chalmers  ...  ...  ...  ...cxxxii. 

Iranun,  Dusun,  Bulud  Opie,  Sulus,  Kians,  Punans,  Melano, 

Bukutan,  Land  Dyaks,  Balaus  ...  ...  ...  ...  clvii. 


II. 

Ethnographical  Notes  Translated  from  Dr.  Schwaner’s 


“ Borneo 

1.  The  Barito  River  Basin  ...  ...  ...  ...  clxi. 

11.  The  Kahaijan  River  Basin  ...  ...  ...  exeix. 

Notes  from  Mrs.  Pryer’s  “A  Decade  in  Borneo”  ...  ...  ccviii. 

,,  ,,  Prof.  Kukenthal’s  “ Forschungsreise  ” ...  ccix. 

Note  on  Burials  ...  ..  ■■  ...  ccxi. 

III. 

Note  on  Skull  Measurements  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ccxi. 

IV. 

Bibliography  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ..  ccxii. 

INDEX  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...ccxviii. 

List  of  Subscribers  ...  . ...  ...  ...  ...  ccxxxviii. 


A Slabit  for  carry- 
ing back  loads . 
behind  it  the  frame 
on  which  the 

their  yarn  for  tying 
in  the  patterns  by 
the  process  of 
saving,  and  after- 
wards brushing  on 


Thin  drum,  with 
fish  trap  ( tnstnga ) 
behind  it  . further 
to  the  right  a rice 
basket,  and  in  the 
background  a heap 
of  palm  leaf  for 
alat 


Mother 
seated  on 


cloth 


Fathei 


Belle,  in  festive 
attire  . head  dress 
of  beads  threaded 
on  brass  wire  (’), 
brass  aigrettes, 
small  pieces  of 
coloured  cloth , 
whole  dress  hidden 

beads,  &c 


Girls  seated  on 
woven  cloth  , 
corset  ornamented 
with  sheet  brass  , 
armlets  of  large 
shells, 


Hat  Water 

hidden  b)  Gourds  - 

shield 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/nativesofsarawak02roth 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


HABITATIONS. 

Land  Dyak  houses — Twelve  in  a row — Separate  houses — Description  of  parts — A house  at  Stang — 
Dimensions — Description — Detached  houses— Single  blocks — Lower  verandahs — Poor  buildings 
— Dirt  — Position  of  the  Stang  house — House  antus — Langs — Middens — Tributes — Cradles— 
Tabu — Jungle  treasure  houses — Rotan  and  gomuti  palm  fibre — Smoked  roofs — Pillows — Flooring — 
Absence  of  streets  - Sea  Dyak  houses — Long  houses — General  description — Bilieli  or  private 
apartment — Life  in  — Utensils — Fire-places — Tempuan  or  general  thoroughfare — Women  work 
here — Ruai  or  verandah — Open  on  all  sides — Fire-places — Stores  and  treasures — Heads  and 
charms,  &c. — Tanju  or  open-air  platform — For  paddy  drying — Sadau  or  loft — Shifting  quarters — 
Searching  new  grounds — Marking-out — Omens — Collective  labour — The  exodus — The  ensilan — 
A large  Sibuyau  house — Stockades — The  longest  Sea  Dyak  house  on  record — Plainness — 
Cleanliness— Smells  — Incised  doors — Slab  bark  walls  — Roofs  — Malanau  houses— Lofty 
buildings — Kayan  houses  — Chiefs’  slab  seats — Reason  for  high  posts — Low  rooms  — Large 
houses  on  Baram  river — Good  workmanship — Omens — Co-operation — Quick  erection  — Little 
furniture — Raised  seats — Kenniah  close  packing — Dusun  houses — Vermin — Second  story — A 
neat  clean  house — Bambu  roofs — Whole  houses  of  bambu — Kiau  houses — Vermin — New  houses 
— Omens — Murut  houses  — Poor  specimens  — Low  roofs  — Origin  of  barrack  houses  — Not 
conducive  to  progress — Paths — Curious  means  of  communication — Near  houses— Over  hills — 
Bridges — Elegant  constructions — Tree  trunks. 


The  late  Mr.  Noel  Denison  has  given  us  many  accounts  of  houses  built  by 
the  Land  Dyaks.  “The  houses  of  the  Singhi  Dyaks  are  constructed  in 
blocks  of  perhaps  twelve  in  one  row,  the  platform  in  front  being  common  to 
all,  the  verandah  which  is  closed  in  front  is  supported  on  straight  posts,  the 
wall  behind  and  before  being  upright.”  (Denison,  ch.  ii.  p.  19.) 

At  Tringus : “ The  houses  are  all  separate,  but  run  so  close  together  that 
they  touch  ; the  connection  from  the  platform  in  front  of  the  houses,  which  are 
all  distinct,  is  by  means  of  bamboo  batangs  or  bridges,  though  the  platforms 
often  approach  one  another  so  closely  that  no  bridges  are  required  {ibid, 
ch.  iv.  39)  ....  the  names  of  the  various  parts  of  a Dyak  house  vary 

a little  with  the  various  tribes.  The  platform  in  front  of  a house  is  called  the 
tanju  ; the  verandah  awach  ; the  sloping  roof,  which  can  be  raised  or  lowered 
from  the  end  of  the  house  roof,  or  is  perhaps  a continuation  of  it,  is  the 
kumban  (window).  On  entering  a house,  the  door  tiban  of  which  is  generally 
made  of  bilian  or  some  other  hard  wood,  we  come  across  a passage  between 
the  fire  places  called  the  ladang,  while  the  fire  place  itself  is  called  apuk. 
There  are  often  two  fire  places  right  and  left.  The  shelves  above,  used  for 
storing  household  goods,  wood,  etc.,  are  called  piyu  or  pyu  ; the  room  itself  is 
the  arun  ; the  raised  seat  at  the  end  of  the  room,  used  as  a sitting  divan  and 
sleeping  place  for  strangers,  is  th e jangan  at  Tringus,  and  bakowse  at  Gumbang. 
I have  written  that  there  are  sometimes  two  fire-places;  it  happened  to  be  so 
B Vol.  2. 


Land  Dyak  Village  House. 


Habitations. 


3 

in  the  house  I was  describing;  in  other  houses  I found  only  one  fire-place  to 
the  left  of  the  door,  the  piyu  being  on  the  right.”  (ibid,  ch.  iii.  p.  39.) 

“ At  Stang  there  was  a house  like  that  of  the  Sibuyaus.  The  house  is 
some  90  feet  in  length  with  8 doors,  and  stands  about  4 feet  from  the  ground. 
There  is  a verandah  in  front  24  feet  broad  running  the  whole  length  of  the 
building  and  behind  this  is  another  verandah  15  feet  in  breadth.  This  latter 
is  covered  by  the  roof  which  slopes  down  to  within  3 or  4 feet  of  the  tanju, 
and  is  supported  by  a split  bamboo  wall.  Behind  the  outer  verandah  is  a 
passage  feet  in  breadth,  running  parallel  the  whole  way  with  the  verandah, 
terminating  at  each  end  in  a wooden  door,  and  into  this  passage  the  8 doors 
of  the  house  all  open.  Between  this  passage  (which  is  the  thoroughfare 
through  the  house)  and  the  inner  verandah,  firewood,  etc.,  is  stored,  and  light 
is  admitted  by  the  roof  being  made  to  rise  and  fall  in  the  usual  Land  Dyak 
manner.  The  roof  slopes  down  at  the  rear  of  the  building  as  low  as  it  does 
in  front,  while  the  side  walls  constructed  of  attaps  come  down  as  low  as 
4 feet  from  the  ground.  The  rooms  are  small  and  there  is  a door  of 
communication  between  each  of  these,  so  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  passing 
from  one  room  to  another.  The  whole  of  the  front  verandah  is  surrounded 
by  a split  bamboo  fence  5 feet  high,  erected  to  keep  out  fowls  and  protect  the 
children  from  falling  over.  This  (and  one  a little  smaller  at  Sigu)  is  the  best 
Land  Dyak  house  I have  seen  and  it  should  be  taken  as  a pattern  by  all  our 
Land  Dyak  tribes.”  (ibid,  ch.  vii.  74.)  “ While  on  the  subject  of  the  village  I 
may  here  mention  that  some  of  the  Simpoke  houses  are  constructed  differently 
from  those  of  the  Stangs,  etc.,  many'  of  the  houses  are  detached,  and  have  no 
front  verandahs,  and  are  built  higher  from  the  ground.”  (ibid,  ch.  vii.  76.) 
“ The  houses  of  the  Lanchang  Dyaks  and  in  fact  of  the  whole  Bukar  tribe 
stand  in  blocks  some  160  feet  in  length,  raised  about  four  feet  from  the 
ground.  The  roof  slopes  down  at  the  back  of  the  house  till  it  reaches  and 
rests  on  a boarded  wall  three  feet  high,  the  roof  opening  over  every'  room 
forms  the  windows,  admitting  light  and  air  in  the  Land  Dyak  fashion.  In 
front,  the  roof  is  the  same,  and  rests  on  a boarded  wall  or  partition  which 
encloses  the  inner  verandah  twelve  feet  broad,  and  outside  of  this  there  is 
another  verandah  or  platform,  ten  feet  broad,  generally  a foot  or  two  lower 
down.  The  bamboos  of  which  these  are  constructed  are  most  slovenly  and 
loosely  placed  and  the  whole  building  has  in  fact  a most  forlorn  and  wretched 
appearance.  In  some  of  the  rows  or  blocks,  in  front  of  every  door  a portion 
of  the  roof  is  continued  over  the  outer  verandah  to  form  a small  fowl-house 
or  coop,  but  this  is  not  universal.  The  Bukars  are  the  only'  Dyaks  I have 
met  who  feed  their  pigs  in  the  verandahs  ; this  is  done  in  the  lower  verandah. 
The  interior  of  a house  is  divided  into  three  compartments  fifteen  feet  in 
breadth.  The  first  compartment  entered  from  the  door  has  a fire-place  on 
each  side  with  a passage  between  into  the  next  compartment,  which  may  be 
said  to  be  in  the  same  room,  there  being  nothing  to  mark  the  separation  but 
a thick  bamboo  joist  in  the  floor.  This  second  compartment,  which  is  used 
as  the  sleeping  or  lounging  place,  is  about  twelve  feet  in  length.  In  the  third 
compartment,  also  twelve  feet  long,  are  stored  the  household  goods — jars, 
guns,  swords,  charms,  gongs,  baskets,  cloths,  etc.,  etc.,  and  here  under  the 


4 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


raised  roof  a portion  of  the  floor  is  railed  off  for  storing  bottles,  jars  of  arrack, 
oil,  etc.,  etc.  The  sides  of  the  houses  are  all  of  planking  and  the  floors  of 

lantis.  The  above  account  of  a 
Bukar  Dyak  house  describes 
the  habitation  of  Pengara  Gud- 
dus.”  {ibid,  ch.  viii.  p.  83.) 

“The  effluvium  arising  from 
the  accumulation  of  dirt  and 
refuse  in  this  village  was  really 
fearful.  The  houses  being  built 
on  the  level  ground,  there  is 
no  natural  drainage,  and  the 
Dyaks  have  made  none  for 
themselves.”  {ibid,  ch.  viii. 
p.  84.)  “ Around  the  houses 

the  filth,  offal,  refuse  and  mud 
create  such  a stench  that  it  is 
at  times  unendurable.”  {ibid, 
ch.  viii.  p.  85.) 

“ In  one  thing  the  Grungo 
excel  every  other  tribe  of 
Dayaks  I have  ever  seen,  and 
that  is  in  dirt ; their  houses 
were  dirty,  their  mats  were 
dirty,  and  their  little  children 
could  only  be  described  as  posi- 
tively filthy.”  (St.  John  i.  147.) 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Chalmers  thus 
describes  the  Land  Dyak  vil- 
lage of  Staang  near  the  left 
branch  of  the  Sarawak  river. 
“ It  is  built  on  a high,  steep  hill, 
and  the  houses  are  reached  by 
a rugged  path,  which  consists 
of  steps  cut  into  the  face  of  the 
hill,  strengthened  by  pieces  of 


Nibong  Palm.  Oncosperma  filamentosa. 

(Blume's  Rumph.  96  t.  82-103  ; Mart.  Nat.  Hist.  Palm  iii.  312  t.  150-153.) 


The  Nipa  Palm.  Nipa  fniticans. 
(Martin's  Nat.  His.  Palm  iii.  305  t.  108.) 


Habitations. 


5 


bamboo.  Here  and  there  huge  masses  of  limestone  rock  tower  above  the 
surface  ; but  in  general  the  hill  is  covered  with  a dense  undergrowth  of  ferns 
and  shrubs,  and  above  these  rise  jungle  and  fruit  trees  in  abundance;  the 
latter  consisting  of  plantains,  durians,  and  many  kinds  of  palm,  as  cocoanut, 
sago,  nibong,  nauh,  pinang,  etc.  As  one  ascends,  there  is  heard  the 
unceasing  dash  and  ripple  of  streams  innumerable  over  their  rocky  descents, 
and  every  now  and  then  one  comes  upon  a bamboo  seat  and  panchur.  As  the 
village  is  neared,  a cluster  of  fine 
yellow  bamboo  (biilu  gading)  comes  in 
view,  and  close  by  this  is  a small 
but  tolerably  lofty  bamboo  stage,  on 
which  are  placed  Antu  offerings,  to 
which  a ladder  is  sometimes  attached 
to  help  the  Antus  in  their  ascent  to 
get  their  dinners.  They  pay  no 
worship  to  the  bamboos,  but  the  place 
is  sacred,  and  here  they  generally 
await  the  bird  omens  before  setting 
out  on  their  journeys.  The  houses  are 
few  or  numerous  according  to  the 
population,  and  each  house  contains 
from  three  to  four  langs  or  family 
apartments.  They  are  built  on  posts 
from  four  to  twenty  feet  from  the 
ground,  and  are  entered  by  means  of 
ladders  (notched  trunks  of  trees)  or 
by  an  inclined  plane  of  bamboo.  At 
Tabiah  there  is  one  ascent  of  this 


latter  kind  at  least  200  feet  in  length. 


Rejang  House  Ladder. 

(Brooke  Low.) 


. . Among  the  posts  below  the  houses, 
the  dogs,  pigs,  and  fowls  quarrel  and 
flourish,  the  ground  there  is  little  else  than  an  immense  midden  : it  receives 
all  the  dirt  of  the  house,  and  this  is  rendered  still  more  unsavoury  by  that  of 
the  pigs,  etc.,  so  that  the  thick  Rottan  mats  which  are  laid  over  the  floors  of 
lantei  are  quite  necessary  to  keep  down  the  stench. 

“ Each  family  or  lang  pays  a tribute  of  two  passus  of  rice  or  three  rupees 
in  money  to  the  Government.  A lang  consists  of  a married  couple  and  their 
family  ; the  Orang  Kaya,  widowers,  widows,  bachelors,  and  unmarried  women 
pay  nothing.  Each  lang  has  a separate  ramin  or  apartment  in  one  of  the 
long  houses,  and  the  children  and  unmarried  girls  of  the  family  sleep  in  this 
room  (which  is  sometimes  pretty  large)  with  the  heads  of  the  family  ; the  lads 
of  the  village  as  soon  as  they  are  old  enough  to  work  on  the  farms,  have  to 
take  up  their  quarters  at  night  in  the  panggah  or  head  house.”  (Occas.  Papers.) 
“ One  or  more  cradles,  formed  of  the  hollow  stem  of  the  sago-palm,  or 
a block  of  wood,  in  which  a cavity  has  been  made,  slung  from  the  beams  of 
the  house  by  ropes  attached  to  both  ends  of  it,  adorn  the  room.”  (Low, 
p.  280.)  “ When  a new  biitang,  or  row  of  houses,  is  built,  those  who  live  therein 


6 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Saraivak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

may  not  eat  some  kinds  of  jungle  vegetables,  or  fish  with  tuba,  or  seek  rattans 
in  the  woods,  till  the  house  has  been  doctored,  a pig  killed,  and  a feast  held.” 
(Chalmers  in  Grant’s  Tour.) 

“ T'he  Lanchangs  had  just  repaired  and  in  many  instances  entirely  rebuilt 
their  houses,  they  had  consequently  put  them  under  pamali  for  four  days,  two 
of  which  had  already  expired.”  (Denison,  ch.  viii.  p.  84.) 

“ A man  being  told  to  make  a regular  flight  of  steps  to  his  house  instead 
of  the  old  notched  ladder  replied,  ‘ No,  that  would  be  pamali.'  ” (Chambers, 
Miss.  Field,  1867,  p.  69.) 

" The  Sikongs  and  neighbouring  tribes  and  besides  them  the  Gumbangs 
construct  small  houses  in  the  jungle,  in  which  they  keep  their  most  cherished 
valuables.  This  is  done  as  a precaution  against  fire,  and  I noticed  that 
these  houses  were  only  fastened  by  a rough  wooden  bolt.”  (Denison,  ch.  v. 
p.  52.)  “ The  Goons  and  Tabiahs  have  also  this  custom.”  {ibid,  ch.  vi.  62.) 

For  binding  the  timbers  of  a house  together  rotan  is  largely  used.” 
(Crossland.)  “ The  gomuti  palm  is  likewise  much  in  request  for  the  same 
purpose.  The  cordage  it  produces  from  the  hairy-like  filaments,  which  are 
interwoven  round  the  stem  and  about  the  axils  of  the  leaves,  is  of  excellent 
quality,  and  of  great  service,  on  account  of  its  durability.”  (Low,  p.  40.) 

In  the  Upper  Sarawak  Dyak 
houses  “the  whole  room  looks 
black  from  smoke,  which  has 
no  other  escape  than  the  door 
and  one  large  window.  This 
latter  is  merely  a large  hole  left 
in  the  roof,  and  in  rain  must 
be  shut  with  a shutter  made 
of  palm-leaves.  The  room  is 
lighted  by  the  fire  from  the 
hearth,  and  by  a little  torch 
made  from  the  gum  of  a tree 
put  into  bamboos,  and  used 
as  oil.  The  sleeping-place  is 
before  the  fire,  on  mats  spread 
out  at  night ; pillows  stuffed 
with  grass,  etc.,  are  made  use 
of,  and  coverings  made  of  the 
rinds  of  certain  trees.”  (Houghton,  M.A.S.  iii.  199.) 

“ The  floor  is  always  formed  of  strips  split  from  large  bamboos,  so  that 
each  may  be  nearly  flat  and  about  three  inches  wide,  and  these  are  firmly  tied 
down  with  rattan  to  the  joists  beneath.  . . . they  form  with  a mat  over  them 
an  excellent  bed.  . . . When,  however,  a flat,  close  floor  is  required,  excellent 
boards  are  made  by  splitting  open  large  bamboos  on  one  side  only,  and  flatten- 
ing them  out  so  as  to  form  slabs  eighteen  inches  wide  and  six  feet  long,  with 
which  some  Dyaks  floor  their  houses.  These  with  constant  rubbing  of  the 
feet  and  the  smoke  of  years  become  dark  and  polished,  like  walnut  or  old  oak, 
so  that  their  real  material  can  hardly  be  recognised.”  (Wallace  i.  121.) 


Muruts  of  Upper  Labut  River  in  North  Borneo.  Total 
length  of  mat,  8ft.  ioin.  ; width,  3ft.  2jin  , length  of 
decorated  portion,  2ft.  sin. 

(Edinboro’  Mus.) 


A Rejang  River  Sea  Dyak  Village  House. 
(From  a photograph  by  Mr  Lambert,  of  Singapore.) 


8 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“ In  describing  Peninjau  Mr.  Hornaday  remarks : “ The  houses  stand 
just  wherever  they  can  find  standing-room,  with  no  order  or  regularity 


whatever,  not  a sign  of  anything  like  a street  nor  even  a good  path  anywhere. 
They  were  of  course  built  along  the  side  of  the  mountain,  usually  with  the 


Habitations. 


9 


open  side  uphill,  and  all  were  elevated  on  posts  which  were  from  six  to  eight 
feet  high  on  the  upper  side,  where  they  were  the  shortest.”  (p.  485.) 

The  following  description  of  a Sea  Dyak  village  house  is  by  Mr.  Brooke 
Low,  and  is  based  on  earlier  accounts  of  the  houses  of  the  Undups  by  the 
Rev.  W.  Crossland  : — 

“ A Sea  Dyak  Village  is  a terrace  upon  posts  varying  in  length  according 
to  the  number  of  houses  of  which  it  is  composed,  and  as  the  various  houses 
are  built  according  to  a single  scale  and  measurement  and  by  a combination 
of  labour,  they  rarely  fail  to  present  a uniform  and  regular  appearance. 

“ There  is  always  a ladder  at  either  end  of  the  terrace  by  which  to  ascend, 
and  sometimes  one  or  more  towards  the  centre  of  the  tanju  or  open-air  plat- 
form. The  roof  is  thatched  throughout  with  the  same  material — shingles  or 
palm  leaves — if  the  latter,  the  nipa  ( dnan  apong)  leaves  are  used  where  procur- 
able, and  where  not  the  pandanns  ( duanbira ).  The  flooring  in  some  villages  is 
made  of  palm  trees  split  into  laths  (nibong  = wild  varieties  of  areca  ?) ; in  other 
cases  of  cane,  or  bamboo,  or  even  twigs.  The  laths  of  split  bamboo  allow  a 
delicious  current  of  air  to  permeate  the  apartment.  The  outer  walls  are  of 
plank,  the  inner  of  bark.  No  nails  are  used,  the  beams  or  rafters  are  lashed 
together  with  rattans  or  secured  by  wooden  pegs.  The  posts  are  innumerable 
and  of  hard  wood.  The  village  is  surrounded  at  its  base  by  a wooden  palisade 
which  is  itself  protected  by  chevaux  de  prise  of  pointed  bamboo.  The  village  is 
divided  by  a plank  walling  into  two  main  portions,  the  front  and  the  rear. 
The  former  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a very  wide  verandah,  and  is  open 
throughout  its  entire  length.  The  latter  occupies  the  rear  of  the  entire 
building  and  is  sub-divided  into  apartments,  one  for  each  family.  Between 
the  plank  wall  and  the  edge  of  the  ruai  is  the  tempuan  or  footway,  a narrow 
passage  running  through  the  centre,  so  that  a person  may  walk  from  one  end 
of  the  village  to  the  other  without  encountering  any  obstacles. 

“ Every  family  thus  possesses  a compact  little  residence  to  themselves, 
comprising  a bilieh  or  room  where  they  can  enjoy  privacy  when  they  like,  a 
tempuan  or  thoroughfare  where  they  pound  their  rice  and  pile  up  their  fire- 
wood, a ruai  or  verandah  where  they  receive  visitors,  a tanju  or  open-air 
platform  where  they  air  their  things  and  lounge  in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  and 
a sadau  or  loft  where  they  keep  their  tools  and  store  their  paddy. 

“ The  bilieh  or  private  apartment  is  furnished  with  a swinging  door  which 
opens  outwards,  and  is  closed  by  means  of  a heavy  weight  suspended  to  a 
thong  to  the  inside.  The  door  can  be  secured  when  required  by  means  of  a 
bar.  If  the  room  be  unusually  large,  it  may  have  two  doors  for  the  sake  of 
convenience.  Figures  are  sometimes  carved  or  painted  on  the  door — saurians 
among  others,  grotesque  images  of  supernatural  beings,  and  indecent  carica- 
tures of  the  human  person.1  There  is  no  window  such  as  we  understand,  but 

1 "The  inner  walls  of  the  houses  of  the  Benoas  were  ornamented  outside  with  grotesque 
figures— some  representing  the  inevitable  crocodile,  in  various  positions;  another,  a man  being 
swallowed  by  a crocodile.”  (Bock,  p.  137.)  “ Another  of  the  carvings  represented  a Dyak  riding 

on  an  animal  meant  for  a boar ; while  on  a third  wall  was  depicted  a Dyak  returning  from  a head- 
hunting tour,  with  a head  in  his  left  hand.  Further  down  the  room  was  hanging  suspended  against 
the  wall  a small  model  of  a house,  somewhat  resembling  a Noah’s  ark,  from  the  door  of  which 
protruded  a carved  serpent,  which  was  represented  to  me  as  being  a valuable  medicine  for  the 
stomach.”  (ibid,  p.  138  ) 


IO 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


a portion  of  the  roof  is  so  constructed  that  it  can  be  raised  a foot  or  two  by 
means  of  a stick  to  let  out  the  smoke  or  to  admit  the  fresh  air.  If  the  neigh- 
bours are  near  relations  or  intimate  friends,  as  is  often  the  case,  a hole  is  cut 
in  the  wall  which  separates  the  room  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  a roundabout 
way  into  one  anothers’  apartments,  and  some  villages  are  so  arranged  that 
one  can  traverse  the  entire  length  of  the  rear  section  of  the  building,  by  means 
of  these  apertures,  without  appearing  on  the  verandah  at  all.  There  is 
no  furniture  in  the  room — none,  in  fact,  being  required.  The  floor  is  the 
occupiers’  table,  and  they  squat  to  their  meals.  But  there  are  plenty  of  mats 
to  sit  upon,  and  baskets  to  pack  their  clothes  in.  Their  cups  and  plates  are 

hung  in  rows  upon  the  walls  as  much  for  orna- 
ment as  for  use.  Their  valuables,  such  as  old 
jars,  gongs,  etc.,  are  ranged  on  three  sides  so  as 
to  present  the  most  imposing  appearance  of 
wealth.  But  the  room  is  stuffy  and  untidy,  and 
no  wonder,  seeing  that  there  is  but  one  for  each 
family,  and  this  one  is  used  as  a kitchen  as  well 
as  a mess  room,  as  a nursery  as  well  as  a bed 
chamber.  There  can  be  no  absolute  privacy 
unless  the  door  is  barred  to  exclude  the  neigh- 
bours. Boys  and  girls  keep  running  in  and  out, 
and  the  dogs  are  always  on  the  watch  in  the 
tempuan  to  spring  in  whenever  the  door  swings 
open.  The  floor  is  swept  after  a fashion,  but  the 
room  is  never  deserted,  and  the  roof  is  simply 
black  with  soot.  The  refuse  is  thrown  into  the 

The  upper  pivot  is  fastened  by  rotan  and  P°ultrY  >rard’  which  Occupies  the  area 

to  the  post  B,  but  the  lower  pivot  or  waste  space  under  the  house.  Very  little 

ThePSdorisaheTdCclL1?fr1onm  the  stench>  if  anY>  caches  the  apartment  from  the 
inside  by  a bar  of  wood  which  is  ground,  as  the  floor  is  raised  too  high  above  it 
dropped  into  catches  pegged  to  the  tQ  bg  affected  by  it  Xhe  or  fire.place  is 

, From  a sketch  by  Mr.  crossland.)  the  only  real  piece  of  furniture  in  the  room.  It  is 
built  either  to  the  right  or  to  the  left  of  the  door  set  up  against  the  wall  of  the 
tempuan  and  resembles  an  open  cupboard,  the  lowest  shelf  resting  upon  the 
floor,  and  the  upper  shelves  being  of  lattice-work  instead  of  plank.  The 
former  is  boarded  all  round  and  tilled  with  clay.  1 his  is  the  fire-place,  and  it 
is  furnished  with  a few  stones  between  which  the  pots  are  set.-  The  shelf 
immediately  above  the  fire  is  set  apart  for  smoking  fish  and  meat,  etc.  The 
shelves  above  this  again  are  filled  with  firewood,  which,  being  thoroughly 
dried,  is  ready  for  use.  The  women,  who  do  all  the  cooking,  have  also  to 
keep  these  shelves  supplied  from  the  pile  in  the  tempuan.  As  the  smoke  from 
the  wood  fire  is  not  conducted  to  the  roof  by  means  of  a chimney,  it  spreads 
itself  throughout  the  loft  and  blackens  the  beams  and  rafters  until  it  finds  its 
way  out  by  the  open  window. 

2 Elsewhere  Mr.  Brooke  Low  in  his  notes  says  : “ They  make  a palan,  or  raised  platform,  and 
under  it  light  a fire  and  heap  it  with  dry  twigs,  and  fill  the  platform  with  split  wood  for  drying  as 
bekal  (fire-wood).  From  the  fire  they  take  brands  for  other  fires.” 


Slab  Door  of  Undup  House. 


Habitations. 


n 


“ The  tempuan  or  general  thoroughfare  is  between  the  bilieh  and  the  ruai. 
It  is  three  feet  in  width  and  is  paved  with  wood.  It  is  furnished  with  a ladder 
or  notched  stick  by  which  to  reach  the  loft,  a family  mortar  where  the  women 
pound  their  paddy  with  wooden  pestles  to  free  it  from  the  husk,  and  a pile 


Diagramatic  Plan  of  Sea  Dyak  House. 
(F.  W.  Leggatt.) 


* Fire  Place 

Diagram  of  Section  of  Sea  Dyak  House. 
(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 


or  two  of  firewood  reared  by  the  men  for  use  inside.  This  passage  is  also 
used  by  the  women  to  winnow  their  rice  in,  feed  their  dogs,  and  attend  to 
their  chickens,  and  by  the  men  to  wash  the  dirt  off  their  feet  when  they  come 
home  from  their  work.  The  wall  of  the  tempuan  is  sometimes  elaborately 
painted  in  various  patterns,  and  the  spears  of  the  family  are  thrust  into  the 
skirting  board  so  as  to  be  handy. 


12  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ The  ruai  or  verandah  is  in  front  of  the  tempuan  and  is  as  nearly  as 
possible  the  same  size  as  the  bilieh,  from  which  it  differs  principally  in  being 
open  on  all  sides  and  without  any  partition.  It  is  therefore  a cooler  and 
more  agreeable  place  and  as  such  is  frequented  by  both  sexes  for  the  purposes 
of  conversation,  discussion,  and  indoor  pursuits.  Female  visitors  are  usually 
received  in  the  bilieh,  but  male  visitors  are  invariably  received  in  the  ruai  and 
only  enter  the  bilieh  when  invited  to  do  so  to  be  introduced  to  the  women 
and  to  share  the  meals.  They  sleep  in  the  ruai  along  with  the  boys  and 
bachelors,  and  sit  there  all  day  when  they  have  nothing  better  to  do,  con- 
versing with  the  head  of  the  family  and  chewing  betel.  The  floor  is  carpeted 
with  thick  and  heavy  mats  of  cane  interlaced  with  narrow  strips  of  beaten  bark. 


Inside  View  of  Undup  Shingle  Roof 
Shingles  about  30m.  long  and  4m  to  14m.  wide, 
according  to  splitting  power.  They  are  tied  on 
with  rotan  through  a single  hole  only. 
(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 


Diagram  to  show'  method  of  laying 
on  an  Undup  Shingle  Roof.  The 
lowest  row  A overlaps  from  left  to 
right ; B overlaps  from  right  to  left ; 

C overlaps  same  as  A. 

(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  Cross  and.) 

Over  these  are  spread  other  mats  of 
thinner  and  finer  texture.  There  is 
a small  fireplace  between  this  and 
the  next  ruai  for  the  men  to  warm 
themselves  at  when  they  get  up,  as 
they  usually  do,  in  the  chill  of  the 
morning,  before  the  sun  has  risen 
above  the  trees  ; the  fire  is  allowed 
to  go  out  in  the  middle  of  the  day, 
but  is  revived  towards  the  evening 
when  it  is  getting  dark,  but  still 
too  early  to  light  the  torches.3 


:l  “Asa  rule  the  houses  are  provided  with  a couple  of  sliding  doors,  and  they  seldom  have  more 
than  two  openings  which  serve  as  windows,  whatever  the  number  of  occupants.  Three  or  four 
families,  or  more,  reside  together  in  the  same  habitation.  Internally,  the  house  is  divided  longi- 
tudinally by  a bamboo  partition.  One  of  the  long  compartments  so  formed  serves  as  a sleeping  place 
for  the  unmarried  youths  and  men,  and  as  a general  living-room  for  all  the  occupants  ; while  the 
other  compartment  is  sub-divided  into  a series  of  smaller  rooms  for  the  married  members  of  the 
family  and  the  women.  In  front  of  the  door  of  the  long  room,  adjoining  the  ladder,  is  often  an  open 
platform  or  balcony  of  bamboo  or  wood,  which  is  used  for  various  domestic  purposes— drying  rice, 
or  laying  1 the  clothes  to  dry.’  " (Bock,  p.  197  ) 


Habitations. 


13 


“ Some  ruais  are  provided  with  a panggan  or  bedstead  with  plank  sides  in 
one  corner  of  the  room  for  the  men  to  sleep  in,  but  this  is  not  always  the 
case.  If  the  head  of  the  family  has  made  it  for  his  own  use  and  if  he  be  a 
chief  or  rich  man  he  will  fix  his  gongs  of  various  kinds  around  it  for  the  sake 
of  show  ; his  weapons  will  be  within  reach  and  his  war  dress  will  hang  from 
the  roof  where  it  can  be  seen  to  the  best  advantage — a skull  cap  of  wicker 
work  with  its  nodding  plumes,  and  a skin  jacket  decorated  with  the  tail 
feathers  of  the  war  bird  of  the  tribe.  But  the  most  valuable  ornament  in  the 
mat  by  far  is  of  course  the  bunch  of  human  heads  which  hangs  over  the  fire- 
place like  a bunch  of  fruit ; these  are  the  heads  obtained  on  various  warpaths 
by  various  members  of  the  family,  dead  and  living,  and  are  handed  down  from 
father  to  son  as  the  most  precious  heir-looms,  more  precious  even  than  the 
ancient  jars  which  they  prize  so  highly.  The  next  ornament  of  paramount 
importance  is  the  bag  of  charms  which  is  fastened  to  the  centrepost  and 
which  is  in  like  manner  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  and 
about  which  there  is  a great  to  do  if  any  of  the  charms  are  lost  or  stolen. 
Other  posts  are  often  adorned  with  trophies  of  the  chase,  horns  and  such  like 
of  deer  and  wild  cattle,  and  the  heads  of  animals  such  as  bears,  monkeys,  and 
crocodiles  killed  by  the  young  boys.  The  empty  sheaths  of  the  swords  and 
knives  of  the  family  are  suspended  on  wooden  hooks,  while  the  naked  blades 
are  placed  in  racks  above  their  heads. 


A 


Diagrams  to  show  method  of  Undup  nipa  palm  thatching.  A stakes  to  hold  on  ridge 
capping  ; B ridge  capping  a piece  of  wood  ; C nipa  thatch. 

(From  sketches  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 

“ The  tanju  or  open-air  platform  is  in  front  of  the  rnai  and  is  railed  at  the 
edge,  but  the  rail  is  often  so  slight  that  it  is  unsafe  to  lean  against  it.  The 
flooring  is  usually  of  ironwood  the  better  to  stand  exposure  to  the  weather. 
It  is  used  as  a lounge  in  the  evening,  the  view  from  it  being  extensive  and  the 
breeze  refreshing.  While  the  sun  is  shining  the  paddy  is  put  out  to  dry  as  are 
the  clothes  and  a variety  of  other  things.  The  family  whetstone  and  dye  vat 
are  kept  here  under  the  eaves  of  the  roof. 


14^' 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


" When  the  roof  is  completed  the 
ridge  is  closed  by  bending  over  it 
sheets  of  bark,  which  are  kept 
down  by  long  horizontal  pegs 
driven  through  the  bark  beneath 
the  ridge.  At  intervals  also  logs 
of  wood  tied  at  top  are  placed 
astride  the  ridge  to  keep  the  bark 
in  its  position.” 

(From  a sketch  by  F.  W.  Leggatt.) 


“ The  sadau  or  loft  is  used  to  stow  away  the 
baskets  and  agricultural  instruments  during  the 
season  they  are  not  in  use.  The  paddy  is  stowed 
away  here  in  tubs  of  bark  and  also  the  seed  for 
next  year’s  farm.  Young  women  often  sleep 
here  and  so  do  the  young  men  and  boys  who 
are  unprovided  with  curtains  when  the  mosqui- 
toes and  sandflies  are  troublesome  down  below. 
They  burn  a fragrant  bark  to  keep  off  the  mos- 
quitoes. 

“ Whenever  it  is  deemed  expedient  by  the 
Sea  Dyaks  to  shift  from  one  locality  to  another, 
or  to  abandon  an  old  habitation  in  favour  of  a 
new  one,  a general  meeting  is  convened  to 
consider  the  proposition  and  the  desirability  of  the  measure  is  fully  discussed. 
If  a move  be  decided  upon  a few  experienced  men  are  deputed  to  select  a site 
and  to  report  on  its  adaptability.1  If  there  be  no  reason 
to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  choice,  others  are  sent  to  hear 
whether  the  birds  they  venerate  are  for  it  or  against  it. 

Three  days  in  succession  they  visit  the  spot  and  if  the 
bird  omens  be  favourable  they  proceed  to  work  at  once, 
and  on  the  following  morning  the  men  turn  out  in  a body 
with  axes  and  choppers  to  hew  down  the  jungle  which 
is  then  left  to  dry.  Another  general  meeting  is  thereupon 
convened  to  determine  the  question  of  the  tuan  or  chief- 
tainship, the  measurement  of  the  timbers,  and  the 
sequence  of  the  rooms.  It  is  customary  to  place  the 
richest  people  in  the  centre  of  the  village  that  they  may  exercise  hospitality 
to  all  comers,  and  the  boldest  at  either  extremity  so  that  they  may  defend 
the  approaches  if  called  upon  to  do  so.  The  next  move 
is  to  appoint  an  evening  for  the  people  to  meet  at  the 
site  of  the  new  village.  The  ground  is  then  cleared 
and  measured  out  and  pegs  are  put  in  where  the  posts 
are  to  stand.  A piece  of  bamboo  is  then  stuck  in 
the  ground,  filled  with  water  and  the  aperture  covered 
with  leaves,  a spear  and  a shield  are  placed  beside  it, 
and  the  whole  is  surrounded  by  a rail.  The  rail  is  to 
protect  the  bamboo  from  being  upset  by  wild  animals 
and  the  weapons  are  to  warn  strangers  not  to  touch  it. 
If  there  is  much  evaporation  by  the  morning  the  place  is 
are  ^strung6  'on* ' a^  "stick  with  considered  hot  and  unhealthy  and  is  abandoned.  Half- 
rotan,  care  being  taken  that  a-dozen  people  or  so  remain  to  keep  watch  and  beat 
the>  o\ erlap  their  tomtoms  all  night  to  frighten  away  evil  spirits. 

Their  friends  return  early  in  the  morning  and  if  all  is  well  they  set  to  and  dig 
the  holes,  commencing  with  the  chiefs  quarters  and  working  simultaneously  to 

J Suitability  consists  in  rising  ground,  nearness  to  a good  supply  of  water  and  of  firewood. 
(Crossland,  Miss.  Life,  1887,  p.  162.) 


Diagram  to  show  how 
the  sticks  of  itipa  thatch 
are  tied  on  to  the  roof. 
(Sketch  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 


Habitations. 


15 


left  and  right  of  him.  Every  family  must  kill  a fowl  or  a pig  before  the  holes 
can  be  dug,  and  the  blood  must  be  smeared  on  the  feet  and  sprinkled  on  the 


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posts  to  pacify  Pulang  Gana,  the  tutelary  deity  of  the  earth.  The  posts  must 
be  planted  firmly,  for  if  one  were  to  give  way  subsequently  it  would  be 
regarded  as  a disastrous  event  and  the  house  would  be  abandoned.  All 


i6 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


combine  to  labour  collectively  until  the  skeleton  of  the  village  is  complete, 
and  then  every  family  turns  its  attention  to  its  own  apartments.  When  the 
building  is  sufficiently  advanced  to  receive  them  they  pack  up  their  valuables 
and  convey  them  by  water  if  practicable,  halting  on  the  way  until  they  obtain 
a favourable  omen,  when  they  proceed  rejoicing.5  Their  valuables  and  cotton 
stuffs  may  not  be  moved  into  the  house  before  themselves,  they  must  be  taken 
with  them  ; this  is  required  by  custom.  Before  the  village  can  be  occupied 
a pig  must  be  killed  and  its  entrails  examined  and  if  the  reading  be  unsatis- 
factory it  is  abandoned.  After  everything  is  settled  a cup  of  tuak  (toddy)  is 
passed  round. 

“ When  a family  proposes  to  leave  the  village  and  remove  elsewhere  it 
must  give  an  cnsilan  (propitiatory  gift  ?)  or  be  responsible  for  the  consequences 
if  a death  ensue  ; a fowl,  or  a bit  of  iron,  or  a pig  if  the  village  be  a large  one 
is  usually  given.” 

The  large  Sibuyau  habitation  in  Lundu  has  been  thus  described  by  Sir 
Jas.  Brooke  : “ The  common  habitation,  as  rude  as  it  is  enormous,  measures 
594  feet  in  length,  and  the  front  room,  or  street,  is  the  entire  length  of  the 
building,  and  21  feet  broad.  The  back  part  is  divided  by  mat  partitions  into 
the  private  apartments  of  the  various  families,  and  of  these  there  are  forty-five 
separate  doors  leading  from  the  public  apartment.  The  widowers  and  young 
unmarried  men  occupy  the  public  room,  as  only  those  with  wives  are  entitled 
to  the  advantage  of  separate  rooms.  This  edifice  is  raised  twelve  feet  from 
the  ground,  and  the  means  of  ascent  is  by  the  trunk  of  a tree  with  notches  cut 
in  it — a most  difficult,  steep,  and  awkward  ladder.  In  front  is  a terrace  fifty 
feet  broad,  running  partially  along  the  front  of  the  building,  formed,  like  the 
floors,  of  split  bamboo.  This  platform,  as  well  as  the  front  room,  besides  the 
regular  inhabitants,  is  the  resort  of  pigs,  dogs,  birds,  monkeys,  and  fowls,  and 

presents  a glorious  scene  of 
confusion  and  bustle.  Here  the 
ordinary  occupations  of  domestic 
labour  are  carried  on — padi  ground, 
mats  made,  &c.,  &c.  There  were 
200  men,  women,  and  children 
counted  in  the  room  and  in  front 
whilst  we  were  there,  in  the  middle 
of  the  day  ; and,  allowing  for  those 
abroad  and  those  in  their  own 
rooms,  the  whole  community  can- 
not be  reckoned  at  less  than  400 
souls.  Overhead,  about  seven  feet 
high,  is  a second  crazy  storey,  on 
which  is  stowed  their  stores  of 
food  and  their  implements  of 
labour  and  of  war.  Along  the 


Made  out  of  natural  forms  with  gutta. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


5 The  old  women  carry  the  fire,  the  young  ones  rice  boiled  in  bamboo.  The  old  men  carry 
their  precious  jars,  the  wives  the  clothes  and  mosquito  curtains,  the  smaller  fry  whatever  they  can. 
(Crossland,  ibid.) 


Habitations. 


T-7 


large  room  are  hung  many  cots,  four  feet  long,  formed  of  the  hollow  trunk  of 
trees  cut  in  half,  which  answer  the  purposes  of  seats  by  day  and  beds  by 
night.”  (Keppel  i.  51.) 

Sir  Spencer  St.  John  measured  a Sibuyau  house  on  the  Lundu  as  534  feet 
long  containing  500  people,  (i.  7.)  It  is  of  either  of  these  two  houses  that  I 
think  Mr.  Marryat  writes  “the  town  was  surrounded  by  a strong  stockade6 
made  of  the  trunks  of  the  kneebone  [ nibong ] palm,  a wood  superior  in  dura- 
bility to  any  known.  This  stockade  had  but  one  opening  of  any  dimensions.” 
(p.  73.)  Another  house  also  of  the  Sibuyaus  on  the  Senange  branch  of  the 
Simunjan  river  “ is  partially  fortified  with  logs  of  trees,”  and  is  257  yards  = 
771  feet  long.  (Mundy  i.  232.)  This  house  is  the  longest  Sea  Dyak  house 
on  record.  “ Most  of  the  Sibuyau  village-houses  are  raised  about  eight  feet 
above  the  ground  ; but  some  are  twelve,  and  others  again  only  four  or  five. 
Externally,  they  are  all  weather-beaten,  gray,  and  wholly  unpicturesque- 
looking  structures,  but  sometimes  are  very  prettily  surrounded  by  banana  and 
cocoanut  trees.  Within,  they  are  clean  enough,  because  all  the  dirt  and  litter 
falls  of  itself  through  the  slatted  floor  ; but  the  ground  underneath  is  usually 
covered  with  litter,  perpetually  wet  and  mouldy  from  the  water  thrown  down 
through  the  floor  above,  and,  being  the  favourite  resort  of  the  pigs  of  the 
village,  often  smells  horribly.  Sometimes  the  pigs  are  kept  in  a sty  underneath 
the  long-house.  As  a matter  of  course,  the  old  villages  are  the  most  foul 
smelling.”  (Hornaday,  467.)  Elsewhere  the  same  traveller  records  on  the 
Simunjan  (p.  356) : “ Each  door  was  one  wide  board  with  a projecting  point 
at  the  bottom  for  it  to  turn  upon  in  lieu  of  a hinge.  On  one  of  the  doors 
nearest  us  I noticed  a figure  of  a crocodile  rudely  carved  in  low  relief.  The 
outline  was  very  good,  but  no  time  had  been  spent  in  working  out  the  details. 
The  side  of  the  house,  which  was  enclosed,  and  also  the  ends,  were  made  up 
of  wide  slabs  of  bark  lashed  to  the  framework.  The  roof  was  of  attap  or  large 
square  sections  of  palm-leaves  sewn  together  and  lashed  to  the  rafters  in 
courses,  like  shingles.” 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Horsburgh,  who  lived  among  the  Balaus,  thus  describes 
the  roof  material : “ The  roof  and  partitions  are  composed  of  attaps,  a kind  of 
thatch.  . . . It  is  made  of  the  leaves  of  the  Nipa,  a palm  which  grows  in 

the  mud  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  differs  from  most  other  palms  in 
having  no  trunk,  being  merely  a collection  of  fronds  proceeding  from  one  root. 
Each  frond  consists  of  a stem  or  midrib  about  twenty  or  thirty  feet  in  length, 
on  each  side  of  which  grow  a series  of  leaves,  two  or  three  feet  long,  and  two 

6 “ Some  villages  are  intrenched  and  provided  with  a strong  palisade  formed  of  the  trunks  of 

nibong  palms,  which  shelters  them  from  any  sudden  attack  in  case  of  unexpected  hostilities.”  . . 

On  the  upper  Doeson  the  palisades  consist  of  ironwood.  “ There  also  the  habitations  of  the  Dyaks 
are  raised  much  higher  above  the  ground,  that  is,  on  posts  twelve  to  fifteen  feet  high,  and  they  are 
moreover  of  very  considerable  dimensions,  as  140  feet  long  and  more  ; the  walls  and  the  roof 
consisting  merely  of  tree-bark  Such  a large  habitation  will  contain  twelve  or  fifteen  families,  so 
that  occasionally  they  shelter  forty  or  fifty  individuals.  The  Pari,  or  Parei  Dyaks,  celebrated  for 
the  bold  incursions  they  make  on  their  neighbours  as  well  as  the  savageness  of  their  customs,  and 
who  live  inland  toward  the  Koti  river,  have,  it  seems,  houses  which  are  several  hundred  feet  long 
and  which  shelter  400  or  500  individuals.  It  thus  comes  about  that  their  villages  consist  of  only  one 
or  two  sheds  of  equally  colossal  dimensions.”  (S.  Muller  ii.  359.) 

C 


VOL.  2. 


18  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

or  three  inches  broad.  To  form  attaps,  the  Dvaks  cut  off  these  leaves,  and 
double  them  over  a stick  a yard  long,  making  them  overlap  each  other,  so  as 
to  be  impervious  to  rain.  They  then  sew  or  interlace  them  all  firmly  with 
split  rattans  ; thus  forming  a sort  of  leaf-tile,  at  once  strong  and  light,  and 
well  adapted  for  excluding  both  sun  and  rain.”  (p.  16.) 

“ The  natives  of  Sarawak  depend  a great  deal  on  the  various  barks  of 
those  trees  from  which  it  can  be  stripped  in  quantities  without  splitting. 
They  house  their  paddy  in  the  bark  of  the  Impenit  tree,  and  one  good  coil  or 
strip  can  easily  hold  a ton  of  paddy;  again,  they  greatly  depend  on  the  Ramin 
tree  for  covering  the  tops  of  the  roofs  of  their  houses,  as  it  is  perfectly  water- 
proof and  very  durable  ; the  bark  of  the  Barn  tree  is  strong  and  handy  for 
fastening  things  together  and  lasts  for  several  months,  thereby  dispensing 
with  the  use  of  rattan,  which  naturally  every  year  grows  scarcer  in  the 
country,  and  therefore  more  expensive.”  (S.G.  1894,  p.  121.) 

“ The  (Milanows)  houses  were  formerly  built  on  posts  of  hard  wood, 
raised  about  40  feet  from  the  ground,  for  protection  against  their  enemies. 
Several  of  these  houses  still  stand,  but  they  are  never  replaced  or  rebuilt  now, 
as,  under  Sarawak  rule,  peace  and  order  have  been  restored.”  (Crocker, 
Proc.  R.  Geogr.  S.,  1881,  p.  199.)  But  in  Sir  Sp.  St.  John’s  time  the  houses 
were  still  “ built  on  lofty  posts,  or  rather  whole  trunks  of  trees,  as  a defence 
against  the  Seribas.”  (St.  John  i.  35.) 

“ On  the  way  up  to  Mukah  I stopped  at  Lelac,  where  are  the  remains  of  a 
long  Milanow  house.  The  iron  wood  posts  are  still  standing,  although  great 
forest  trees  have  grown  about  and  among  them.  Menjanei,  one  of  my 
Milanow  chiefs,  who  was  with  me,  said  that  his  great  grandfather,  named 
Bugad,  was  the  chief  of  Lelac,  and  in  consequence  of  the  inconstancy  of  his 
wife,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Kyans  and  destroyed  the  place,  and  all  his 
own  people  who  happened  to  be  at  home.  The  ruins  are  96  fathoms  (672ft.) 
in  length.”  (Hose,  Proc.  R.  Geogr.  Soc.,  xvii.,  1873,  p.  133.) 

Capt.  Mundy  incidentally  refers  to  the  Milanow  village  of  Palo,  then 
recently  destroyed  by  the  Kanowits,  which,  “ like  Rejang,  is,  or  rather  was,  a 
collection  of  houses  built  on  the  summit  of  immense  piles,  forty  feet  from  the 
ground.”  (ii.  124.) 

On  the  Limbang  river,  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  finds  “the  old  posts  of  the 
houses  are  removed  ; being  of  iron  wood  they  will  last  for  a century.  In  fact, 
in  many  of  the  villages  they  have  them,  descended,  it  is  said,  from  a long  line 
of  ancestors,  and  these  they  remove  with  them  wherever  they  may  establish 
themselves.  Time  and  wear  have  reduced  many  of  them  to  less  than  five 
inches  in  diameter,  the  very  heart  of  the  tree,  now  black  with  age  and 
exposure.”  (ii.  32.) 

As  to  the  Kayan  houses  on  the  Baram  river,  he  says  : “ Singauding’s  house 
was  of  a similar  construction  to  those  of  the  Sea  Dyaks,  . . . with  small 

doors  about  two  feet  above  the  floor,  leading  into  the  inner  rooms.”  {ibid, 
i.  101.) 

“ Every  Kayan  chief  of  consideration  possesses  a kind  of  seat  in  a huge  slab 
cut  out  of  the  buttresses  of  the  tapang  tree  ; and  this  seat  descends  from 
father  to  son,  till  it  is  polished  and  black  with  age.  Singauding  gave  me  one, 


Town  of  Kenowit,  Rejang  River. 

(Drawn  by  Mr.  B.  Urban  Vigors,  Illus.  Lond.  News,  Nov.  io,  1849.) 


20  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

measuring  ten  feet  six  inches  by  six  feet  six  inches.”  (ibid,  i.  102.)  “ I looked 
about  the  house  to-day,  and  though  it  is  boarded  all  through,  and,  therefore, 
more  substantial  than  those  of  the  Sea  Dayaks,  yet  it  did  not  appear  so  bright 
and  cheerful  as  the  light  yellow  matted  walls  of  the  latter.  I never  saw  so  much 
firewood  collected  together  as  in  these  houses  : on  a fine  framework,  spreading 
partly  over  the  verandah  and  partly  over  their  rooms,  many  months’  supplies 
are  piled  even  to  the  roof.”  (ibid,  i.  109.) 

The  Kenowit  village,  where  afterwards  a fort  was  built,  and  where  Messrs. 
Steele  and  Fox  were  murdered,  is  thus  described  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  : “ The 
village  consisted  of  two  long  houses,  one  measuring  200  feet,  the  other  475. 
They  were  built  on  posts  about  forty  feet  in  height  and  some  eighteen  inches 
in  diameter.  The  reason  they  give  for  making  their  posts  so  thick  is  this  : 
that  when  the  Kayans  attack  a village  they  drag  one  of  their  long  tanmis  or 
war  boats  ashore,  and,  turning  it  over,  use  it  as  a monstrous  shield.  About  fifty 
bear  it  on  their  heads  till  they  arrive  at  the  ill-made  palisades  that  surround 
the  hamlets,  which  they  have  little  difficulty  in  demolishing  ; they  then  get 
under  the  house,  and  endeavour  to  cut  away  the  posts,  being  well  protected 
from  the  villagers  above  by  their  extemporized  shield.  If  the  posts  are  thin 
the  assailants  quickly  gain  the  victory  ; if  very  thick,  it  gives  the  garrison  time 
to  defeat  them  by  allowing  heavy  beams  and  stones  to  fall  upon  the  boat,  and 
even  to  bring  their  little  brass  war  pieces  to  bear  upon  it ; the  Kayans  will  fly 
if  they  suffer  a slight  loss.”  (ibid,  i.  38.) 

This  building  would  appear  to  be  the  same  as  that  mentioned  by  Sir  H. 
Keppell  (Meander  i.  177.)  and  by  Captain  Mundy,  who  says:  “I  could  just  stand 
upright  in  the  room,  and  looking  down  at  the  scene  below  might  have  fancied 
myself  on  the  top-mast  cross-trees.”  (ii.  125.) 

On  the  Baram  river  the  “ houses  usually  stand  about  20  feet  above  the 
ground,  on  huge  posts  made  of  billian  and  other  hard  woods,  and  sometimes 
are  400  yards  [sfc]  in  length,  and  often  hold  over  a hundred  families  ; a shingle 
roofed  verandah  runs  along  the  front  of  the  house  for  its  entire  length,  and 
from  this  there  is  a door  leading  to  each  room  in  the  house,  the  said  rooms 
each  measuring  some  7 yards  in  length  by  3 in  breadth,  and  containing  five 
people  on  an  average.  Excellent  workmanship  is  displayed  in  the  construction 
of  these  houses,  which  are  very  massive  throughout,  the  floors  (to  mention  one 
item)  being  usually  of  planks  about  30  feet  long  and  4 feet  wide,  with  a 
thickness  of  2 inches.  All  the  parts  of  the  house  are  made  ready  for  putting 
together,  and  then  on  a given  day,  when  the  omens  have  been  consulted,  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  lends  a hand,  each  contributing  in  one  fashion  or 
another  a measure  of  assistance  towards  the  labour  of  erecting  the  structure, 
and  while  this  is  proceeding  a few  small  boys  are  told  off  to  beat  gongs  and 
make  a noise  in  order  that  bad  omens  may  not  be  heard  after  a good  augury 
has  been  obtained. 

“ These  long  houses  are  sometimes  erected  in  two  or  three  days,  all 
labouring  to  the  greatest  extent  of  their  capacity,  while  the  chief  keeps  order 
and  gives  directions,  and  the  amount  of  work  which  is  crowded  into  so  short  a 
space  of  time  is  wonderful  to  contemplate.  The  furniture  of  these  dwellings 
consists  of  a fire-place,  a few  rude  stools,  and  chairs  carved  out  of  one  solid 


Habitations. 


21 


block  of  wood,  are  sometimes  to  be  seen  ; huge  slabs  of  wood,  measuring  8 
feet  by  7 feet,  are  used  for  seats,  and  a description  of  shelves  are  sometimes 
put  up  in  order  to  provide  beds  for  the  young  unmarried  men  ; mats,  very 
neatly  made  of  rattans,  serve  as  sleeping  mats,  and  to  cover  the  floor  ; and  the 
firewood  is  all  stacked  ready  for  use  in  the  empty  space  above  the  room.” 
(Hose,  xxiii.  J.  A.  I.  161.) 


Diagram  to  show 
how  panelling  is 
made  of  bark  or 
planks  for  parti- 
tion. 

(From  a sketch  by  Mr. 
Leggatt.) 


"The  cross  piece  is  fixed  to  the 
upright  post  A B by  rotan,  which 
is  first  attached  by  a running  knot 
below  the  cross  piece  that  is  round 
A,  and  close  up  under  C D as 
shown  by  E F ; the  end  is  then 
carried  in  front  over  C from  E 
to  G,  then  behind  B to  H,  down 
in  front  of  D to  F ; this  process 
is  repeated  several  times  and 
then  the  rotan  is  taken  behind  A 
to  E,  crossing  A B diagonally  to 
H,  and  behind  B to  G,  crossing 
A B again  diagonally  to  F.” 

(F.  W.  Leggatt). 


Post  Rammers. 

About  6ft.  long 
and  ioin.  wide  at 
bottom. 


Diagram  to  show  how  post  holes  are  made. 
A hole  about  4ft.  deep,  i8in.  wide  at  top, 
about  i2in.  at  bottom  ; B scuppet;  C post  to 
be  set  up,  about  gin.  in  diam. ; D roller.  The 
scuppet  is  rammed  down  with  a twisted 
motion  and  water  poured  into  the  hole  ; the 
resultant  mud  cloggs  inside,  the  scuppet  is 
drawn  out  and  the  mud  removed. 


(Crossland.) 


(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 


Bishop  McDougall  mentions  the  raised  seats  of  polished  wood,  round  the 
Kyan  rooms  (Mrs.  McDougall,  p.  158)  : “ Kinah  houses  are  packed  close 
together,  and  there  are  originally  three  in  a row,  without  any  intermediate 
space.  The  floor  is  only  four  feet  from  the  ground,  and  anyone  can  jump  in.” 
(Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  houses  at  Tambunan  are  roofed  with  bamboo,  and  frequently 
the  roof  is  horizontal,  making  these  dwellings  look  like  cages.  . . . The 

people  are  sadly  infested  with  lice.”  (Witti  Diary,  29  Nov.)  Mr.  Hatton 
complains  he  “ had  to  bend  almost  double  to  walk  about  in  a Dusun’s  house. 
The  roof  was  covered  with  the  smoke  and  dust,  and  there  being  no  chimneys 
to  conduct  away  the  smoke  from  the  cooking-fires,  it  curls  up  and 
hangs  about  the  house,  and  finds  its  way  out  through  holes  in  the  roof.” 
(Hatton,  p.  165.)  “ The  Danas  people  have  a kind  of  second  story  to  their 

houses  to  which  they  climb  in  the  wet  season,  when  all  the  lower  part  is 
under  water.  They  told  me  that  in  the  wet  season  the  whole  of  the  plain  was 
a sheet  of  water  for  more  than  a month.”  (Hatton  Diary,  nth  April.)  “ The 


22  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Bungal  Ida  an  (Dusun)  house  in  which  we  lodged  was  the  best  I have  ever 
seen  among  the  aborigines  : it  was  boarded  with  finely-worked  planks  ; the 
doors  were  strong  and  excellently  made,  with  a small  opening  for  the  dogs 


to  go  in  and  out ; everything  looked  clean- 


Diagram  to  show  Undup  method  of  building  the  Tanju  (platform). 
A main  post ; B beam  ; C cross  piece  ; D joists ; E lanties  of  nibong 
palm  (if  rich),  of  bambu  (if  poor). 

(From  sketch  by  Mr.  Crossland.) 


quite  an  unusual  peculiarity. 

The  flooring  of 
beaten-out  bamboos 
was  very  neat,  and 
free  from  all  dirt, 
which  I have  never 
before  noticed  in  a 
Dayak  house,  where 
the  dogs  generally 
render  everything 
filthy.  As  this  was 
the  cleanest,  so  I 
think  my  friend  the 
Bisayan  chief’ s 
house  on  the  Lim- 
bang  was  the  dirtiest 
reader’s  stomach.”  (St.  John 


— to  describe  its  abominations  would  turn  the 
i.  248.)  “ The  dwellings  which,  near  the  coast,  are  generally  of  atap  or  thatch 

made  from  the  leaves  of  the 
nipa  palm,  are  here  (among 
the  Dusuns)  nearly  entirely 
of  bamboo,  the  roof  being 
thatched  with  atap  of  cocoanut 


or  the  sago  palm.” 
P-  255-) 


(Burbidge, 


“ The  Dusun  long  house  is 


Cuts  in  Posts 

For  supporting  beams,  cross  pieces,  &c.  Cut  as  A when 
the  cross  piece  is  left  in  the  round  and  as  B when  the  cross 
piece  is  cut  similarly  to  C. 

(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  F.  W.  Leggatt.) 


built  like  those  of  the  Muruts 
and  Bissayas  on  the  Limbang 
with  the  single  exception  that 
the  floor  is  not  so  high  above 
the  ground  and  that  the  front 
is  open  or  nearly  open  while 
the  front  of  the  Murut  houses 

is  closed,  and  besides  the  doorway  there  is  a narrow  opening  along  the 
whole  length  of  the  building  which  serves  as  a window  and  can  be  used  as  a 
loophole  against  the  enemy  when  attacked.  Nor  did  I see  any  stockaded 
Dusun  house  in  North  Borneo.  The  house  is  completely  built  out  of  neat 
bambu,  the  main  entrance  is  at  the  end  of  the  house.  On  the  left  is  a 
verandah  roofed  over  against  sun  and  storm  ; on  the  right  are  the  long 
rows  of  chambers  for  women  and  married  people  ; the  unmarried  have  no 
chambers.  Above  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  is  stored.  ...  At  the 
end  of  the  house  is  a raised  platform  for  visitors.  (De  Crespigny  Berl.  Zeit. 
N.  F.,  v.  335.)  Elsewhere  the  same  traveller  says  everything  is  kept  as  clean 
as  a new  pin.”  (Proc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Soc.  ii.,  1858,  344.) 


Habitations. 


23 


Among  the  Kiaus  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  discovered  a “ house  better 
arranged  than  the  ordinary  Sea  Dyak  ones.  Instead  of  having  the  whole  floor 
on  a level  with  the  door,  they  had  a passage  leading  through  the  house : on 
one  side  the  private  apartments ; on  the  other,  a raised  platform  on  which 
the  lads  and  unmarried  men  slept.  We  found  this  very  comfortable  as  the 
dogs  were  not  permitted  to  wander  over  it.”  (i.  312.)  “ Some  of  the  tribes 

in  the  Tawaran  have  followed  the  Malay  fashion  of  living  in  small  houses 
suitable  for  a single  family.”  (ibid,  i.  374.) 


PRl  VAT 

E APA 

RTM  EN 

TS 

PATH 


HEARTH 


PUBLIC  ROOM 


HEARTH 


HEARTH 


< 

n 

> 

z 

a 

> 


Plan  of  Large  Dusun  House  at  Kiau.  N.W.  Borneo. 

(After  Burbidge,  p.  96.) 

“ Dusuns  are  decidedly  of  a social  turn  of  mind,  assembling  in  small 
working-parties,  after  the  day’s  toil  is  done,  at  each  other’s  houses.  Light  is 


sleeping  room 

SLEEPING  ROOM 

HEARTH 
LARGE  PUBLIC  ROOM 

VERANDAH 

Plan  of  Dusun  Cottage.  N.W.  Borneo. 
(After  Burbidge,  p.  85.) 


admitted  by  windows  and  small  doorways  in  the  plank  sides ; the  shutters 
have  rattan  hinges.  In  some  houses  the  whole  of  one  side  of  the  public 
apartment  is  open.  As  there  is  no  special  outlet  for  the  smoke,  the  roof  and 
nearly  everything  inside  is  black  and  dirty.  A house  lasts  from  five  to  seven 
years  when  it  falls  or  is  pulled  down,  the  plank  sides  being  used  again  for  the 


24 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


> 

5 

E 

rt 

u 

rt 

« 

ri 


new  one.  Some  of  these  planks  are  of  great  age,  and  it  is  wonderful  how 
smooth  they  are  considering  the  tools  at  their  command.  The  floors  are 
made  of  bamboo  ; the  bamboo  is  split  from  end  to  end  when 
green,  then  each  joint  is  cut  through  in  many  places  ; after 
this  operation  the  bamboo  is  forced  open  and  laid  flat  on 
the  ground,  heavy  stones  being  placed  on  it  to  keep  it  so 
until  dry,  when  it  remains  perfectly  flat  and  soon  becomes 
beautifully  polished,  but,  I am  sorry  to  say,  affords  a 
splendid  covert  between  the  tiny  cracks  for  numerous 
specimens  of  most  disgusting  insects.  The  bugs  which 
infest  these  floors,  at  times  become  sufficiently  troublesome 
for  the  Dusuns  even  to  take  an  interest  in  their  ever- 
increasing  numbers.  It  is  no  uncommon  sight  to  see  a 
Dusun  who  is  patiently  working  at  a rope  or  fishing-net, 
suddenly  jump  up  and  commence  scratching  himself;  then 
he  walks  to  the  fireplace,  on  which  he  proceeds  to  boil 
some  water  in  his  small  earthenware  cooking-pot ; this, 
when  ready,  he  pours  over  these  bug-infested  planks,  and 
once  more  proceeds  with  his  occupation.  As  most  Dusuns 
at  home  wear  the  chawat,  their  interest  in  these  pests  may 
be  well  understood.  . . . The  fire  is  made  on  a mud 

hearth,  and  has  a light  bamboo  framework  built  over  it,  for 
drying  rice  and  placing  a few  earthen  cooking-pots.” 
(Whitehead,  p.  105.) 

“Among  the  Dusuns,  on  building  a new  house,  to 
insure  the  inmates  from  devils  and  bad  luck,  a long  ceremony 
is  held  over  a pig.  This  animal  is  tied  down  and  a nice 
tray  is  placed  over  it  to  keep  off  the  sun  ; the  priestesses  and 
the  female  occupants  of  the  new  house  stand  in  front  of 
the  pig  with  the  household  bunches  of  charms,  and  coco- 
nut-shells filled  with  water,  with  which  the  pig  is  sprinkled  ; 
after  nearly  an  hour’s  incantation,  accompanied  by  the 
klicking  of  small  flat  pieces  of  metal  held  by  the  women 
in  their  hands,  the  pig  is  taken  by  the  men  into  the  new 
house  and  there  killed,  and  afterwards  forms  part  of  the 
evening’s  feast.”  (ibid,  p.  no.) 

As  we  have  seen  above,  Mr.  De  Crespigny  has  referred 
to  the  Murut  houses  ; in  the  same  paper  he  also  refers  to 
stockaded  Murut  houses  (p.  328)  but  he  describes  none. 
For  the  only  account  of  a Murut  house  we  must  tender  our 
thanks  to  Mr.  O.  F.  Ricketts  : “ Murut  houses  are  of  the 
most  temporary  description;  in  the  case  of  the  interior 
tribes  it  is  owing  to  the  fact  that  they  shift  their  locality 
about  every  year  in  order  to  take  up  fresh  land  for  their 
paddy ; but  in  the  case  of  those  in  the  lower  river  it  would 
appear  to  be  to  save  trouble  as  the  land  they  cultivate  is 
always  close  to  them,  being  planted  in  alternate  years.  A 


jtJ 

2 

u 

rt 

JG 


C 

rt 

Pi 

rt 


Habitations. 


25 


house  that  is  250  to  300  feet  long  containing  about  30  doors  is  the  largest 
built  and  is  the  exception,  generally  being  half  that  size  ; the  plan  is  much 
the  same  as  those  of  other  tribes,  one  half  length  ways  being  divided  into 
rooms  for  the  families,  the  other  half  forming  a verandah  but  closed  in,  a 
space  being  left  all  along  the  wall  about  a foot  wide  for  lights ; this  can  be 
closed  by  a plank  which  slides  over  the  aperture.  The  roof  is  generally  too 
low  for  a European  to  walk  under  upright  and  the  floor  requires  treading  with 
caution,  though  the  Muruts  themselves  stump  over  it  as  if  it  was  solid  brick.” 
(S.  G.,  No.  347,  p.  214.) 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  by  far  the  larger  portion  of  the  natives 
live  in  long  houses  where  by  means  of  their  large  numbers  the  people  are 
better  placed  for  withstanding  attacks.  As  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  remarks  of 
Pangalan  Tarap,  that  much  harassed  village  : “ The  detached  house  system, 
so  progressive  with  security,  does  not  answer  in  a country  exposed  to 
periodical  incursions.”  (ii.  29.)  It  seems,  however,  to  have  been  the  opinion 
once  that  the  life  in  these  long  houses  was  better  than  that  in  detached 
ones.  Thus  Bishop  Chambers  wrote  in  1859 : “ I am  persuaded  that  this 
social  and  communal  life  has  had  a great  influence  in  preserving  the 
people  from  barbarism  ; and  that  the  consequent  shame  of  doing  anything 
condemned  by  their  code  of  morality  exercises  a very  powerful  influence  in 
preserving  them  from  acts  of  fraud,  baseness  and  cruelty.”  (Miss.  Field, 
1859,  p.  58.) 

But  a more  intimate  knowledge  of  this  life  in  the  long  houses  has  not 
confirmed  the  Bishop’s  opinion.  As  a Batang  Lupar  correspondent  of  the 
“Sarawak  Gazette”  put  it  as  recently  as  1894  (p.  67):  “The  practice  of 
herding  together  in  long  houses  prevents  mental  and  moral  improvement  and 
hinders  advance  in  gardening  and  planting  and  agricultural  development 
generally.” 

“ The  Land  Dyaks  carry  their  paths  straight  over  the  mountains,  irre- 
spective of  height  or  difficulty  of  ascent,  the  idea  of  making  a detour  round  the 
base  never  seems  to  have  struck  them.”  (Chalmers  O.P.,  p.  5.)  “ The  object 

of  the  paths,  until  recently,  has  seldom  been  to  connect  the  villages,  and 
render  communication  between  them  easy,  but  this  has  generally  been 
fortuitously  brought  about  by  the  paths  leading  to  the  farms  of  the  neighbour- 
ing tribes  meeting  each  other.” 

“All  the  paths  of  the  Land  Dyaks  are  formed  of  the  stems  of  trees,  raised 
two  feet  above  the  ground,  on  supports  placed  under  them.  Sometimes  larger 
trees  are  employed,  but  the  usual  size  is  about  three  inches  in  diameter  ; the 
bark  from  the  upper  surface,  as  they  lie  in  their  horizontal  position,  together 
with  a portion  of  the  wood,  is  cut  off,  so  as  to  leave  a flat  rough  surface  for 
the  foot  of  the  wayfarer  ; in  good  roads,  and  where  bamboos  are  abundant, 
these  canes  are  employed,  two  large  ones  laid  parallel  with  each  other, 
forming  the  breadth  of  the  path;  but  as  bamboos  more  readily  decay 
than  the  wood  of  which  the  more  common  path  is  made,  these,  though  much 
preferable  when  new,  and  in  dry  weather,  are  more  troublesome  when  old 
and  decaying,  or  from  the  slippery  surface  of  the  bamboo  on  rainy  days.” 
(Low,  p.  285,  &c.) 


26 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


These  bambu  paths  are  called  batangs,  and  most  writers  have  given 
accounts  of  the  awkwardness  they  experience  in  walking  along  the  top 
of  them.  Sir  Charles  Brooke  describes  these  paths  as  “ an  introduction 
to  a new  style  of  walking,  resembling  tight-rope  manoeuvring  more  than 
any  other.  Some  of  these  trees  were  six  or  eight  feet  above  the  ground.” 
(i.  18.) 

“ In  some  of  the  Land  Dyak  villages  the  custom  prevails  of  carrying  the 
batangs  and  bamboos  which  constitute  the  road  immediately  under  the  houses 
and  verandahs,  thus  laying  the  unwary  traveller  open  to  receiving  slops  and 
refuse  on  his  head  through  the  lantis  above,  besides  keeping  the  path  always 
dirty.”  (Denison,  ch.  viii.,  p.  87.) 

“ It  is  no  easy  matter  to  move  about  at  any  time  in  a Land  Dyak  village, 
where  the  paths  are  but  batangs,  and  where  filth,  offal,  and  dirt  surround  you 
on  every  side;  in  the  dark  it  was  simply  out  of  the  question”  (ibid,  ch.iii.,  p.30.) ; 
but  Mr.  Grant  mentions  once  (p.  7),  that  “cocoa-nut  leaves  were  laid  down 

where  the  path  was  dirty,  and  over 
these  we  passed  till  we  arrived  at  the 
Orang  Kaya’s  house.” 

Miss  Coomes  tells  us  that  once  at 
Lundu  : “ Mr.  Gomez  proposed  a walk 
round  the  village,  there  being  what  he 
called  a good  road.  In  front  of  the 
Dyak  houses  there  is  indeed  a very 
good  path,  being  in  some  parts  three 
feet  wide,  beneath  a grove  of  palm- 
trees  ; but,  beyond  that,  it  puzzled  me 
sadly  to  find  any  path  at  all.  Mr. 
Gomez  led  the  way;  and,  although  a 
tall  stout  man,  he  was  often  hidden  by 
the  long  grass.  I had  to  fight  my  way 
through  the  bushes,  and  returned,  after 
an  hour's  ramble,  wet  to  the  waist.” 
(Gosp.  Miss.,  1858,  p.  119.)  Mr.  Burbidge  speaks  of  “a  rather  rough  walk 
through  long  grass,  in  which  ugly  concealed  logs  were  plentiful.”  (p.  60.)  “ In 
carrying  a path  along  the  face  of  a precipice,  trees  and  roots  are  made  use  of  for 
suspension  ; struts  arise  from  suitable  notches  or  crevices  in  the  rocks,  and  if 
these  are  not  sufficient,  immense  bamboos,  fifty  or  sixty  feet  long,  are  fixed  on 
the  banks  or  on  the  branch  of  a tree  below.  . . . When  a path  goes  over 

very  steep  ground,  and  becomes  slippery  in  very  wet  or  very  dry  weather,  the 
bamboo  is  used  in  another  way.  Pieces  are  cut  about  a yard  long,  and 
opposite  notches  being  made  at  each  end,  holes  are  formed  through  which  pegs 
are  driven,  and  firm  and  convenient  steps  are  thus  formed  with  the  greatest 
ease  and  celerity.  It  is  true  that  much  of  this  will  decay  in  one  or  two 
seasons,  but  it  can  be  so  quickly  replaced  as  to  make  it  more  economical  than 
using  a harder  and  more  durable  wood.”  (Wallace  i.  122,  124.)  Mr.  Grant 
(p.  49)  likewise  refers  to  pegs  being  driven  into  the  mountain  paths.  On  the 
Jagui  mountain,  Mr.  Denison  says:  “The  climbing  was  of  the  steepest 


(From  a sketch  by  Mr.  H.  H.  Everett,  in  Mr.  Hornaday’s 
“Two  Years  in  the  Jungle.") 


Habitations. 


27 


description,  being  simply  a series  of  steps  or  pieces  of  wood  placed  zig-zag 
along  the  sides  of  the  hill,  like  ladders,  and  occasionally  perpendicularly.  We 
counted  no  less  than  2,476  of  these  steps,  some  of  which  were  the  roots  of 
trees,  and  I may  describe  my  progress  as  an  eternal  getting  upstairs.” 
(ch.  iii.,  p.  31.) 

There  are  many  bridges,  and  they  “ are  generally  very  picturesque. 
They  are  made  where  the  river  is  narrow,  and  where  two  trees,  one  on  each 
side,  overhang  the  stream.  Amid  the  branches  of  one  is  placed  a long  thick 
bamboo,  which  reaches  to  the  branches  of  the  tree  on  the  other  side  ; but  if 
it  prove  too  short,  two  bamboos  are  lashed  together  with  rattans  and  creepers. 
This  is  the  footway.  Next,  long  thin  bamboos  are  suspended  from  the  upper 
branches  of  the  trees,  the  lower  ends  being  tied  to  the  footway  before  made, 
and  fixed  crosswise  below  it.  Rattans  and  creepers  are  also  brought  into 
requisition,  to  strengthen  and  steady  the  bridge  ; these  are  the  suspenders. 
Another  bamboo  is  tied  along  the  suspending  bamboos,  on  each  side  the 
footway,  to  serve  for  railings.  The  general  appearance  of  this  primitive 
bridge,  with  a rapid  stream  running  under  it,  is  very  pretty,  especially  as  the 
banks  of  the  rivers  are  in 
general  beautifully  lined 
with  trees  and  masses  of 
rock.  By  a sloping  ladder 
of  the  usual  description, 
the  bridge  is  connected 
with  the  banks  on  each 
side  of  the  stream,  but 
the  whole  thing  is  more 
picturesque  to  the  eye 
than  safe  for  the  person 
of  the  novice  in  jungle 
travelling.”  (Grant,  p. 

33-) 

Mr.  Denison  speaks 
of  a bridge  amongst  the 
Grogo  Dyaks  “which  was 
constructed  of  jungle 
wood  and  bamboo  and  was  138  feet  in  length  and  most  skilfully  put  together.” 
(ch.  iii.  p.  28.)  Mr,  Wallace  says  “ some  of  these  bridges  were  several 

hundred  feet  long  and  fifty  or  sixty  high The  bridge  is  partly 

suspended  and  partly  supported  by  diagonal  struts  from  the  banks,  so  as  to 
avoid  placing  posts  in  the  stream  itself,  which  would  be  liable  to  be  carried 
away  by  floods.”  (i.  114  and  122.)  Sir  Hugh  Low  describes  the  bridges 
(p.  286)  and  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  remarks  on  their  lightness  and  elegance  and  also 
on  their  apparent  flimsiness  (i.  139).  Mr.  Burbidge  complains  that  “ the  only 
bridges  across  the  streams  were  formed  of  a single  tree-trunk,  often  a very 
slender  one  not  perfectly  straight,  so  that  when  a particular  part  of  it  was 
reached  in  one’s  journey  across,  it  had  a treacherous  knack  of  turning  round 
and  landing  one  in  muddy  water  up  to  the  neck.  The  natives  are  used  to 


Sea  Dyak  Abode  and  Bridge. 
(Sir  Chas.  Brooke's  “ Ten  Years,”  i.  220.) 


28 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


such  slender  makeshifts  for  bridges,  and,  being  barefoot,  are  as  sure-footed 
as  goats.”  (p.  60.) 


Undup  Bambu 
Design. 


Design  on  Bambu  Box. 


Leaf 


This  design  is  made  the  reverse 
way  to  those  below  ; the  black 
portions  still  represent  the  natural 
outer  skin  of  the  bambu. 


wrapped  round 
dragons’  blood. 
J real  size.  S.E 
Borneo. 


(Crossland  Coll.) 


(Amsterdam  Mus.) 


(Leiden  Mus.) 


aZaZl 


Designs  on  Bambu  Boxes.  £ real  size. 

(Crossland  Coll.) 

For  method  of  engraving,  see  p.  241. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


WEAVING,  DYEING,  AND  DRESSMAKING.  TRIBAL  DRESSES. 

DRESS  IN  DETAIL. 

WEAVING,  DYEING,  AND  DRESSMAKING. — Weaving— Dyeing — Weaving — Eye  for  colour 
— Native  cloth  — Cotton  — Jacket  making — Petticoat  making — Lanun  cloth — Chawats — The 
Artocarpus — The  Kulit  tekalong — Antiaris  toxicaria  - Bark  cloths — Artocarpus  elastica — Lamba  fibre 
(i Curculigo  latifolia) — A jacket  made  of  a towel — Great  variety  in  dress. 

TRIBAL  DRESSES. — Land  Dyaks  : Sauhs,  Serambo,  and  Singe  general  dress — The  Rambi — 
Method  of  fastening  petticoat — Tringus  dress — Curious  head  dress— the  Seladan.  Sea  Dyaks  : 
Love  of  finer}'  — Ornaments — Batang  Lupars  — Drowning  through  weight  of  ornaments. 
Malanaus  : General  dress.  Dusuns  : General  dress— Breast  cloth.  Muruts:  General  dress. 
DRESS  IN  DETAIL.  — Corsets — Rambi  ( rawai ) — Tinchien — Tina-lumiet  — Land  and  Sea  Dyak 
corsets — Jackets:  Varieties  of.  Petticoats:  Ornaments  to — Expensiveness — Shortness  of— 
Chawats:  Description— Tribal  disposal  of — Variations  of— Trousers  coming  in.  Hip  Lace: 
Description — Value  of.  Mat  Seats.  Rain  Mats.  HeadDresses:  Great  varieties  of — Beads — 
Labongs — Se lapoks— -Bark  fillets — Hair  dressing — Balong — Heads  having — Hair  cut  to  look  fierce 
— Flowing  hair — Grotesque  caps — a la  Chinoise — Flowers — Children’s  head  shaving — Hairpins — 
Coloured  beads — Cloths — Sou’westers — Monkey  skins.  Ear  Ornaments:  Grunyong  — Ear  lobe 
extensions  — Ugliness  of  — Langgu — Tinggu — Animals’  teeth  — Heavy  brass  earrings  — Tusok 
pendieng — Buttons — Discs  or  ear  plugs — Verdigris.  Necklets,  Armlets,  Leglets  : Beads — 
Porcelain — Shell — Tapang  wood — Animal  teeth  necklaces — Charms — Simpai  lengan — Rangki — 
Tumpa — Hongkong  rekong — Tinchien — Tunjok — Ngkrimoks — Selong—Lukut  sekala — Spiral  collars. 

WEAVING,  DYEING,  AND  DRESSMAKING. 

“ The  cloth  which  the  Balaus  weave  is  of  two  kinds,  striped  and  figured,  the 
former  for  their  jackets,  and  the  latter  for  their  bidangs  or  petticoats.  The 
former  is  made  by  employing  successively  threads  of  different  colours  in 
stretching  the  web  ; the  latter  is  produced  by  a more  difficult  and  elaborate 
process.  After  the  web  has  been  stretched  (for  which,  in  this  case,  undyed 
thread  is  employed)  the  work-woman  sketches  on  the  extended  threads  the 
pattern  which  she  purposes  shall  appear  on  the  cloth,  and  carefully  notes  the 
intended  colours  of  the  various  scrolls.  Supposing  she  intends  the  pattern  to 
be  of  three  colours,  blue,  red,  and  yellow,  she  proceeds  as  follows  : — She 
takes  up  a dozen  or  a score  of  the  threads  of  the  web  (according  as  the 
exigencies  of  the  pattern  will  permit  her)  and  wraps  a quantity  of  vegetable 
fibre  tightly  round  those  parts  of  them  which  are  intended  to  be  red  and 
yellow,  leaving  exposed  those  portions  which  are  intended  to  be  blue.  After 
she  has  in  this  manner  gone  over  the  whole  web,  she  immerses  it  in  a blue 
dye,  which,  while  it  takes  hold  of  the  exposed  portions  of  the  threads,  is 
prevented  by  the  vegetable  fibre  from  colouring  those  portions  which  are 
intended  to  be  red  and  yellow.  After  it  has  been  dried  the  vegetable  fibre  is 
cut  off ; and  when  the  web  is  now  stretched  out  the  blue  portion  of  the 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

pattern  is  seen  depicted.  In  a similar  manner  the  red  and  yellow  colours  are 
applied,  and  thus  the  whole  web  is  dyed  of  the  required  pattern.  The  weft 
is  of  one  uniform  colour,  generally  brown.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  43.) 


Dusun  Loom 
(Brit.  Mas.) 


Of  the  Sea  Dyaks  Mr.  Thos.  S.  Chapman  writes  : “ At  present  there  are 
only  two  kinds  of  looms,  the  tumpoh,  at  which  the  weaver  sits  on  the  floor 
and  uses  the  hands  only;  and  the  tcnjak,  at  which  the  weaver  sits  on  a 
bench,  and  uses  hands  and  feet,  the  latter  working  treadles.  The  cloths  are 


Weaving,  Dyeing,  and  Dressmaking. 


3i 


much  better  and  closer  woven  in  the  tumpoh  looms.  Both  looms  are 
picturesquely  clumsy,  and  the  work  slow.  . . . The  natives  here  do 

certainly  seem  to  me  to  blend  their  most  brilliant  dyes  by  instinct.  I once 
watched  a woman  arrange  the  coloured  threads  for  a tartan,  and  she 
evidently  worked  neither  by  rule  nor  pattern,  indeed,  she  consulted  me  now 
and  then,  but  I evading  to  give  any  advice,  she  finished  her  design  and  the 
tartan  eventually  turned  out  charming,  to  my  great  admiration.  Then  there 
is  no  lack  of  industry  among  our  native  women  weavers  (for  women  only,  as 
a rule,  weave  out  here)  and  no  lack  of  energy  in  learning  the  craft,  which  is 
tedious  enough  even  when  learnt  : but  their  love  for  their  old  fashions  and 
customs  stands  much  in  the  way  of  improvement.”  (S.G.,  109.) 


Speaking  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  generally  Sir  Spencer  St.  John  says  : “ All 
their  clothes  are  made  from  native  cloth  of  native  yarn,  spun  from  cotton 
grown  in  the  country.”  (i.  29.)  “ The  women  manufacture  a coarse  cloth  ; 

making  and  dyeing  their  own  yarn,  beating  out  the  cotton  with  small  sticks, 
and,  by  means  of  a spinning-wheel,  running  it  off  very  quickly.  The  yarn  is 
not  so  fine  as  what  they  can  buy  of  English  manufacture,  but  it  is  stronger, 
and  keeps  its  colour  remarkably  well ; and  no  cloth  wears  better  than  Dayak 
cloth.”  (ibid,  i.  74.) 

“ They  grow  their  own  cotton  and  weave  it,  but  they  never  manufacture 
enough  in  the  piece  for  a garment.  The  fabric  is  however  particularly  strong 
and  serviceable,  especially  in  the  dense  woods  and  tangles.  ...  I have 
often  worn  them  myself,  and  found  these  cotton  stuffs  of  the  greatest  service 
as  a protection  from  thorns.”  (Bishop  McDougall,  T.E.S.  ii.  28.) 

Referring  more  particularly  to  cloth-making  among  the  Skarans,  Mr. 
Leggatt  has  communicated  the  following  to  me  : “ The  method  of  making  a 
jacket  is  about  as  follows,  and  refers  to  a little  girl’s  jacket  (aet  7),  but  as  the 
female  jackets  are  all  made  on  the  same  principle,  this  one  will  serve  as  a very 
good  example.  The  strip  of  cloth  is  about  56  inches  long,  and  about  11J  inches 
wide  at  one  end,  and  10J  inches  at  the  other  (it  is  characteristic  of  these  cloths 
that  they  are  all  slightly  narrower  at  one  end  than  at  the  other).  Two  pieces 
of  about  10  inches  deep  each  are  first  cut  off  to  make  the  sleeves,  which  come 


Model  of  Cotton  Gin. 
S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Gasieng  inggar,  Dyak  Noisy  Spinning  Wheel. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


3 2 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


to  about  five  inches  wide  each  at  the 
shoulder  end,  while  at  the  wrist  end, 
in  order  to  make  them  narrow,  a 
triangular  piece  (a)  is  cut  off  one 
side  only,  so  that  when  sewn  together 
the  seam  does  not  run  straight. 
The  piece  of  cloth,  now  about  36 
inches  long,  is  folded  over  in  half 
(■ b c)  and  a hole  ( d ) cut  out  for  the 
neck,  and  from  this  hole  the  front 
part  is  cut  straight  down  to  e,  forming 
the  opening  of  the  jacket.  The  cut 
edges  are  hemmed  much  the  same  as 
European  hemming.  The  sides  are 
then  sewn  together  by  cross  stitches, 
in  much  the  same  way  as  we  lace  up 
boots  with  a single  lace.  Under  the 
armpits,  both  in  the  sleeve  and  the 
jacket,  a ventilation  hole  is  made  by 
simply  leaving  the  parts  unsewn.  In 
Diagram  to  show  how  a jacket  is  made  from  a order  to  fasten  the  jacket  ill  front, 
piece  of  cloth  (see  text).  a thorn,  or  wood,  or  bone  pin  is 

skewered  through  the  cloth  on  one  side,  and  some  thread  let  into  the  edging 
of  the  other  side  is  slightly  twisted  round  the  peg  much  as  a halyard  is  made 

fast.  Now  buttons  are  frequently  used,  but  they  do 
not  make  button-holes,  nor  loops,  but  twist  the  thread 
round  the  button,  holding  the  thread,  when  doing  so, 
very  like  a sempstress  when  she  is  sewing  on  a button.” 
The  dyeing  by  the  Skarans  is  similar  to  that 
described  by  Mr.  Horsburgh.  “ It  takes  several  months 
to  dye  and  weave  a piece  about  45  inches  in  circum- 
ference. These  petticoats  are  woven  in  circular  pieces, 
same  as  our  pillow  cases  are  manufactured;  they  are 
then  cut  into  two,  so  that  two  petticoats  are  made  out 
of  the  one  original  piece.  The  ends  are  properly  sewn 
together,  in  the  European  style,  and  not  sewn  together 
in  the  same  way  as  the  sleeves  are  attached  to  the 
jacket  body.  The  backs  of  the  jackets  appear  to 
bear  a sort  of  tribal  badge  in  the  pattern,  and,  in  the 
case  of  the  Sekrang  and  Saribas,  this  pattern  is  worked 
into  the  cloth  while  it  is  being  woven,  the  thread  of  the  pattern  being 
put  through  at  the  same  time  as  the  warp.  In  the  case  of  the  Balaus, 
the  pattern  is  made  on  another  piece  of  cloth,  and  a piece  of  the  back  of 
the  jacket  cut  out  and  the  badge  piece  fitted  into  its  place.  The  dye 
on  the  back  of  the  jackets  is  made  very  faint,  or  that  part  of  the 
jacket  is  left  undyed,  in  order  to  leave  a light  background  for  the  dark 
badge.”  (ibid.) 


Skewer  acting  as  button. 
Sakaran  Dyaks 


_-r-“ 

*-c~r  m-> 


-SjX-  -1-  -----  -&5w  "---_ 

-C-_  -“&=&£■=  of’-*’  „=£“=, 

-=-  - " “ 


-r  _ <r. 


'‘-"t  >••  : 


"is*-  -r-- 


Bark  Cloth  Jacket 
Pattern  formed  by  indigo  dyed 
threads  which  do  not  go  through 
the  cloth.  On  the  inside  the 
pattern  is  the  same,  but  not  so 
elaborate,  that  is,  it  is  made  in 
single  and  not  double  lines. 
The  threads  forming  the  pat- 
tern are  to  strengthen  the  bark. 
Along  the  bottom  a piece  of 
brown  dyed  bark  is  tacked  on. 
It  is  hemmed  in  ordinary  Euro- 
pean fashion  with  brown  bark 
and  white  native  thread. 


(Brit.  Mus.) 


inoioo  thRe.ao 


BRO wn  0a*^k 
SE.WN  with  imOiQO 


D 


VOL.  2 


Forming  the  back  of  jacket  worn  by  Banting  women.  The  cloth  of  this  pattern  is 
black,  the  pattern  red  and  white.  The  jacket  from  which  it  was  taken  was  a sort 
of  (?  European)  red  twill.  Width  at  top,  i^in. ; width  at  bottom,  i8jin. ; length,  i8in. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


Weaving,  Dyeing,  and  Dressmaking. 


35 


“ Spinning  and  weaving  is  practised  but  little  by  the  Kayans,  but  almost 
all  the  other  races  in  Borneo  manufacture  some  kind  of  cloth.  The  patterns 
of  these  cloths  are  very  artistic,  the  dye  used  being  made  from  the  fruit  of  the 
rattan,  the  juices  of  various  roots,  and  the  sap  of  some  trees.  The  yellow  dye 
used  by  the  Dyaks  is  known  as  Intamu  and  the  red  as  Jeranang.”  (Hose, 
J.  A.  I.  xxiii.  165.) 

“ The  Lanuns  also  furnish  a cloth  which  is  highly  prized  among  every 
class  of  inhabitants  in  Borneo  ; it  is  a sort  of  checked  black  cloth,  with  narrow 
lines  of  white  running  through  it,  and  glazed  on  one  side.  This  was  formerly 
made  entirely  of  native  yarn.  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice  that  this  cloth  is 
dyed  from  indigo  grown  on  the  spot.”  (St.  John  i.  259.) 

Of  the  Hill  Dyaks,  Sir  Hugh  Low  writes : “ Their  dress,  when  they  have 
property  sufficient  to  obtain  one,  is  the  long  cloth,  or  chawat,1  the  manufacture 
of  the  Sakarran  Dyaks ; but  poverty  more  frequently  compels  them  to  supply 
its  place  with  a rough  substance  made  of  the  bark  of  several  trees,  particularly 
that  of  the  genus  Artocarpus,  which  produces  the  bread-fruit.”  (p.  240.) 

“There  is  the  tree  Kulit  Tekdlong,  which  the  Dyaks  pound  until  it 
becomes  soft  in  texture  and  then  manufacture  into  the  bajus  (jackets)  and 
chawats  (so  familiar  to  those  who  have  lived  in  Dyak  districts),  and  very  pleasing 
to  the  eye  too  are  these  garments,  in  hue  reminding  one  of  the  colour  of  a new 
saddle,  whilst  in  length  of  time  they  wear  quite  as  well  if  not  better  than  a 
garment  of  ‘ bazaar  cloth.’  ” (S.G.  1894,  p.  121.)  Evidently  this  note  has 

brought  the  following  from  a correspondent  on  the  Batang  Lupar : “ Tekalong 
bark  in  former  days,  when  cloth  was  not  to  be  had,  was  always  used  by  Dyaks 
for  their  cliawat  (waist-cloths)  ; it  is  even  now  used  by  Dyaks  in  the  ulu,  or 
heads  of  the  rivers,  where  cloth  is  expensive  and  by  persons  who  cannot  afford 
to  buy  cloth.  Dyak  puah  (blanket,  or  night  covering)  is  still  much  in  use,  but 
the  old  kibong  (mosquito  curtains)  composed,  as  the  puah,  of  the  Tekalong  bark 
have  been  given  up.  A Tekalong  tree  has  somewhat  the  appearance  of  the 
Padalai  fruit  tree.  When  the  tree  is  large,  long  strips  of  bark,  let  us  say  up 
to  ten  feet,  can  be  obtained  ; but  when  the  tree  is  small  and  like  babas  growth 
of  course  only  small  strips  can  be  got.  When  small  the  tree  is  called 
Temeran.”  (S.G.  1894,  p.  146.) 

“ The  bark  the  Sea  Dyaks  employ  for  caulking  is  very  tough,  and,  beaten 
out,  serves  to  make  useful  and  comfortable  coverlets,  as  well  as  waist-cloths 
and  head-dresses.”  (St.  John  i.  70.) 

“ The  inner  bark  of  a tree  called  ipoh  by  the  Dyaks  and  tajam  by  the 
Kayans,  and  which  appears  to  be  identical  with  the  Upas  tree  of  Java  (Antiaris 
toxicaria),  is  used  for  clothing,  and  the  young  tree  is  grown  for  this  purpose  in 
Dyak  gardens ; the  bark  is  not  pulled  off  until  a year  after  the  tree  has  been 
felled.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Kayans  use  the  bark  of  a tree  to  make  coats  and  waist-cloths,  and 
I have  even  seen  a mosquito  curtain  formed  of  this  material.”  (Hose,  J.A.I. 
xxiii.  165.) 

1 The  two  chawats  in  the  Leggatt  collection  are  66  inches  long,  width  at  front  end  12  inches 
and  at  back  end  iof  inches ; length  of  fringe  10  inches  There  is  much  European  material  in  these 
two  specimens. 


36  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ Amonf;  the  Muruts  the  bark  is  peeled  off  a tree  in  broad  strips  and  is 
very  united  and  flexible;  it  is  then  hammered  all  over  with  a heavy  wooden 
instrument,  which  has  a flat  surface  on  one  side  cut  in  deep  cross  lines  like  a 
file ; this  breaks  up  the  harder  tissues  of  the  bark  and  reduces  it  to  a very 
pliant,  though  by  no  means  united,  texture.  The  bark  being  full  of  rents  and 


Dyak  Woven  Blanket. 

The  warp  threads  on  the  right  dyed  light  green  and  red  before  putting 
on  the  loom.  The  cloth  itself  is  dyed  a dark  brick  red.  To  prevent 
the  edges  fraying  a double  chain  stitch  in  alternate  green  and  white 
thread  is  run  along  the  bottom.  The  whole  blanket  is  made  by  sewing 
on  to  it  a similar  piece  of  cloth  with  same  pattern,  but  left  handed, 
giving  a total  width  of  about  35m. ; length,  6ft.  6in. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


Weaving,  Dyeing , and  Dressmaking. 


37 


holes,  this  difficulty  is  overcome  by  transverse  darning  : one  of  these  coats2  now 
before  me  has  no  fewer  than  270  transverse  strings  on  the  back  alone,  each 
thread  penetrating  the  outer  surface  only,  and  assists  to  work  out  a cross 
pattern  for  ornamentation.  The  size  of  a strip  of  bark  for  a baju  is  about  five 
feet  by  eighteen  inches.  This  after  being  prepared  is  folded  in  half : the  half 
for  the  front  of  the  jacket  is  divided  right  down  the  centre ; the  sides  are 
stitched  up,  leaving  holes  for  the  arms ; from  the  back  of  the  neck  hang 
narrow  strips  of  bark  or  long  streamers  of  coloured  wool.  The  bark  is  mostly 
reddish  brown  ; but  the  best  kind  is  white,  the  texture  being  more  united  and 
requiring  little  or  no  transverse  stitching,  but  is  occasionally  ornamented  with 
coloured  patterns  in  wool.  The  sewing-thread  is  made  from  pine-apple  leaves, 
which  plant  was  growing  in  a semi-wild  state  on  some  hills  near,  the  fruit 
being  apparently  valueless  to  the  Muruts.”  (Whitehead,  p.  75.) 

Mr.  Burbidge  says  of  the  bark  cloth3  cliawats  of  the  Muruts  that  it  “is  the 
produce  of  Artocarpus  elastica.  The  inner  bark  is  stripped  off  and  soaked  in 
water,  being  afterwards  beaten  to  render  it  soft  and  pliable.  Of  this,  chawats 
or  loin-cloths  and  jackets  are  commonly  made  by  the  Muruts  on  the  Lawas 
and  the  Limbang  rivers,  and  it  is  also  still  used  by  the  Dusun  villagers  on  the 
Tampassuk,  notwithstanding  their  skill  in  preparing,  weaving,  and  dyeing 
the  Lamba  fibre.”  (Burbidge,  p.  155.) 

Mr.  Burbidge  speaks  of  Dusun.  “ . . . netting  needles  of  wood, 

similar  in  principle  to  our  own,  and  of  weaving  instruments,  by  means  of 
which  a strong  and  durable  cloth  is  made  from  the  macerated  fibre  of  a 
species  of  curculigo  called  lamba  by  the  natives.4  This  is  afterwards  dyed 
with  native  grown  indigo.  ...  I noticed  a small  basket  of  true  cotton  of 
excellent  staple,  but  it  is  not  much  used,  lamba  fibre  being  obtainable  in  any 
quantity  from  the  jungle  without  any  trouble,  and  its  fibre  is  more  readily 
worked  with  the  help  of  rude  implements.  For  sewing  thread  we  found  our 
hostess  using  the  fibre  of  pine-apple  leaves  (Ananassa  sativa),  which  serves  the 
purpose  well.”  (p.  252.) 

Of  this  lamba  amongst  the  Dusuns,  Mr.  Whitehead  says  : “ The  lengths 
of  fibre  which  run  in  parallel  lines  along  the  underside  of  the  leaf  are 
separated  and  tied  together.  . . . The  fibre  is  wound  round  a stick,  and 

when  sufficient  has  been  obtained  is  woven  into  a hard  cloth  on  the  small 
Dusun  looms.”  (p.  180.)  “ He  gave  an  old  woman  a towel  which  she  folded 

in  half,  sewed  up  the  sides,  leaving  holes  for  her  arms,  cutting  a slit  in  the 
middle  for  her  head,  and  in  a few  minutes  was  wearing  this  novel  garment.” 
(p.  189.) 

Mr.  Witti  noticed  among  the  Dusun  that  “ the  homespun  of  these  people 
is  not  uniform  bluish  gray  but  striped  with  black.”  (Diary,  Nov.  20th.) 

2 Mr.  Von  Donop  notes  the  bark  coats  on  the  Papar  Mountain  ; he  says  they  won't  stand 
washing.  (Diary,  24  May.)  At  Pomatum  “ I was  shewn  a small  shrub  called  Home,  the  leaves  of 
which  closely  resemble  that  of  a young  cinchona  succirubra  in  appearance.  It  is  used  as  a dye  in  the 
place  of  indigo.  The  leaves  are  boiled  and  the  thread  or  cloth  is  immersed  in  the  liquor.  The  plant, 
they  told  me,  was  ready  for  plucking  three  months  after  planting.”  (ibid,  Diary,  March  4th.) 

3 Sir  Sp.  St.  John  remarks  that  the  men  had  broad  belts  of  bark  worn  over  the  chawat  like  the 
Sagais  of  the  eastern  coast,  (ii.  129.) 

4 Elsewhere  (p.  155)  he  calls  it  " Curculigo  latifolia,  a yellow  flowered  broad  leaved  weed,  often 
seen  in  great  abundance  on  old  cultivated  plots  near  the  houses.” 


Dusun  Short  Coat  Hem. 


Beginning  at  the  left  the  thread  in  the 
hem  at  the  bottom  comes  out  in  front  at  o, 
goes  in  at  ii,  out  at  oo,  then  back  in  again 
at  the  first  ii,  out  at  the  second  oo,  and  in 
at  the  second  ii,  and  so  on 


Seam  of  a Dusun  Coat. 

Made  with  native  thread.  The  coat  is  of  coarse  palm  leaf  (?) 
fibre,  the  sleeves  of  European  (?)  woven  cotton.  It  is 
hemmed  with  European  tape  in  ordinary  European  style 


Seam  on  a very  rude  thick  bark  jacket  fron  Kina  Balu  ' 


SEAM 


-y.  «.  J,  ■&.  y -,z  ..iarrr^ 
/ V ^ v/vW'/ 


Seam  on  the  side  of  the  same  coat,  sewn 
with  two  threads. 


Indigo  Thread  run  through  a Dusun  bark  coat 
to  strengthen  it. 


Seam  of  a bark  jacket  in  which 
the  back  is  made  in  two  pieces 
From  Long  Bleh. 


Seam  on  a Rejang  River  Dyak  coat 


Joining  of  a piece  of  loin  cloth  of  the  Rejang  River  Dyaks 
From  the  top  downwards  on  the  surface  the  thread  comes  out  at 
o and  goes  in  at  i,  then  out  at  oo  and  in  at  second  out  again  at 
same  oo  and  in  at  ii,  out  at  o and  in  at  ii  again,  and  so  on. 


v ■£•  ■£» 

■£*  v 

❖ *5*  -fr 

Strengthening  Threads 
of  a bark  coat  made  into  a 
pattern  of  little  crosses. 


Double  Thread  Seam 


on  a bark  cloth  ; also  ornamental  double  thread  running  through 
without  seam.  From  Long  Bleh. 


o a 


Seam  on  a Rejang  Seam  of  a Dusun  shroud.  The  ends  of  the 

River  Dyak  coat.  cloth  are  overlaid  and  first  one  end  a sewn 

and  then  the  other  end  b by  separate  native 
thread. 


Seam  on  a Dyak  cloth  coat. 


Note. — All  the  above  examples  I have  taken  from  articles  in  the  British 
Museum.  Mr.  Crossland  informs  me  the  Undups  make  a true  needle 
out  of  thin  brass  wire. 


Tribal  Dress. 


39 


Lieut.  De  Crespigny  found  the  Muruts  with  “ good  cotton  out  of  which 
they  made  coarse  cloth.”  (Berl.  Zeit.  N.F.  v.  325.)  While  of  this  people 
Mr.  O.  F.  Ricketts  writes : “ Weaving  is  very  little  done  and  only  by  the 
people  of  the  far  interior.”  (S.  G.,  No.  347,  p.  214.) 

The  dress  of  the  peoples  varies  in  every  detail  throughout  the  country. 
It  will  therefore  be  the  better  way  to  take  first  general  descriptions  of  the 
dresses  of  the  various  tribes  and  to  supplement  these  with  details  of  the 
special  articles  of  clothing  and  ornament. 

TRIBAL  DRESS. 

Land  Dyaks. 

“ The  men  of  the  Sauh  tribe  as  well  as  those  of  Serambo  and  Singhi 
generally  wear  a dark  blue  or  black  head-cloth,  and  sometimes  also  a cloth  of 
Malay  pattern,  a necklace  of  two  or  three  strings  of  beads,  the  only  colours 
used  being  red,  white,  black,  and  yellow.  On  great  occasions  brass  wire 
rings  are  worn  half  way  up  the  arm  to  the  elbow,  and  above  this  armlets  of 
the  rotan  ijuk  which  are  replaced  by  silver  armlets  among  the  upper  classes 
when  in  full  dress.  Round  the  waist  is  worn  a cloth  called  the  chawat  by  the 
Malays,  and  the  taup  by  the  Land  Dyaks;  this  is  a long  cloth  twisted  round 
the  waist  the  ends  being  allowed  to  hang  down  before  and  behind.  The 
chawat  or  taup  is  generally  of  black  or  dark  blue  cloth,  and  sometimes  of 
scarlet  colour,  but,  in  jungle  wear  and  among  the  poorer  Dyaks,  this  is  often 
changed  for  the  inside  of  the  bark  of  the  Artocarpus.  Among  the  Dyaks  this 
tree  is  known  as  the  bayu,  among  the  Malays  the  teniarang.  (Denison,  ch.  iii. 
P-  25.) 

“ On  the  right  side  the  Land  Dyak  suspends  a small  basket,  often  very 
prettily'  plaited,  to  which  is  attached  a knife  in  a bamboo  sheath,  the  latter 
sometimes  tastefully  carved  and  colored.  The  basket,  knife,  and  fittings  are 
called  the  tunkin,  the  basket  itself  is  the  tambuk  and  holds  the  siri  leaf  and  is 
made  to  contain  two  round  little  cases  for  lime  and  tobacco  called  dekan,  and 
a piece  of  the  inner  bark  of  the  bayu  tree,  while  the  knife  in  its  sheath 
hanging  on  the  outside  of  the  tunkin  is  called  the  sinda.  A sword  or  parang  is 
worn  on  the  left  side,  the  one  in  general  use  is  that  called  buco  by  the  Dyaks 
and  tunduk  by  the  Malays,  another  parang  used  is  the  bye  of  the  Dyaks  and 
kamping  of  the  Malays.  Ear-rings  consisting  of  a single  ring  of  broad 
flattened  wire  or  else  pieces  of  thin  round  bamboo  L of  an  inch  in  diameter, 
and  some  two  inches  long,  ornamented  with  the  black  thread-like  bands  of 
the  lemmun  creeper,  are  worn  through  the  lobes  of  the  ear.  A jacket  of 
some  coarse  cloth  often  of  Sea  Dyak  manufacture  completes  the  costume, 
which  may  in  fact  apply  to  all  Land  Dyak  tribes  visited  by  me,  though  I 
may  add  that  on  festive  occasions,  the  head-men  sometimes  wear  a necklet 
or  bobut  of  wire,  on  which  are  strung  opaque  beads  of  a dark  green  and  blue 
colour,  with  which  are  mixed  kejang,  deer  and  bear’s  teeth.  The  armlets  or 
mannu  are  made  of  brass  wire  and  rotan  twisted  together,  and  very  neat  they 
are.  Ear-rings,  shibu,  are  worn  of  wire  twisted  round  in  a coil  and  hanging 
from  the  ear  by  single  bend  of  the  same. 


40  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ The  women  of  the  above  mentioned  tribes  wear  a necklace  of  two  or 
more  strings  round  the  neck,  red,  yellow,  and  black  coloured  beads  being 
used.  On  festive  occasions  this  becomes  a heavy  mass  of  bead-work,  as  it  is 
worn  in  many  coils.  Round  the  arms,  between  the  shoulders  and  elbow, 
armlets  are  worn,  made  of  the  red  wood  of  the  heart  of  the  tapang  tree,  which 
becomes  hard  on  exposure  to  the  atmosphere.  Brass  rings  cover  the  lower 
portion  of  the  arm  from  the  wrist  to  the  elbow,  but  never  above  it.  The 
dress  is  a sarong  or  waist-cloth  called  the  jammu  made  of  coarse  cloth 
generally  of  Sea  Dyak  manufacture,  and  brass  rings  are  worn  on  the  legs 
below  the  knees.  Round  the  waist  hanging  loose  over  the  loins  partially- 
covering  the  jammu,  are  coils  of  split  rotan  fastened  together  by  small  brass 
rings;  these  coils  of  rotan  are  called  rambi  ( uberi  by  the  Sennah  Dyaks)  and 
are  made  of  the  rotan  padina  stained  black,  which  colour  is  the  only'  one  in 
use  amongst  these  tribes.  Bands  of  small  fine  brass  chains  some  three 
inches  in  breadth  ( sabit ) are  worn  round  the  loins  mixed  with  the  rambi,  and 
at  feasts  silver  coins  are  worn  on  the  edge  of  the  jammu,  and  as  a kind  of 
belt  round  the  loins.  I must  not  forget  to  mention  that  the  jammu  is 
fastened  round  the  waist  by  a string  of  rotan,  or  twisted  lengths  of  the  ijuk 
fibre  from  the  No  palm  or  other  substance.  This  string  is  worn  loosely  next 
to  the  skin,  round  the  waist,  the  jammu  is  drawn  round  to  the  hip  and  then 
folded  back  across  the  body,  the  string  is  then  pulled  over  it  and  this  keeps 
the  cloth  in  its  proper  place  and  position  round  the  waist,  (ibid,  ch.  iii.  p.  26.) 

“ I now  come  to  describe  the  dress  of  the  women  of  the  Tringus  tribe, 
and  in  describing  them  I include  also  the  Gumbang  women  and  those  of  the 
other  tribes  I am  about  to  visit,  who  all  wear  nearly  the  same  attire.  The 
body  is  naked  to  the  waist ; below  this  is  worn  a short  jammu  or  waistcloth, 
generally  of  a dark  dirtv-blue  colour,  with  frequently  a red  border  or  edging. 
On  great  occasions,  and  even  in  general  wear,  silver  coins  are  often  fixed  to 
the  end  of  the  edging.  The  rambi  of  thin  narrow  split  bamboo  is  worn  in  four 
or  five  coils  round  the  waist,  and  is  stained  red  and  not  black  as  with  other 
tribes.  This  is  allowed  to  hang  loosely  over  the  loins,  and  mixed  with  it  are 
very  fine  brass  chains  called  sabit,  which  are  worn  in  coils  to  a thickness  of 
three  or  four  inches.  The  ankles  are  ornamented  with  brass  rings,  which  are 
also  worn  above  the  knee,  between  the  wrist  and  elbow,  and  above  the  latter 
nearly'  to  the  armpit.  Bracelets  of  the  kima  shell,  which  when  long  worn 
resemble  ivory-  without  its  yellow  tinge,  are  in  constant  use ; sometimes  as 
many-  as  four  of  these  bracelets  (besides  the  brass  ones),  are  worn  on  each 
arm,  say  two  below  and  two  above  the  elbow.  The  neck  is  graced  with  thick 
coils  of  red  or  black  beads.  Unlike  the  other  Dyak  tribes  I had  visited,  the 
women  of  which  went  bare-headed,  these  Dyaks  and  the  Gumbangs  wore  a 
peculiar  and  fantastic  head  covering  made  of  beads,  strung  perpendicularly 
on  a circular  wire  frame,  about  eight  inches  high,  made  to  fit  the  head  at  its 
base,  but  tapering  upwards  to  the  top  (which  is  open)  to  about  one  half  the 
circumference  of  its  base.  When  worn  by-  the  priestesses,  or  bilian  as  they 
are  called,  these  head-dresses  are  closed  at  the  top,  when  they  are  often 
surmounted  with  a tuft  of  feathers  or  hair.  The  beads  are  always  of  the  same 
colour,  viz. : red,  yellow,  black,  and  white.  These  curious  head  coverings  are 


Tribal  Dress. 


4i 


called  burang  by  the  Gumbang  and  Tringus  tribes,  though,  I believe,  they  are 
also  known  as  segubak  and  sipia  by  other  Dyaks  ; they  are  worn  by  the  women 
of  every  tribe  from  Gumbang  to  the  Sadong,  the  Land  Dyaks  of  which  district 
also  make  use  of  them.  The  Singhis,  Serambos,  and  Sauhs  are  the  only 
tribes  without  the  burang,  and  these  are  again  the  only  tribes  who  wear  the 
seladan.  Among  the  Dyaks  I am  now  about  to  visit,  a cloth  skull  cap,  fitting 
close  to  the  head,  made  of  blue  cloth,  with  a little  red  trimming,  is  much 
affected  by  the  women.”  (ibid,  ch.  iv.  p.  40.) 

“ The  chawat  is  generally  of  blue  cotton,  ending  in  three  broad  bands  of 
red,  blue,  and  white.  Those  who  can  afford  it  wear  a handkerchief  on  the 
head,  which  is  either  red  with  a narrow  border  of  gold  lace,  or  of  three 
colours  like  the  chawat.  The  large  flat  moon-shaped  brass  earrings,  the  heavy 
necklace  of  white  or  black  beads,  rows  of  brass  rings  on  the  arms  and  legs, 
and  armlets  of  white  shell  all  serve  to  relieve  and  set  off  the  pure  reddish 
brown  skin  and  jet  black  hair.”  (Wallace  i.  p.  104.) 

Sir  Hugh  Low  speaks  of  the  young  men  covering  “ the  upper  portion  of 
the  arms  with  rings  of  the  black  iju,  or  horsehair-like  substance,  plaited  very 
neatly.  This,  to  the  eye  of  an  European,  is  the  most  becoming  of  all  their 
adornments,  the  dark  black  of  the  material  contrasting  agreeably,  but  not  too 
decidedly,  with  the  brown  colour  of  their  skins.  . . . Amongst  the  tribes 

on  the  western  branch  of  the  Sarawak  river,  the  dress  of  the  women  is 
increased  by  the  addition  of  an  article  called  by  them  Saladan.  It  is  made  of 
a bamboo,  split,  flattened,  pared  thin,  and  dyed  black:  being  thus  prepared, 
it  is  fitted  to  the  body,  and  secured  in  its  form  and  position  by  brass  wires 
passing  across  its  breadth,  which  also  serve  for  the  purposes  of  ornament ; 
they  are  placed  at  the  distance  of  about  one  inch  apart  from  each  other. 
Girls  begin  to  wear  it  at  the  age  of  five  or  six  years,  and  as  it  is  made  on  the 
body  it  is  only  removed  by  destroying  it  when  a larger  one  is  needed.5  This 
curious  article  of  dress  is  confined  to  the  tribes  of  Sarawak  called  Singhie, 
Sow,  Serambo,  Bombuck,  and  Peninjow,  who  in  their  dress  also  differ  from 
the  other  tribes  of  the  Hills  in  this,  that  their  women  wear  no  beads  for 
ornament,  and  the  men  only  those  of  two  colours — black  and  white.  Trans- 
parent beads  are  not  esteemed  by  any  of  the  tribes  I have  visited ; small  and 
opaque  ones  alone  being  valued  by  them.  The  colours  most  in  demand  are 
the  two  above  mentioned  ; but  yellow  and  red  are  also  much  sought  after. 
The  girls  of  the  tribes  on  the  western  branch  of  the  Sarawak  river  never  wear 
the  brass  wire  above  the  elbow-joint  of  the  arm,  nor  have  I seen  them 
use  the  white  bracelets  so  common  in  the  others  of  the  southern  river, 
the  use  of  which  amongst  these  tribes  is  apparently  confined  to  the  men.” 
(Low,  p.  240.) 

Sea  Dyaks. 

“ Love  of  finery  is  inherent  in  the  young  of  both  sexes  ; the  elderly  are 
less  fond  of  it,  and  often  dress  very  shabbily  and  save  up  their  good  clothes 
for  their  offspring.  The  ordinary  male  attire  consists  of  a sir  at  or  waist-cloth, 


5 See  infra  for  difference  between  the  Land  and  Sea  Dyak  corsets. 


42 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


a labong  or  head-dress,  and  a takai  buriet,  or  seat  mat ; the  full  dress  consists 
of  the  above  with  the  addition  of  a klainbi  or  jacket,  and  a dangdong  or  shawl. 
The  ornaments  are  grunjong , langgu,  tinggu,  kongkong,  rekong,  simpai,  tnmpa, 
tinchien,  ngkrimok  or  units.  The  female  attire  is  very  simple,  consisting  of  a 
bidang  or  short  petticoat  when  at  home,  and  a klambi  or  jacket  when  out  of 
doors.  By  way  of  ornament  the  women  wear  in  addition  to  the  finger  rings, 
necklaces,  and  bracelets  which  are  described  later  on.  other  ornaments 
peculiar  to  their  sex,  styled  balong,  tusok penchieng,  tina,  ranghi,  lumiet  or  tinchien, 
selong  and  gelang  ghirieng,  all  of  which  are  described  in  due  order.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 


View  from  below 


Tanjong  takup,  or 
Shell  Vine  Leaf 

Worn  by  little 
girls. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Top  view. 

Little  Girl’s  Girdle  and  Shell. 
W.  Borneo. 

(Leiden  Mus.) 

The  dress  of  the  Batang 
Lupar  people  is  thus 
described  by  the  Rajah  as 
being  very  ‘‘plain,  and  their 
costume  is  far  from  graceful. 
Boots  of  brass  wire  are  attached  to  their  legs  from  ankle 
to  knee,  a scant  cloth  around  the  middle,  and  strings  of 
brass  rings,  beads,  and  wires  encumber  their  bodies  all 
the  way  up  to  their  breasts ; bead  bracelets  are  around 
the  neck,  and  armlets  of  brass  encircle  the  wrists,  to 
correspond  with  the  leggings.  This  is  full  dress;  but 
when  in  mourning,  they  cast  off  these  ornaments  and 
use  stained  rattans  around  the  waist  instead,  to  be 
replaced  by  the  finery  when  a head  is  brought  into  the 
country,  for  gaieties  prevail  on  such  occasions.  How 
they  can  clamber  hills  and  mountains,  and  work  at 
farming,  with  such  a weight  attached  to  their  bodies,  is  a 
marvel.  Several  have  been  drowned  in  consequence  of  these  weights,  when 
their  small  boats  have  swamped.  They  also  sleep  in  this  gaudy  paraphernalia, 
and  one  has  some  cause  to  pity  the  bed-fellows  of  these  brazen  images.” 
(ii.  168.)  Mr.  D.  S.  Bailey  writes  from  Simanggang  thus  : “ A girl  from 
Rantau  Panjai,  in  the  ulu,  was  being  conveyed  to  her  wedding  feast,  when 
the  boat  upset,  and,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases  up  river,  the  enormous  weight 
of  her  brass  ornaments  carried  her  to  the  bottom  immediately.”  (S.G., 
1895,  p.  14.) 


Malanal 
Gold  Buttons 
Worn  along  the  sleeves 
of  women’s  jackets. 
Weight,  Joz. 

(In  the  possession  of  Mrs. 
F K.  O Maxwell.) 


Skaran  Girls. 

The  one  on  the  left  has  a chimpoke  (sacred  flower)  in  her  hai 
(Crossland  Coll.) 


44  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Malanau. 

His  Highness  has  given  the  following  description  of  the  dress  of  one  of 
this  tribe:  “ His  skull-cap  of  many  hues  had  long  feathers  standing  upright 
from  it ; a maias  (orang  utan)  skin  jacket  hung  over  his  shoulders.  He  was 
further  adorned  with  feathers  both  before  and  behind,  and  sundry  strings  of 
beads  hung  dangling  about.  A breast-plate  of  tin,  with  the  edges  slightly 
carved  and  perforated  with  holes,  was  attached  to  the  jacket  ; his  under- 
garment consisted  of  a red  cloth,  and  his  legs  were  free  of  any  incumbrances. 
The  ends  of  the  red  cloth  were  long,  and  prettily  embroidered  with  beads;  the 
short  sword  of  his  country,  with  the  convex  and  concave  blade,  hung  at  his 
waist,  and  human  hair,  stained  various  colours,  fastened  to  the  hilt,  the  belt 
being  composed  of  beads.”  (i.  302.) 

The  Dusuns. 

“ The  Dusun  women  have  perhaps  one  of  the  most  picturesque  dresses  of  all 
the  Bornean  tribes  ; they  wear  a fairly  long  petticoat  of  home-made  cloth,  dyed 
indigo  blue  ; above  this  skirt  and  over  it  for  a few  inches  are  coils  of  black  and 
red  rattan  ; below  these  hang  rows  of  red  beads,  closely  threaded  to  a depth 
of  six  inches  or  so  ; sometimes  numerous  brass  chains  hang  above  the  beads. 
The  bright  metal  cylinders  worn  by  the  Patatan  women  were  seldom  worn  by 
the  Dusuns  round  Kina  Balu.  Until  they  are  mothers,  a strip  of  blue  trade- 
cloth  is  worn  over  the  breasts,  which  is  kept  in  its  place  by  numerous  coils  6 
of  red  rattan  ; these  coils,  like  those  round  the  waist,  are  tied  together  in 
quantities  of  six  or  eight.  The  women  file  their  teeth  like  the  men  ; their 
eyebrows  are  shaved  into  narrow  arched  lines  ; as  a rule,  the  right  ear  only  is 
pierced.  Their  coiffure  is  simple,  the  hair  being  tied  in  a knot  on  the  top  of 
the  head,  through  which  a bone  hair-pin,  attached  to  a string  of  beads,  is 
stuck,  the  beads  being  wound  round  the  base  of  the  knob.  Some  of  the 
women  wear  coils  of  thick  brass  wire  round  their  wrists  and  ankles,  one  old 
dame  having  a pair  of  solid  brass  anklets,  several  pounds  in  weight,  which  she 
always  wore.  A cowl  is  worn  during  field  work,  as  a protection  from  the  sun. 
Children  run  naked  until  about  four  years  of  age.”  (Whitehead,  p.  106.) 

The  Muruts. 

“Their  usual  dress  consists  of  the  ‘chawat,’  though  some  of  the  more 
civilized  wear  jackets  and  head-cloths  in  addition,  and  some  even  trousers. 
The  hair  is  worn  long,  parted  in  the  middle,  and  then  tied  in  a knot  at  the 
back  of  the  head  with  a pig’s  tusk,  sometimes  ornamented  with  a tuft  of  hair 
or  a tassel  at  the  largest  end,  passed  through  the  knot  as  a hairpin ; often  a piece 
of  bone  (see  p.  59)  somewhat  arrow-shaped  and  slightly  carved  is  used  for  the 
same  purpose.  They  wear  no  brass  earrings  as  many  other  tribes  do’;  the  usual 
thing  is  a piece  of  bamboo,  or  rather  a section,  about  a quarter-of-an-inch 
deep,  and  in  circumference  rather  smaller  than  a cent  piece,  into  which  a 
piece  of  mirror  is  fixed  ; this  forms  the  earring,  which  is  inserted  into  the 

6 This  strip  is  mentioned  by  Sir  Sp  St.  John  (i.  248,  306).  Mr.  Von  Donop  (Diary,  22nd  May), 
and  Mr.  Burbidge  (p.  156). 


Dress  in  Detail. 


45 


lobes  of  the  ears.  Some  of  the  interior  tribes  wear  a large  round  earring 
either  of  bone  or  ivory  with  a knob  of  agate  in  the  centre,  about  three- 
quarters-of-an-inch  long.  These  have  rather  a curious  appearance  and  in 
circumference  are  about  the  size  of  a half-crown.  Bead  necklaces  are  much 
worn  by  the  men,  some  of  them  being  of  considerable  value,  consisting  of 
large  agates  ; few  wear  bracelets  or  amulets,  and  these  are  generally  of  inferior 
quality.  The  women  are  short  and  dumpy,  and  one  who  is  good-looking  is 
very  much  the  exception  ; they  wear  the  short  petticoat,  reaching  from  the 
waist  to  the  knees;  in  the  lower  river  most  of  them  wear  jackets,  in  the 
interior  nothing  else.  They  have  the  same  necklaces  and  earrings  as  the  men, 
and,  in  addition,  bracelets  of  beads  and  strings  of  beads  on  the  head  to  as 
many  as  six  rows ; these  fit  the  contour  of  the  head,  and  if  continued  to  the 
top  of  the  head  would  form  a cap  : the  hair  is  smoothed  down  and  the  end  is 
brought  up  and  passed  through  inside  the  strings  of  beads,  forming  a long 
loop  a little  to  one  side  of  the  head.  Brass  rings  round  the  waist,  so  common 
amongst  the  Dyaks,  are  unknown  ; the  only  ornament  is  a belt  of  several 
strings  of  small  beads  worn  just  over  the  petticoat.”  (O.  F.  Ricketts,  S.G. 
No.  347,  p.  214.) 

“ The  native  women  inland  wear  short  sarongs  of  Lamba  cloth,  reaching 
from  the  waist  nearly  to  their  knees,  and  a profusion  of  stained  rattan  coils, 
brass  wire,  coloured  beads,  and  other  trinkets  around  their  waists,  and  heavy 
rings  of  brass  on  their  legs,  or  coils  of  brass  wire  on  their  plump  and  dusky 
arms.  The  younger  ones  wear  a strip  of  dark  cloth  across  the  breast.  . . . 
The  hair  is  often  gracefully  wreathed  up  with  a string  of  red  or  amber  coloured 
beads,  sometimes  with  a strip  of  the  pale  yellow  nipa  leaf,  in  its  young  state, 
and  the  contrast  is  very  effective.”  (Burbidge,  p.  156.) 

DRESS  IN  DETAIL. 

Corsets. 

Regarding  the  curious  corset  referred  to  in  the  above  descriptions,  there 
are  several  varieties  among  the  various  tribes.  At  Si  Panjang  (Land  Dyaks) 
the  women  “ wore  brass  wire  over  and  mixed  with  their  rotan  rambis.''' 
(Denison,  ch.  v.  56.)  The  Serins  (Land  Dyaks)  wear  the  rambi  of  black  and 
red  rotan  mixed.”  {ibid,  ch.  vii.  78.)  Madame  Pfeiffer  describes  the  Land 
Dyak  corset,  called  raway  or  sabit,  “ as  7 to  9 inches  long,  and  covered  with 
innumerable  brass  or  lead  rings  and  weighing  15  to  20  lbs.”  (i.  79,  88.)  The 
Rev.  W.  Chalmers  says  : “ The  stays  are  made  of  the  bark  of  some  tree,  orna- 
mented with  brass  wire,”  and  that  “ it  does  not  improve  their  looks,  however 
much  it  may  add  to  their  comfort,  as  it  gives  the  body  somewhat  of  a barrel-ly 
appearance.”  (Miss.  Field,  1859,  p.  148.)  Mr.  Hornaday  thus  describes  this 
garment  : “ The  tinchien  is  the  body  ornament  of  the  Ulu  Ai  and  Ngkari 
women.  It  is  composed  of  some  eight  or  ten  parallel  rows  of  large  brass  rings 
long  enough  to  encircle  the  waist.  They  are  strung  on  rattans  and  connected 
with  one  another  by  a network  of  cane  inside.  The  ends  of  the  band  are 
furnished  with  a pair  of  vertical  plates  of  the  same  metal,  the  outer  edges  of 
which  are  curled,  the  one  inwardly,  and  the  other  outwardly,  so  as  to  catch 


46 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

one  another,  and  effectively  lock  in  the  bod)'.  The  rings  (with  the  exception 
of  every  alternate  one,  which  is  an  ordinary  finger-ring),  are  long  and  broad, 
and  rudely  engraved  a variety  of  patterns.  These  rings  cost  eight  shillings  a 
string,  and  a complete  set  of  ten  would  cost  five  pounds. 


Chain  Band,  tali 
mulong.  Of  antique 
pattern ; worn  over 
the  rawai. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ring  of  a rawai  made  of  rotan  with  fine  brass 
wound  round. 

(Canterbury  Mus.) 


Senawir.  Brass  Hoop  and 
Silver  Coins. 

Worn  on  top  of  the  rawai 
i Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Front  of  Woman's  Girdle. 

With  brass  clasp,  and  made  of  brass 
rings  strung  on  rotan.  W.  Borneo. 
"(Leiden  Mus.) 


Girdle  of  glass  and  shell  beads,  called  entelo.  Worn  hanging  on  to  the  end  of  the  rawai. 

(See  pp.  31,  55.) 


(Brook#  Low  Coll.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


47 


“ The  tina  are  slender  hoops  of  crimsoned  cane,  worn  round  the  waist, 
and  look  like  whalebone  when  coloured  black,  as  they  invariably  are  in 
mourning  costume. 

“ The  lumiet  is  the  rawai  of  the 
Malohs  (Malaus)  and  is  a much 
esteemed  body  ornament  of  the  Saka- 
rangs.  It  is  composed  of  a series  of 
cane  hoops  covered  with  an  infinity 
of  diminutive  brass  links.  A few  of 
the  hoops  are  made  larger  than  the 
rest  so  as  to  hang  loose  on  the  hips. 

The  series  that  encase  the  waist  and 
the  stomach  fit  close  and  are  pinned 
together  with  brass  wire  ; they  some- 
times are  worn  up  to  the  nipples,  but 
not  every  woman  can  afford  to  be  at 
such  great  expense.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

The  Dusuns,  a tribe  of  Dyaks  on 
the  north  coast,  wear  immense  rings 
of  solid  tin  or  copper  round  their  hips 
and  shoulders.”  (Marryat,  p.  79.) 

“ These  curious  corsets  were  models 
of  rigidity  and  closeness  of  fit,  and 
being  brightly  polished,  gave  the 
young  ladies  quite  a substantial  air.” 

(Hornaday,  p.  485.) 

A writer  in  the  Field,  Dec.  6,  1884, 
says : “ I had  the  opportunity  of 

examining  carefully  a Sea  Dyak  brass 
corset,  which  differs  from  the  Land 
Dyak  one,  in  so  far  that  the  brass  wire 
is  wound  horizontally  round  the  waist, 
and  therefore  moulds  itself  to  the 
shape  and  movements  of  the  body  in 
a more  pleasing  manner  than  the  Land 
Dyak  corset,  in  which  the  wire  is 
placed  perpendicularly,  and  always 
remains  stiff  and  rigid.  The  latter 
must  be  for  the  wearers  uncomfortable 
to  a degree,  as  they  can  hardly  bend 
the  body  at  all,  while  the  former  is 
not  such  an  impediment  to  motion,  and  rather  enhances  the  gracefulness 
of  an  elegant  figure.  Those  brass  corsets  are  rarely  taken  off,  and  when 
they  are  the  operation  of  doing  so  is  somewhat  ludicrous  for  lookers  on, 
but  not  so  by  any  means  for  the  unfortunate  wearer,  as  I once  had  the 
occasion  of  judging.  The  girl  I saw  had  to  hang  by  her  hands  to  a bar  of 
wood,  whilst  a friend  slipped  her  brass  cuirass  inch  by  inch  upwards  and  over 


48 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


her  head.”  They  will  not  part  with  these  corsets.  Mr.  Hornaday  gives  a 
similar  account  of  the  method  of  taking  them  off.  (p.  450.) 

Jackets. 

“ Land  Dyak  jackets,  or  bajus,  whether  the  fighting  padded  ones,  or  the 
ordinary  ones,  are  without  sleeves,  the  shoulder,  however,  being  so  cut  that  it 
sticks  out  like  the  scales  of  an  epaulette.”  (Grant,  p.  17.) 

Among  the  Sea  Dyaks,  “ the  klanibi,  or  jacket,  is  manufactured  from  yarn 
spun  from  their  own  cotton.  There  are  several  kinds  of  these,  but  the  one 
known  as  the  klanibi  burong  is  considered  the  best.  In  all  of  them  the  sleeves 
are  open  in  the  armpit,  and  the  pieces  sewn  together  with  twine.  The  edges 


Man’s  Jacket. 

Open  in  front.  Made  of  three  pieces  of  peculiarly-woven  (?)  cloth  of  brown  cord,  laced 
together  at  the  edges.  Lappets  to  fall  like  epaulets  over  the  shoulders,  their  lower  ends 
slashed,  and  beneath  them  are  smaller  lappets  of  cotton  originally  red  and  blue. 

Length,  4ft.  tin. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


49 


are  bordered  with  scarlet  cloth.  There  is  another  kind  much  worn  by  the 
Sakarans,  which  resembles  a waistcoat  more  than  a jacket,  being  without 
sleeves.  The  Ulu  Ais  manufacture  a coarse  white  jacket  striped  with  blue. 


Of  woven  light  brown  fibre  with  pattern  painted  or  printed  on, 
joined  in  front  and  at  sides,  leaving  neck  and  arm  holes. 


(Brit.  Mus.) 


The  klambi  subang  manufactured  by  the  Sarebas  is  of  finer  and  closer  texture 
than  any  other,  and  is  in  consequence  far  more  expensive.  The  thread  of 
which  it  is  wrought  is  procured  from  the  Malays,  and  is  of  a red  colour.  The 
E Vol.  2 


5° 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


lower  portion  of  the  back  is  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver  thread,  with  a 
fringe  of  silk  depending  from  it. 

“ The  klambi,  or  jacket,  worn  by  the  women,  is,  if  anything,  larger  than 
that  worn  by  the  men.  The  patterns  are  precisely  the  same,  but  the  texture 
is  finer.  The  Sarebas  women  wear  another  jacket  dyed  a ruddy  brown  with 
mangrove  bark,  with  a square  embroidery  on  the  back,  and  a fringe  of  hawks’ 
bells.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  jackets  are  ornamented  with  fringe.”  (St.  John  i.  29.)  “ The 

women’s  jackets  among  the  Sakaran  reach  nearly  to  the  knees,  and  are  brown 
in  colour;  among  the  Balaus  they  are  bright  red,  and  reach  to  hips  only;  and 
among  the  Sarebas  they  are  nut-brown,  and  reach  to  knees.  The  dresses  of 
the  Sarebas  are  the  best  embroidered,  as  they  are  cleverest  in  all  needlework.” 
(Leggatt.)  “The  dandong,  or  shawl,  is  worn  slung  over  the  shoulder.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 


Undup  Girl’s  Sleeveless  Jacket 
of  unusual  shape. 

(Crossland  Coll.) 


White  Bark  Balau  Jacket 

Made  for  Land  Dyaks  Neck  and 
arm  holes  bound  with  black  cotton 
(Canterbury  Mus.) 


H.  LING  ROTH.  NATIVES  OF  SARAWAK  A 


ND  BRIT.  NORTH  BORNEO. 


PATTERN  ALONG  BACK  RIM  OF  SEA-DYAK  WOMAN'S 
JACKET;  WORKED  ON  ENGLISH  RED  CLOTH. 
(LEGGATT  COLL  :). 


BORDER  DOWN 
FRONT  OF  THE 
SAME  JACKET. 


Dress  in  Detail. 


5i 


Petticoats. 

The  Land  Dyaks  woman’s  petticoat  or  “ bidang  is  of  the  size  and  shape 
of  a kilt.  A belt  holds  it  round  the  waist,  and  it  descends  to  the  knee.” 
(Grant,  p.  17.)  “ Silver  coins  are  freely  worn  round  the  edges  of  the  jammu 

(petticoat)  of  the  Sering  and  Simpoke  women.”  (Denison,  ch.  vi.  p.  76.) 


End  of  a Piece  of  Cloth 

to  show  how  they  arrange  their 
colours. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


Pattern  on  Undup  Woman’s 
PeTTICOAT. 

(Crossland  Coll.) 


j 

i;i| 

' 

&L  ■ 

m! 

:: 

Im  p*  1 

) 

;} 

dUB 

*!!»•  V l|| 

II 

!«;(* 

*«* 

Mii 

•fli'Hit  Ai,,,! ! 

PURVIS*  WH'CE. 

I 


,1ft' 


4 


s 


ft,  I 


The  Rev.  Mr.  Horsburgh  relates  : “ On 
one  occasion  I saw  the  daughters  of 
several  Sakarran  chiefs  clothed  in  loose 
dresses  composed  of  shells,  beads,  and 
polished  stones,  arranged  with  great  care 
and  considerable  taste.  The  dress,  which 
was  very  becoming,  hung  as  low  as  the 
knee,  and  as  the  young  ladies  walked 
along,  the  stones  of  which  it  was  com- 
posed rung  upon  each  other  like  the  chime 
of  distant  bells.  These  dresses  are  very 
expensive,  costing  some  seventy  or  eighty 
reals  a-piece  (about  £12),  and  are  therefore 
not  common.”  (p.  11.)  “ In  the  wealthier 

Undup  tribes  the  women  wear  round  their  petticoats  strings  of  silver  coin,  the 

united  value  of  which,  in  many  cases,  will  amount  to  above  £10 

To  an  European  fresh  arrived  the  dress  looks  scanty  ; but,  when  he  lives 
amongst  them  and  has  seen  their  walks  and  their  work,  he  cannot  but  admit 
that  it  is  admirably  adapted  to  their  condition.”  (Crossland,  Miss.  Life  1865, 
P-  655-) 

‘‘The  Sea  Dyak  bidang  is  a short  petticoat  reaching  from  the  waist  to  the 
knee,  and  is  kept  in  its  place  by  being  folded  over  in  front  and  tucked  in  on  one 


Rejang  River  Dyak  Cloth. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


Sarebas  Woman’s  Petticoat. 

Width,  17m.  ; length  of  piece  drawn,  36m.  ; the  circumference  of  the  petticoat  formed  by  sewing  the  two  ends  of  half  a piece  of  cloth 
together  is  46m  ; the  whole  piece  of  cloth  from  the  loom  being  about  92  or  93m 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


53 


side.  It  is  manufactured  from  their  own  cotton  fabric,  which  is  first  partially 
dyed  and  then  worked  into  a variety  of  patterns  to  which  the  most  fanciful 
names  are  given.  The  bidang  worn  in  mourning  is  stained  a deep  indigo  blue, 
and  is  called  kain  baloi.  A lighter  shade  is  worn  out  of  mourning,  especially 
by  the  Ulu  Ais,  and  is  often  adorned  by  them  with  small  cowries  or  pearl 
buttons,  and  fringed  with  grunongs  or  little  tinkling  bells.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Kayan  women’s  frock  covering  is  more  capacious  in  drapery  than 
those  used  by  the  Dyaks.”  (Brooke  ii.  225.) 


Border  of  the  Sarebas  Woman’s  Petticoat. 
Illustrated  on  opposite  page 


“ The  dress  of  the  Kayan  women  is  a cloth  reaching  from  the  hips  to  the 
ankles,  tied  at  the  hips,  but  open  all  down  one  side,  leaving  room  for  them  to 
walk  easily.  They  wear  a string  of  beads  round  the  waist.”  (Hose,  J.A.I. 
xxiii.  167.) 

Of  the  Ida’an  young  women's  petticoats  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  says: 
“ They  were  larger  than  usual,  a practice  that  might  have  been  followed  with 
advantage  by  their  elders.”  (i.  248.) 

Mr.  Witti  remarks  on  the  scantiness  of  the  petticoats  of  some  Mount 
Dulit  Dusuns — “ regular  female  kilts,  which  do  not  incommode  them  in 
climbing  steep  hill-sides  or  ascending  a ladder.”  (Diary,  16  Mar.) 

Among  the  Adang  Muruts  the  “petticoats  are  of  the  shortest,  sometimes 
not  eight  inches  broad,  and  are  scarcely  decent.”  (St.  John  ii.  115.)  “A 
few  of  the  young  girls  have  petticoats  composed  entirely  of  beads  on  a 
groundwork  of  cloth  or  perhaps  bark.”  {ibid,  ii.  129.) 


54 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


r 


! — — ■ 

~nn — rrm — mni mm mTTT — nmn — *7rn  B/rm rnrjT; wnrf ™rm am  mr — imr 


- ..tin  ll"Vi i'hh  ii'lin  rni.ii  mill  niiiii  mini mull  aim amt  aim  ut»ui  iww  m»t  mm  »in  miwi  mui him  mini  mi.H  nun  urn- 


Pattern  of  Sea  Dyak  Woman’s  Petticoat. 

Dyed  in  shades  of  brown  varying  in  intensity,  with  a few  more  reddish  lines  running  through 
Method  of  dyeing  same  as  that  described  on  p 29.  Width  (top  to  bottom),  i8£in.  ; 

circumference,  46m. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 

Chawats. 

“The  sir  at,  called  chawat  by  the  Malays,  is  a strip  of  cloth  a yard  wide, 
worn  round  the  loins  and  in  between  the  thighs  so  as  to  cover  the  front 
and  back  only ; it  is  generally  six  yards  or  so  in  length,  but  the  younger  men 
of  the  present  generation  use  as  much  as  twelve  or  fourteen  yards  (sometimes 
even  more),  which  they  twist  and  coil  with  great  precision  round  and  round 
their  body  until  the  waist  and  stomach  are  fully  enveloped  in  its  folds.  It 
requires  considerable  practice  to  enable  one  to  dispose  of  so  much  cloth 
gracefully  about  the  person,  but  more  time  is  spent  by  these  young  dandies 
of  the  forest  than  one  would  imagine,  in  order  that  they  may  appear  to  the 
best  advantage  ; and  the  Ulu  Ais  seem  to  excel  all  other  tribes  in  the  skill  and 
taste  which  they  display  in  the  disposal  of  this  personal  attire.  One  end  is  so 
arranged  as  to  fall  over  the  coils  in  front  and  dangle  between  the  legs ; the 


Dress  in  Detail. 


55 


other  is  hitched  up  behind  so  as  to  hang  at  the  back  like  a long  tail,  or  is 
looped  up  at  the  hip  to  droop  on  the  right  thigh.  The  former  plan  is  adopted 
when  no  takai  buriet  (seat  mat)  is  worn,  so  as  to  cover  the  hindquarters  as 
much  as  possible.  A practised  eye  can  tell  in  a moment  to  what  tribe  or 
section  of  a tribe  an  individual  belongs,  not  merely  by  the  length  of  his  waist- 
cloth  and  the  way  in  which  it  is  wound  on,  but  also  by  its  colour  and  the 
fashion  in  which  it  is  decorated  at  its  extremities.  White,  as  being  the 
plainest  and  most  unpretending,  is  worn  in  mourning  and  during  outdoor 
labour ; it  is  cheap  and  will  wash.  Dark  blue,  however,  is  the  commonest 
throughout  the  country  when  out  of  mourning  ; it  wears  better,  shows  the 
dirt  less,  and  is  singularly  becoming.  Both  kinds  are  sometimes  bordered  at 
the  edges  with  scarlet  flannel.  Prints  and  shawl  patterns  are  affected  by  the 
young  men  of  the  Ulu  Ai  and  Ngkari  tribe  ; crimson,  and  saffron,  and  orange 
by  the  young  of  the  Lamanaks  and  Sakarang  tribes.  A klapong  sirat,  or 
tail  flap,  is  often  worn  by  the  elder  men  of  the  latter  tribes  ; it  is  of  a dull 
white  colour  with  a fringe  to  it,  being  made  of  home-grown  cotton  ; it  is 
prettily  and  fancifully  embroidered  with  coloured  thread  and  is  sewn  on  to 
either  end  of  the  sirat  to  hang  before  and  behind.  The  younger  men  and  boys 
prefer  the  fringes,  kabu  sirat,  manufactured  by  the  Malays,  or  ornamental 
borders  of  coloured  flannel.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

Among  the  Kiaus  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  found  “ chawats  were  decreasing, 
and  trousers  coming  in.”  (i.  320.)  Among  the  Main  Muruts  the  chawats 
“ are  often  absurdly  small,  not  even  answering  the  purpose  for  which  they  are 
intended.”  (ii.  129.) 

Hip  Lace. 

A garment  perhaps  mentioned  by  Mr.  Horsburgh  ( supra  p.  51)  is  described 
by  Sir  Sp.  St.John  as  worn  by  Si  Obong,  the  wife  of  Tamawan,  a Kyan  chief: 
“The  most  curious  part  of  her  costume  is  what  I must  call  a hip-lace  of  beads, 
consisting  of  three  strings,  one  of  yellow  beads  ; the  next  of  varied  colours, 
more  valuable  ; and  the  third  of  several  hundred  of  those  much-prized  ones 
by  the  Kayan  ladies.  It  is  difficult  to  describe  a bead  so  as  to  show  its 
peculiarities.  At  my  request,  she  took  off  her  hip-lace  and  handed  it  to  me  ; 
the  best  appeared  like  a body  of  black  stone,  with  four  other  variegated  ones 
let  in  around.  It  was  only  in  appearance  that  they  were  let  in  ; the  colours 
of  these  four  marks  were  a mixture  of  green,  yellow,  blue,  and  gray. 

“ Were  I to  endeavour  to  estimate  the  price  in  produce  she  and  her 
parents  had  paid  for  this  hip-lace,  the  amount  would  appear  fabulous.  She 
showed  me  one  for  which  they  had  given  eleven  pounds’  weight  of  the  finest 
birds’  nests,  or,  at  the  Singapore  market  price,  thirty-five  pounds  sterling. 
She  had  many  of  a value  nearly  equal,  and  she  wore  none  that  had  not  cost 
her  nine  shillings.”  7 (i.  119.)  See  illustration,  p.  46. 

7 Round  the  waist  the  women  wear  four  or  five  coils  of  large  stone  beads — red,  blue,  and 
yellow— which  form  a support  to  the  sarong,  or  petticoat.  Curiously  enough,  while  various 
miraculous  and  valuable  qualities  are  attributed  to  most  of  their  personal  ornaments,  these  waist- 
bands seem  to  be  the  only  articles  valued  as  heirlooms.  The  women  attach  great  value  to  these 
rows  of  beads,  especially  if  they  are  not  new  : and  when  I wanted  to  buy  a set,  the  answer  was  that 
it  had  been  in  the  family  so  long,  and  dated  back  to  so  remote  a date  (tempo  doelo),  that  they  could 
not  part  with  it  Sometimes  they  tried  to  recount  the  pedigree  of  the  article,  but  could  never  get 
further  back  than  their  great-grandmother.  (Bock,  p 188.) 


56 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Mat  Seats. 

“ The  takai  buriet,  already  referred  to,  is  a small  mat  which  is  tied  round 
the  waist  with  strings  so  as  to  cover  the  hindquarters  and  furnish  the  wearer 

with  a clean  portable 
seat  at  all  times,  and  at 
all  seasons.  The  mat 
is  of  split  cane  and 
woven  into  an  endless 
variety  of  patterns  and 
decorated  in  a variety  of 
ways,  use  being  made  of 
coloured  flannel,  nassar 
shells,  and  European 
pearl  buttons  for  this 
purpose.  Sometimes  a 
bear’s  skin  or  a pan- 
ther’s skin  is  cut  to  the 
required  size  and  worn 
in  lieu  of  a cane  one, 
and  when  this  is  set  off 
with  the  requisite  bead- 
work  of  the  country  it 
forms  a most  handsome 
ornament  to  the  per- 
son.” (Brooke  Low.) 
Mr.  Hornaday  (p.  392) 
says  the  “mats  are 
shield-shaped  of  many 
colours,  and  one  was 
ornamented  by  a border 
of  cowries  sewn  on  close 
together  all  the  way 
round.”  The  Rajah 
also  mentions  them.  (i. 
302.) 

“ The  Dyaks  [?  Du- 
sunsj  here  all  eat 
monkeys  and  preserve 
the  skins,  which  they 
fasten  round  their 
waists,  letting  the  tails 
hang  down  behind,  so 
that  in  the  distance 
Seat  Mat  of  Saribas  Dyaks.  they  look  like  men  with 

Worn  to  prev'ent  owner  sitting  upon  damp  places,  thorns,  &c.  • , ,,  , t_j  ,,  t-.- 

ornamented  with  black,  yellow,  and  white  woollen  cloths  or  flan-  tails.  (riaiion,  LMarj  , 

nel  and  European  porcelain  buttons.  Length,  23m  ; width,  14m.  18  Mar.) 

(Edinboro’  Mus.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


57 


Rain  Mats. 


“ On  their  backs  the  (Balow)  men  and  women  carry  a neat  mat  basket 
suspended  round  the  forehead,  and  when  it  rains  a mat  covers  the  head  and 
the  basket,  and  throws  off  the  rain  from  their  persons.”  (Sir  Jas.  Brooke, 
Mundy  i.  237.) 


Head  Dresses. 

The  Tringus  head-dress  has  already  been 
described.  Among  the  Si  Panjangs  “the 
bilian  or  female  doctors  or  prophetesses  wear 
a strange  cover  to  the  bnrang,  or  bead  head 
covering.  It  is  of  wood,  circular,  made  to  fit 
the  top  of  the  burang,  and  prettily  ornamented 
(inlaid)  with  tin.  A short  stick  covered  with 
the  feathers  of  the  enchalang  or  horn-bill  is 
stuck  in  the  centre  and  gives  the  whole  a very 
curious  effect.  I have  seen  this  covering  to 
the  head-piece  in  no  other  tribe.”  (Denison, 
ch.  v.  p.  56.)  The  Serin  Dyaks  also  wear  the 
conical  head-dress  of  the  Tringus.  {ibid,  ch.  xiii. 
p.  78.)  Mr.  Wallace  notes  the  conical  hat. 
(i.  p.  107.)  “The  Lanchang  men  and  women 
wear  a large  round  hat  (see  p.  63),  fitting  tight 
round  the  head  by  a band  on  which  is  raised 
the  flat  cover  about  two  feet  and  more  in 
diameter.”  (Denison,  ch.  viii.  p.  84.)  “ Some 

wore  a small  cap  of  red  cloth,  ornamented 
with  pearls,  shells,  and  brass  leaflets  and  with 
a long  feather  of  the  beautiful  argus  bird. 
Others  had  a piece  of  bast  tied  round  their 
heads  like  a bandage,  the  ends  of  which  were 
frayed  out  and  looked  like  cocked-up  feathers. 
A man  so  got  up  looked  very  funny : above — 
all  decoration,  below — nakedness  ! ” (Pfeiffer, 
p.  88.)  Sir  Hugh  Low  (pp.  179,  240)  and 
Mr.  Grant  (p.  17)  also  refer  to  the  bark  head- 
dress dyed  yellow.8  “ Some  of  the  Ballau 
young  men  wear  head-dresses  composed  of  the 
hair  of  their  enemies,  dyed  red.”  (Horsburgh, 
p.  11.) 

“ The  Semproh,  Sebongoh,  and  other 
tribes  on  the  southern  branch  of  the  Sarawak 
river,  are  fond  of  ornaments  of  opaque  and 
very  small  beads  which  are  worked  into  very 


8 Mr.  Bock  noticed  it  among  theTanjoeng  (p.  1 3 1 ) dyed 
red,  blue,  or  yellow. 


Dyak  Conical  Cap. 

Made  of  closely-interwoven  crim- 
son-dyed palm  leaf.  Wooden 
plug  at  the  apex  (a)  into  which  is 
fixed  a tuft  of  long  white  feathers 
with  black  stripe.  Diam.,  yin. ; 
height,  2 1 in. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


58 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


pretty  head-dresses.  This  ornament  is  made  of  the  strung  beads  of  various 
colours,  disposed  in  broad  transverse  bands : they  are  about  four  or  five 
inches  in  breadth,  and  open  at  the  top,  so  that  they  resemble  a broad 
fillet.’5  9 (Low,  p.  241.) 

“ The  labong,  or  head-dress,  is  a piece  of  cloth  a yard  or  two  in  length 
and  wound  round  the  head  in  the  style  of  a turban,  but  so  disposed  that  one 
end  stands  up  straight  from  the  forehead.  But  there  are  various  ways  of 
wearing,  binding,  coiling,  &c..,  whereby  one  tribe  may  be  distinguished  from 
another.  A white  labong  is  frequently  the  sign  of  mourning.  Saffron  and 
orange  are  favourite  colours  among  the  Lamanaks  and  Ngkaris ; black 
prevails  among  the  Sarebas  settled  in  Kajulan.  The  Ulu  Ais  affect  shawl 
patterns  and  buntas,  and  the  Sakarans  of  Gutabai  use  Javanese  handkerchiefs 
edged  with  scarlet  and  yellow.  By  others,  young  as  well  as  old,  a kind  of 
cap  called  selapok  is  much  worn.  It  is  made  of  plaited  rush  or  cane, 
sometimes  coloured  and  sometimes  plain,  as  well  as  coarse  or  fine;  and  is 
shaped  either  to  fit  closely  to  the  skull  or  to  resemble  an  ordinary  square  cap. 
(See  p.  60.)  Fillets  or  head-bands  of  the  same  material  and  variable  quality 
are  also  worn  with  an  open  crown  and  bordered  with  scarlet  cloth.  The 
Kinahs  wear  bark  cloth  round  their  caps  (as  we  wear  crape  round  our  hats) 
to  show  they  are  in  mourning.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

It  is  I think  of  the  Sarawak  Dyaks  that  Mr.  Marryat  writes : “Their 
hair  fell  down  their  backs,  and  nearly  reached  their  middle  : it  was  prevented 
from  falling  over  the  face  by  a fillet  of  grass,  which  was  ornamented  with 
mountain  flowers.”  (p.  11.) 


“ The  Sea  Dyak  women  make  no  attempt  to  part  their  hair  but  push  it 
over  the  forehead  and  gather  it  into  a knot  at  the  back  of  the  head — a plain 
or  fancy  one  as  the  occasion  may  warrant.  They  use  no  oil  of  their  own 
manufacture,  but  all  who  are  able  to  afford  the  luxury  may  obtain  it  from  the 
Malays.  The  hair  is  not  so  long  as  it  might  be,  and  is  frequently  cut  short 
during  dangerous  illness.  The  circumstances  of  their  lives  are  not  favourable 
to  a luxuriant  growth.  They  have  in  common  with  the  men  their  full  share 
of  exposure  to  all  weathers,  together  with  hard  work  out  of  doors  as  well  as 
in  doors.  Flowers  are  worn  in  the  hair  as  ornaments — red  and  green  being 
the  favourite  colours.  The  balong  is  a chaplet  of  odoriferous  berries  worn  by 
marriageable  girls. 

0 The  hair  is  straight  and  black  and  is  kept  cut  rather  short  by  both  sexes,  but  if  permitted 
would  grow  to  a great  length.  . "The  chiefs  adorn  their  heads  with  the  feathers  of  large 

birds,  which  are  stuck  erect  in  a bandage  encircling  the  head,  in  a manner  precisely  similar  to  that 
adopted  by  the  aboriginal  natives  of  South  America.  The  chiefs  of  a friendly  tribe,  which  visited 
Sambas  in  1833,  were  all  thus  decorated  " (Earl,  pp  258,  262.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


59 


“ The  men  dress  their  hair  in  a variety  of  ways.  The  genuine  Ulu  Ai 
fashion  is  to  let  the  back  hair  grow'  long  and  flowing,  and  to  keep  the  front 
either  shaved  or  close  cropped.  The  Ngkasi  style  is  to  shave  in  front  and  to 
keep  the  back  hair  close  cropped,  to  shave  again  across  the  back  of  the  head 
but  to  leave  tw'o  parallel  rows  of  hair  and  a tiny  lock  beneath  them  in  the 
centre.  The  Kayan  method  of  dressing  the  hair  is,  however,  fast  becoming 
the  fashion  among  the  dandies  of  all  the  tribes,  e.g.,  to  permit  the  back  hair 
to  flow'  to  its  full  length  over  the  shoulders  and  to  grow'  the  front  hair  over 
the  forehead  long  enough  to  form  a Grecian  fringe.  When  it  is  inconvenient 
to  have  the  back  hair  streaming  over  the  shoulders,  they  twist  it  and  tuck  it 
carefully  into  the  turban.-’  (Brooke  Low'.) 


The 


hair 


is 


Sarebas 
cut  in 


Dyaks’ 
such  a 


manner  as  to  give  to  their 
features  the  most  savage- 
looking appearance,  being 

shaved  troni  that  pait  of  Murut  Bone  Hair  Pins.  (See  p.  44. 

the  head  near  the  temples  iHoseCoii.) 

in  an  arched  form,  so  that  the  ends  of  the  two 
of  the  forehead  in  a fine  point  : the  hair  is  cut 
and  flowing  behind.”  10  (Low,  p.  179.) 


arches  meet  in  the  middle 
short  in  front,  but  left  long 


Women’s  Wooden 


Comb.  Kina  Bulu. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


(See  p.  63.) 


“The  head-dress  was  a 
clean  turban  of  bright 
scarlet  cloth,  neatly  wound 
around  the  head,  with  a 
loose  end  falling  over  the 
left  ear.  The  crown  of 
the  head  was  wholly  un- 
covered, and  a profusion  of 
jet  black  locks  fell  over 
the  top  of  the  turban.” 
(Brooke.) 


Palm-leaf  Kayan  Cap. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ukit  Girl’s  Bead  Cap. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Wicker-work  Foundation 
of  a Kanowit  Fur  Cap. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


“ The  Sarebas  are  rather  fond  of  ornament,  and  wear  grotesque  caps  of 
various  coloured  cloths  (particularly  red),  some  of  them  square,  others  peaked, 
and  others  like  a cocked  hat  worn  athwartships,  and  terminating  in  sharp 


10  “ The  hair  is  cut  short  below  the  occiput,  while  on  the  crown  it  is  allowed  to  grow  to  a 
great  length,  sometimes  reaching  to  the  knees.  This  long  hair  is  rolled  up  in  chignon  fashion.” 
(Bock,  p.  131.) 


Plaited  Hat.  (See  p.  58.) 
(Canterbury  Mus.) 


Cagayan  Sulu  Plaited  Rotan  Hat. 
Partly  stained  with  native  dyes.  The  centre- 
line as  shown  is  stained  red  ; with  dark  brown 
strips  on  both  sides.  The  edging  along  the 
bottom  is  a lighter  brown.  No  lining. 
Diam.,  i4|in. 

(Edinboro  Mus.) 


b.  r. 


Sakaran  Men’s  Mat  Cap. 
b.,  black  plaits;  r.,  red  plaits.  Diam.  of  brim,  6Jin. ; 
diam.  of  hole  on  top,  3 Jin. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


Conoidal  Cap 

of  plaited  narrow  strips  of  pale  (buff) 
reed,  painted  with  scroll  and  van- 
dyked  patterns  in  dark  crimson.  A 
row  of  small  pinkish  white  shells 
round  lower  edge.  In  centre  of  crown 
is  stuck  a tall  plume  (height,  2iin.)  of 
small  downy  white  feathers  attached 
to  slips  of  bambu.  Height  of  hat, 
5jin. ; diam.,  6in. 


(Brit  Mus.) 


Palm-leaf  Hat. 
(Leiden  Mus. 


Hemispherical  Cap 

of  plaited  rattan,  with  star-shaped 
covering  of  coloured  glass  beads, 
and  plume  of  black  and  white 
feathers  on  top.  Diam  , 7m. 
|‘From  Dutch  Borneo." 

(Brit.  Mus) 


Finished  Hat. 
Sambas  (Dutch  Borneo.) 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Hats  in  process  of  manufacture.  From  Sebelau,  Sambas  (Dutch  Borneo). 

(Leiden  Mus.) 


62 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


points  on  the  top  of  the  head.  These  head-dresses  are  ornamented  with 
tufts  of  red  hair  or  black  human  hair,  shreds  of  cloth,  and  sometimes  feathers  ; 
but  what  renders  them  laughable  to  look  at  is  that  the  hair  is  cut  close  to 
match  the  shape  of  the  cap  ; so  when  a man  displaces  them,  you  find  him 


Enlarged  border. 


With  domed  top  made  of  radiating  crimson-coloured  strips  of  leaf.  Diam.,  15m 

(Brit.  Mus.) 

bare  of  hair  about  the  forehead  and  posterior  part  of  the  skull,  cut  into  points 
over  the  ears,  and  the  rest  of  the  skull  shewing  a good  crop  of  black  bristles.” 
(Keppel  i.  224.) 

The  hair  of  the  Sibuyau,  long  and  dark,  “ was  twisted  up  at  the  back  of 
the  head,  the  frontal  arrangement  being  something  between  a braid  and  the 
costume  a la  Chinoise.”  (Mundy  ii.  115.)  “ A fillet  of  plaited  cane  is  worn 

round  the  head,  into  which  the  long  hair  may  be  tucked  up  if  it  should  at  any 
time  incommode  him.  It  is  considered  a shame  to  a woman  to  have  her 
head  shaven  or  her  hair  cut  short.  A woman  generally  wears  her  hair  tucked 
up  at  the  back  in  a loop  resembling  a single  bow.”  (F.  W.  Leggatt.) 

“ Both  sexes  of  the  Balaus  are  fond  of  adorning  their  hair  or  head-dresses 
with  flowers,  generally  large  bright  red  and  yellow  blossoms,  which  become 
their  dark  complexions  exceedingly  well.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  11.) 

“ The  Kayan  and  Kenniah  men  wear  on  the  top  of  the  head  only  a cap 
or  large  tuft  of  long  hair  which  hangs  down  the  back,  all  the  rest  of  the  scalp 
being  shaven.  This  way  of  wearing  the  hair  is,  I consider,  the  last  remnant  of 
the  Chinese  pigtail,  and  I firmly  believe  that  the  Kayans,  Kenniahs,  and 
Punans  are  all  descended  from  a Chinese  stock.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  167.) 
Among  the  Kyan  women  a “ small  ribbon  of  beads  attached  to  some  cloth  is 


Dress  in  Detail. 


63 


often  worn  on  the  head  to  confine  the  hair  so  that  it  shall  fall  evenly  over  the 
shoulders.”  (ibid.)  The  Kyan  women  “wear  head-dresses  in  many  instances, 
generally  red  turbans  . . . allowing  their  hair  to  fall  loosely  down  their 

backs,  or  else  they  wind  it  round  the  head-gear  when  it  encumbers  their 
movements.”  (Brooke  ii.  224,  302.)  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  (i.  103)  says  their  hair, 
is  bound  with  white  fillets. 

“ Among  the  Dusuns  the  heads  of  the  children  are  shaved  for  the  first 
few  years,  after  which  the  hair  is  allowed  to  grow.  The  young  men  do  not 
shave  their  heads  or  cut  their  hair  until  they  become  fathers  ; consequently 
many  youths  have  fine  heads  of  long  black  locks,  which  they  generally  tie  up 
beneath  their  head-cloths  (cigare).”  (Whitehead,  p.  105.)  “ The  women  use 

bamboo  or  wooden  hair-combs  made  by  their  lovers  or  husbands,  and  this  is 
their  only  toilet  article.”  (ibid,  p.  109.)  See  p.  59. 


Conical  Hat. 

Formed  ol  four  pieces  of  leaf  overlapping,  painted  in  red  and  black,  with  a band  of  scroll  pattern 
and  dentated  borders.  Dutch  Borneo.  (See  p.  57.) 


64 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Among  the  Tinagas  Dusuns  (Mamaguns)  Mr.  Witti  noticed  “the  splendid 
heads  of  hair  among  the  male  population  Their  hair  is  mostly  three  feet 
long  and  is  worn  tied  up  in  a knot  behind  when  at  work  or  on  the  tramp,  but 
when  at  ease  it  is  loosened.  It  is  a curious  sight  to  see  a number  of  men 
combing  each  other’s  hair  and  forming  a chain  in  doing  so.  But  their  hair 
is  by  no  means  so  thick  as  to  support  the  theory  of  an  improvement  of  the 
Dusun  race  by  a mixture  of  Chinese  blood.’’  (Diary,  24  May.)  Speaking 
of  the  same  people,  he  says:  “ No  vanity  whatever  about  the  girls  ; they  are 
smutty-faced  and  toozle-headed.  We  yesterday  passed  a number  of  rustic 
damsels  whose  hair  was  quite  carroty  from  neglect.”  (Diary,  29  Nov.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  mentions  that  among  some  Ida’an  he  met  with  “the 
young  girls  had  the  front  of  the  head  shaved,  after  the  manner  of  the  Chinese.” 
(i.  249.)  At  Niasame,  writing  likewise  of  the  Dusuns,  Mr.  Hatton  says:  “They 


Kayan  Head-dress.  Baram  River. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


65 


shave  their  heads  like  the  Chinese,  leaving  a patch  at  the  back  and  two  small 
tufts  at  the  ears.”  (Diary,  8 April.) 

“ The  Muruts  on  the  Limbang  river,  like  those  seen  near  the  coast,  often 
wear  their  hair  tied  in  a knot  behind,  and  keep  it  in  its  place  by  a great  pin, 
fashioned  something  like  a spear-head  both  in  size  as  well  as  in  appearance, 
which  is  made,  according  to  the  means  of  the  wearer,  either  of  brass  or  of 
bamboo.”  (St.  John  ii.  go.) 

Their  hair  “ is  often  very  gracefully  wreathed  up  with  a string  of  red  or 
amber-coloured  beads,  sometimes  with  a strip  of  the  pale  yellow  nipa  leaf  in  its 
young  state,  and  the  colour  contrast  is  then  very  effective.”  (Burbidge,  p.  156.) 

The  Sin  Dyaks  wore  “ a head-cloth  of  common  blue  calico,  fastened  on 
by  a plaited  rattan,  which  was  passed 
over  the  top  of  the  head-cloth  and  under 
the  chin.”  (Hatton,  Diary,  18  Mar.) 

And  the  Dusuns  of  Toadilah  wear  “ a 
black  piece  of  cloth  round  the  head, 
kept  on  by  a band  of  red  rattans.” 

{ibid,  31  Mar.) 

Mr.  Witti  met  some  Dusuns  who  had 
“sou’-wester ” hats  ‘‘consisting  of  deer 
or  bear  skin,  the  hair  outside.”  (Diary, 

16  Mar.) 

Describing  the  Saghai  Dyaks  on  the 
S.  E.  coast  of  Borneo,  Mr.  Marryat 
(p.  79)  says  they  “ are  dressed  in  tigers’ 
skins  and  rich  cloth,  with  splendid  head- 
dresses made  out  of  monkeys’  skins  and 
the  feathers  of  the  Argus  pheasant.” 

Earrings. 

“ The  heavy  metal  earrings  are,  I 
believe,  made  in  moulds,  and  many 
are  beaten  out  with  hammers : each 
tribe  of  the  many  scores  in  Sarawak 
wear  different  earrings.  . . . What 

few  metals  the  Dyaks  possess  of  gold  are 
bought  from  Malays  and  Chinese.” 

(F.  R.  O.  Maxwell.) 

‘‘The  grunjong  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  is 
worn  in  the  rim  of  the  ear,  which  is 
pierced  along  its  entire  length  to  receive 
the  numerous  rings  of  which  it  is  com- 
posed, and  it  looks  uncommonly  pretty 
on  the  person  ; but  when  it  is  discon-  Sea  Dyak  Pair  of  Earrings  (back  and  front), 
tinued  for  a time,  as  it  often  is,  from  Composed  of  penanular  brass  wires  graduated 
choice  or  by  necessity,  as  in  mourning 

for  instance,  and  the  holes  are  plugged  (Edinboro’  mus.) 


F 


VOL.  2. 


66  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

with  wooden  pegs  11  to  keep  them  open,  the  cartilage  looks  hideously  ugly  and 
disfigured  by  slits  and  sores.  The  rings  are  of  brass,  and  smallest  at  the  top, 
gradually  increasing  in  size  until  they  reach  the  bottom.  A very  great  many 
are  worn  in  each  ear  by  the  young  and  vain — as  many  as  twenty  holes  by  the 


Dyak  Brass  Earring. 

Furnished  with  aiglettes.  Real  size.  Weight,  i^oz. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 

young  men — while  elderly  men  are  content  with  fewer.  The  variety  worn  by 
the  Ulu  Ai  and  Ngkari  are  strung  with  white  cowries,  which  are  kept  in 

11  S Muller  met  with  plugs  2-3in.  in  diameter;  the  women  do  not  wear  them  quite  so  large, 
but  embellish  them  with  thin  plates  of  gold  in  front,  (ii.  352  ) The  Punans  asked  Mr.  Bock  for  his 
empty  cartridge  cases  to  put  through  their  ears.f5(p.  74.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


67 


Youngest  Daughter  of  the  Chief  of  Kanowit. 
(By  Mr.  B.  U.  Vigors,  Illus.  Loud.  News,  10  Nov.,  1849.) 


their  place  by  a ruby  bead  at  either  end  of  the  line,  and  are  heavier  by 
far  than  the  plain  brass  grunjongs  used  by  the  Sakarans.”  (Brooke  Low.) 
H is  Highness  also  refers  to  the  ugliness  of  the  ears  when  the  rings  are 
taken  out,  and  to  their  jagged, 
broken  appearance,  and  the 
ulcerated  sores  and  discoloured 
places  to  be  then  seen.  A lady 
newly  out  from  England 
thought  they  looked  as  though 
they  had  been  gnawed  by  rats. 

(i.  108;  ii.  210.)  Madame 
Pfeiffer  counted  fifteen  rings  in 
one  ear,  the  largest  ring  hung 
as  low  down  as  the  shoulder, 
and  was  certainly  three  inches 
in  diameter.  Attached  to  the 
latter  were  a leaf,  a flower,  a 
small  brass  chain,  and  some 
other  article.  (p.  87.)  The 
Land  Dyaks  told  Sir  James 
Brooke  (Mundy  i.  63) : “ When 
you  meet  a Dyak  with  many 
rings  in  his  ears,  trust 
him  not,  for  he  is  a bad 
man.”  They  were  re- 
ferring to  the  Sarebas 
and  Sakarans. 

The  langgn  of  the 
Ulu  Ai  is  borrowed 
from  the  Punan,  and 
consists  of  a small  but 
heavy  coil  of  brass  or 
copper.  The  Lama- 
naks  wear  larger  but 
lighter  ones  of  lead. 

Boys  sometimes  wear 
a narrow  strip  of  scar- 
let as  a pendant  to  the 
ear,  or  a wing  of  the 
golden  green  Chryso- 
chroa  (?  Buprestis) 
beetle. 

The  tinggu  is  a 
pendant  worn  at  each 
ear  to  droop  on  to  the 
shoulder,  and  is  only 
worn  by  over-dressed 


Ears  of  Natives  [?  Dusuns] . 

At  Gunong  Tabor  on  Panti  River  (E.  Borneo). 
(After  Mr.  F.  S.  Marryat.) 


Ulu  Ayer  and 
Sarebas  Brass 
Earring  Pendants. 


(Crossland  Coll.) 


Sea  Dyak 
Ear  Ornament  (?) 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ear  Ornament  (?) 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ear  Ornament. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Gutta  Ear  Plugs. 
Worn  in  the  lobe.  £ real  size. 
From  Long  Wai. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


U dang,  Kyan  Ear 
Ornaments 

(of  canines),  with 
gutta  knobs. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


Brazen  Dragon  Ear- 
drop (?)  Udok  aso. 

Worn  by  Long  Gelat 
Chieftain. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Kayan  Ear  Rim  Pegs  (Teeth). 
From  Fort  Kapit,  Rejang  River. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


Ear  Pendant. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ear-lobe  Plug. 
3 Jin.  diam. 
Bejaju,  S.E. 

Borneo. 

(Leiden  Mus,) 


Udang  beto. 
(hornbill  imita- 
tion.) Worn  in 
ear  by  Kayan 
chief. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Ear  Peg  (?) 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


69 


dandies.  It  is  decidedly  ornamental,  being  made  of  thin  crescent-shaped 
plates  of  brass  stamped  and  fringed  with  metal.  (See  p.  66.)  These  ear-rings, 
especially  the  heavy  shell  ones,  oblige  a man  to  lie  flat  on  his  back  when  he 
is  going  to  sleep,  it  being  painful  to  rest  on  the  sides  of  the  face. 

The  Sibuyaus  wear  “ ear-rings  apparently  of  a kind  of  mixed  metal,  and 
of  very  large  size  ; but  by  no  means  a becoming  ornament,  being  so  dispro- 
portionate to  their  small  and  symmetrical  figures.”  (Mundy  ii.  115.) 

Mr.  De  Windt  speaks  of  a Kanowit  (?),  who,  in  addition  to  a dozen  small 
rings  in  the  lobe  of  the  ear,  had  a pair  of  wild  boar’s  tusks  thrust  through  point 
outwards,  (p.  69.)  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  (i.  100)  says:  “They  are  tiger-cat’s 
teeth,  stuck  through  like  a pair  of  turn-down  horns.”  He  also  says  the 
Kanowits  “draw  down  the  lobes  of  their  ears  to  their  shoulders  by  means  of 
heavy  lead  ear-rings.”  (i.  39.)  “ The  Kayans’  ears  are  similarly  pierced  and 

an  animal’s  tooth  pushed  through.”  (Brooke  ii.  224.)  “ Kayans  and  others 

wear  tiger-cat  teeth  in  the  tips  of  their  ears.  The  points  of  Dians  (a  native  of 
the  Rejang  river)  I observed  turned  upwards,  which  is  not  usual,  and  he  said 
it  was  an  old  custom  revived  by  a chief  named  Hang.  The  Uma  Lesongs  wear 
two  such  teeth  in  each  ear,  the  upper  one  pointing  upwards,  the  lower  one 
downwards  ; those  who  are  unable  to  procure  the  genuine  article  wear  imitation 
ones  carved  out  of  horn  or  bone.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ In  the  ears  of  the  Kayan  women  there  are  heavy  brass  or  leaden  orna- 
ments attached,  and  the  aperture  occasioned  by  these  weights  is  often  large 

enough  for  a man’s  hand  to  be  passed  through Those  who  marry 

Malays  cut  their  ears  off  short  and  join  the  ends,  and  after  a time  very  little 

mark  is  observed They  have  rings  of  ivory  and  beaded  rings  in 

their  ears,  and  a tiger’s  tooth  through  each  lobe.  Hung  to  the  women’s  ears 
are  ponderous  bits  of  lead  or  brass.”  (Brooke  ii.  224,  225,  302.) 


“ None  of  the  Kayans  or  Kenniah  races  wear  nose  or  lip  ornaments.  They 
pierce  holes  in  the  ears  of  their  children  when  the  latter  are  from  two  to  three 
years  of  age.  From  these  holes — in  the  case  of  a girl — they  hang  heavy  weights, 
adding  to  them  yearly,  till  the  opening  in  the  elongated  ear-lobe  is  sufficiently 


70 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


large  to  allow  of  the  girl  inserting  through  it  her  own  head  ; in  the  case  of  some 
women  I have  seen  as  much  as  two  pounds  weight  depending  from  the  lobe  of 
each  ear.  The  men  wear  light  ear-rings,  and  the  lobes  of  their  ears  usually 
hang  down  about  2 inches.”13  (Hose,  J.  A.  I.  xxiii.  167.) 

“ The  women  of  this  and  other  tribes  wear  in  their  ears  ornaments  of 
gold  or  silver,  which  are  of  such  an  extent  of  surface  as  entirely  to  conceal 
that  organ  : like  the  bracelets,  the  pattern  is  stamped  upon  them  from  the 
back,  and  the  thin  plate  is  soldered  to  a small  tube  which  passes  through  the 
hole  pierced  in  the  ear,  and  is  fastened  by  a nut  in  the  manner  of  the  more 
elegant  ear-ornaments  of  the  Malayan  women.”  (Low,  p.  181.)  “ Among 

the  Rejang  Dyaks  this  article  is  called  tasok  pendieng.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  poor  little  infants’  faces  are  horribly  distorted  by  the  discomfort 
and  weight  of  these  masses  of  metal,  which  they  are  obliged  to  wear  at  the 
earliest  age.”  (Mrs.  McDougall,  p.  155.)  Mr.  Crossland  once  gave  some 
buttons  to  some  Undup  girls:  “The  buttons  excited  universal  admiration, 
and  were  eagerly  sought  for  as  earrings.  I tell  you  I can  put  my  little  huger 
into  the  hole  without  giving  pain.  The  way  they  do  it  is  : first  they  make  a 
small  hole,  which  they  gradually  enlarge  by  plugs  of  wood  increased  in  size — 
the  buttons  they  fasten  by  putting  a piece  of  wood  into  the  shank.  The 
small  buttons  really  look  pretty,  the  contrast  being  good— the  raven-black 
hair,  copper-coloured  skin,  the  rich  gold  of  the  button.  The  gold  earrings  of 
the  country  are  of  filagree  work,  the  gold  being  tinged  a dull  red,  which 
would  lead  those  who  did  not  know  to  suppose  they  were  not  really  gold.  I 
have  a ring  of  pure  gold  from  the  upper  country,  which  makes  my  English 
gold  look  like  silver.”  (Miss.  Life,  1864,  p.  651.) 

“ Many  of  the  Adang  Murut  men  and  women  wear  round  flat  pieces  of 
metal  or  of  wood  in  the  holes  of  their  ears  instead  of  earrings,  while  others 
have  heavy  pieces  of  lead,  dragging  the  ear  down  to  the  shoulder,  like  the 
Kanowit  tribe,  I suppose  to  enlarge  the  holes  to  the  proper  proportions.” 
(St.  John  ii.  115.) 

“ The  Muruts  also  wear  many  rings  of  lead  up  the  rim  of  the  ear.” 
{ibid,  i.  29,  ii.  124.) 


12  " A child's  ears  are  perforated  when  it  is  only  six  months  old,  and  from  that  day  the  hole  is 
forcibly  increased  in  size,  till  the  lobe  of  the  ear  forms  a loop  from  one  to  four  inches  or  more  long. 
At  first  wooden  pegs  are  placed  in  the  hole,  these  are  afterwards  replaced  by  a couple  of  tin  or  brass 
rings.”  Those  who  are  poor  use  a rolled  up  leaf  instead.  " Gradually  the  weight  is  increased  by  the 
addition  of  other  larger  rings,  till  the  lobe  of  the  ear  often  gives  way  under  the  strain  and  splits.  I 
have  counted  as  many  as  sixteen  rings  in  a single  ear,  each  of  them  the  size  of  a dollar.  The  rings 
are  generally  made  of  tin,”  they  can  be  removed  and  replaced  at  leisure ; the  slit  of  the  ring  is  made 
to  hang  lowermost  ” Among  the  Tring  and  Long  Wai  Dyaks,  they  average  30Z.,  330  grains  troy. 
Sometimes  discs  of  wood,  often  coloured  or  otherwise  ornamented,  and  varying  from  one  to  one  and 
a half  inches  in  diameter,  are  inserted  into  the  openings.”  The  helix  of  the  ear  is  also  pierced  or  slit 
in  several  places,  and  pieces  of  red  or  blue  ribbon  or  cord  are  tied,  or  buttons,  pieces  of  wood,  and 
feathers  inserted.  The  elongation  of  the  lobe  of  the  ear  attains  its  greatest  development  among  the 
Tring  Dyaks.  A Tring  woman,  from  accurate  measurements  taken  by  me,  had  a total  length  of  ear, 
71  inches  ; with  length  of  the  gash  in  the  lobe,  4 75  inches  ; and  with  the  distance  between  the  level 
of  the  chin  and  the  bottom  of  the  ear,  2 85  inches  ” The  men  do  not  carry  the  fashion  to  such 
extremes  as  do  the  women  Besides  this  central  slit  in  the  lobe  of  the  ear,  the  Tring  women  pierce 
one,  two,  or  three  additional  holes  in  the  loop  of  flesh  on  either  side.  (Bock,  p 186.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


7i 

“Among  the  Niasame  Dusuns  earrings  are  not  at  all  popular.”  (Hatton’s 
Diary,  18  April.) 

“ The  Mount  Dulit  Dusuns  have  earrings  which  dangle  one  below 
another,  all  three  of  brass  wire  coiled  into  a spiral.  The  lowermost  is  fixed 
into  the  ear  lobe,  and  is  2±  inches  in  diameter;  the  two  smaller  ones  are  fixed 
into  the  margin  of  the  ear.  ...  A profusion  of  brass  wire  attached  to 
the  ear  shell  we  found  customary  with  the  Dyak  tribes  on  the  left  side  of  the 
Pagalan  River.  There  it  seems  to  be  an  ornament  proper,  and  not  a piece  of 
armour  as  I understand  it.  At  Salimbitan  elderly  females  wear  enormous 
earrings  of  brass,  which  purposely  they  never  polish,  the  verdigris  being 
considered  to  add  to  the  ornament,  at  the  same  time  they  carry  little  children 
about  who  play  with  these  poison  coated  trinkets.  . . . The  women  on 

the  Upper  Kimanis  wear  a plug  stuck  through  the  ear  lobe  coloured  red, 
black,  and  yellow,  and  which  has  the  shape  of  an  acorn.”  (Witti’s  Diary, 
16  March.)13 

Necklets,  Armlets,  and  Leglets. 

In  the  early  portion  of  this  chapter  in  the  full  descriptions  of  the  dresses 
of  the  natives  frequent  reference  was  made  to  their  necklaces,  armlets,  &c., 
and  to  the  varieties  of  beads  which  found  favour  in  the  different  districts. 

“ The  Sikong  women  seem  to  prefer  wearing  more  white  beads  mixed 
with  black  in  their  necklaces,  Tringus  showing  a strong  partiality  for  red  and 
black.”  (Denison,  ch.  v.  p.  52.)  “ The  Si  Panjangs  wear  chains  of  black  and 

red  beads  (I  saw  a few  of  blue  14  colour)  round  the  neck  like  the  Gunibang  and 
Tringus  women,  differing  herein  from  the  Sikongs  and  Si  Baddats  who  affect 
black  and  white  beads.”  (ibid,  ch.  v.  56.)  “Among  the  Simpoke  and  Serin 
women  silver  chains  round  the  neck  were  far  from  uncommon,  these  latter 
being  also  affected  by  the  men.”  (ibid,  ch.  vii.  76.)  “ The  Serin  women  also 

wear  broad  shell  armlets.”  (ibid,  ch.  vii.  p.  78.)  “The  Upper  Sarawak 
women  wear  a white  porcelain  ring  as  an  ornament  on  the  upper  part  of  the 
arm.”  (Houghton,  M.A.S.  iii.  198.)  “ For  ornaments,  they  wear  bracelets 

of  the  red  wood  of  the  heart  of  the  Tapang  tree,  which,  after  exposure  to  the 
air,  becomes  black  as  ebony,  and  being  without  its  brittle  qualities,  is  more 
durable;  and  broad  armlets,  which  are  made  of  the  shell  (Kima)  from  the 
coast  of  Celebes,  and  which,  when  polished  by  length  of  use  among  the 

13  Mr.  Bock  thus  describes  the  method  followed  by  a native  in  making  tin  earrings  : Taking  a 
long,  straight  piece  of  bamboo,  the  hollow  of  which  was  the  same  diameter  as  it  was  intended  that 
the  earrings  should  be,  he  fixed  on  the  top  of  it  the  half  of  a cocoa-nut  shell,  with  a hole  bored 
through,  in  which  the  upper  end  of  the  cane  was  inserted,  the  whole  forming  a tube,  with  a cup  at 
the  top.  Wrapping  the  tube  in  a cloth,  he  melted  the  tin  in  a small  ladle,  and  poured  it  into  the 
cocoa-nut  cup,  till  the  tube  was  filled.  When  the  tin  was  cool,  he  opened  the  bamboo  tube,  and 
took  out  a long,  straight,  round  rod  of  tin  ; which  he  then  bent  round  a thick,  but  smooth,  piece  of 
wood,  forming  a ring,  with  the  ends  not  quite  meeting.  (Bock,  p.  67.) 

14  "The  women  adorn  their  heads  and  necks  with  little  blue  and  white  beads,  the  manufacture 
of  Great  Britain  and  China,  which  are  eagerly  sought  after  for  the  purpose."  (Earl,  p.  262  ) Both 
sexes  appear  to  place  high  value  on  their  necklaces,  which  generally  consist  of  cornelians  2 and  3 
inches  long,  mixed  with  small  balls  of  gold  hollowed  out  like  our  bells.  The  greater  part  of  these 
cornelians  found  among  the  Dyaks  would  probably  have  been  brought  to  them  in  bygone  times  by 
Arab  merchants  who  then  carried  on  trade  with  Borneo.  (S.  Muller  ii.  p 354.)  See  illustration  on 
p.  72. 


72 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Dyaks,  resembles  ivory,  but  never  acquires  its  yellow  tinge,  always  remaining 
of  the  purest  white  colour.”  15  (Low,  p.  240.) 


Sea  Dyak  Coloured  Bead  Necklace. 

Worn  by  men  and  women  The  beadwork  covers  a piece  of  wrapped  rope 
about  fin.  in  diam. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 

15  The  Bukkit  men,  as  well  as  women,  wore  round  the  arms  and  neck  strings  of  a kind  of  bead 
made  of  a small  marine  shell  (sp  of  Nassa),  from  which  they  cut  the  whorl  away,  leaving  only  the 
part  round  the  mouth  ; the  columellar  lip  is  much  expanded  in  these  shells.  The  traders  from  Fassir 
and  Tanah  Boemboe  get  these  shells  from  the  coast,  and  exchange  them  for  gold  dust  and  wax. 
Nowhere  else  in  Borneo  have  I noticed  these  Nassa  ornaments,  though  occasionally  in  other  parts  I 
have  seen  a Helix  Brookei  worn  as  an  ornament,  or  to  form  the  tops  or  lids  of  the  arrow  cases. 
(Bock,  p 244.) 


Dress  in  Detail. 


73 


At  Sambun  village  the  Rev.  Mr.  Chalmers  “ noticed  some  teeth  necklaces. 
They  consist  of  two  or  three  rows  of  beads,  next  a row  of  small  shells,  and 
then  a row  of  pigs’  or  bears’  tusks  fixed  in  a circular  frame.  Bears’  tusks  are 
valued  here  at  at  least  two  rupees  per  tusk,  so  that  when  there  are  from  thirty 
to  forty  in  one  necklace,  they  form  a rather  expensive  ornament.”10  (Miss. 
Field,  1859,  p.  134.)  Sir  H.  Keppel  met  a Singie  who  “ was  ornamented  with 
a necklace  of  bears’  teeth  ; and  several  had  such  a profusion  of  small  white 
beads  about  their  necks  as  to  resemble  the  voluminous  folds  of  the  old-fashioned 
cravat.”  (i.  147.) 


L Sty 


Mr.  Grant  speaks  of  a similar 
“ necklace,  to  which  is  attri- 
buted a charm;  it  is  composed 
of  bears’  tusks  and  teeth,  the 


Thin  brass  rolled  into 
shape  of  a long  bead 
by  Malaus. 

(Crossland  Coll.) 

points  stuck  outwards,  and  the 
intervals  between  their  roots 
filled  up  with  large  blue  beads 
of  unknown  origin  and  tnanu- 


Undup  Bead  Necklace 
Tassel  Ends. 

Made  of  bits  of  red  and 
yellow  European  cloths. 

(Crossland  Coll.) 

facture ; the  circle  to  which 
these  are  attached  is  of  rattan, 
covered  with  red  cloth.  . 

These  necklaces  give  a wild  and 
imposing  appearance  to  the 
wearer,  but  poor  men  do  not 
often  boast  the  possession  of  them.  Bears  are  not  very  numerous,  and  each 
tooth  costs  somewhere  about  is.  6d.  to  2s.  sterling,  or  its  equivalent  in  rice  or 
paddy.”  (p.  43.) 


Reed  Necklace. 

On  European  thread;  the  ends  joined  by  piece  of  lead  wire 
(Leggatt  Coll.) 


,s  "At  Sabutut  several  of  the  men  wore  a necklace  of  tigers’  teeth,  fastened  by  their  roots  to  a 
brass  wire,  in  such  a manner  that  the  sharp  points  stand  outward,  and  present  a formidable  defence 
for  the  breast.  Beads  and  cowrie  shells  are  inlaid  among  the  teeth  in  a neat  manner  " (Doty,  p.  298  ) 


Armlets. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Simpai  Dyak  Man’s  Bracelet. 

Of  hard  black  wood.  Inside  diam.,  3 Jin. ; weight,  6Joz. 
(Peek  Coll.) 


Kadayan  Bracelet. 

2gin.  diam.  ; weight,  ifoz.  Copper,  with  three  silver 
wires  running  round.  (Joint  shown  in  illustration). 
Baram  River. 

(Peek  Coll ) 


G clang. 

(The  second  and  fourth  ring  appear  to  be  made 
of  European  prepared  metal).  Baram  River. 


KE 

Hawk's  Bell  on  Kayan  Necklace. 


(Peek  Coll.) 


Simpai  Dyak  Boy’s  Bracelet. 

Tinfoil  inlaid,  dark  wood  (like  that  of  a palm).  Internal 
diam.,  2jin.  ; weight,  ijoz. 

(Peek  Coll.) 


(Peek  Coll.) 


Shell  Armlet 

Dammar  seam,  inlaid  with  cowries. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Porcelain  Armlet. 
(Canterbury  Mus.) 


(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Dress  in  Detail.  75 

The  following  is  a list  of  Sea  Dyak  ornaments  for  neck,  arm,  and  leg 
wear  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Brooke  Low  : 

“A  simpai  lengan  is  an  armlet,  or  as  it  is  literally  translated,  a loop  for 
the  arm.  It  is  worn  above  the  elbow-joint  and  is  often  of  dark  wood  or 
carved  ivory,  but  the  kind  most  generally  in  use  is  formed  from  the  base 
of  the  cone  of  the  Kima  shell  (Conns  Guratensis),  and  is  grooved  on  its  upper 
surface.  The  cavity  is  filled  up  with  resinous  substance,  and  studded  with 
the  scarlet  seed  of  the  Michelia  or  with  a few  Nassar  shells.  It  is  a most 
becoming  ornament,  but  extremely  expensive — a pair  of  the  largest  and  best 
costing  £6.  Occasionally  two  are  worn  on  each  arm,  but  this  is  considered 
bad  taste  and  is  discouraged. 

“ Rangki  are  the  same  as  shell  armlets  already  described  under  the  name 
of  simpai  lengan,  and  are  worn  by  the  women.  They  are  only  worn  upon 
especial  occasions,  and  form  part  of  the  full  dress  of  a woman  of  fashion.  As 
they  are  far  smaller  in  size,  and  not  so  well  finished,  they  are  less  costly  than 
those  worn  by  the  men.  Some  eight  or  nine,  however,  are  worn  upon  each 
arm,  the  more  the  better  in  their  opinion. 

“ The  tumpa  or  bracelets  worn  alike  by  men  and  women  are  of  three 
descriptions,  and  are  called  tumpa  gelang,  tumpa  bala,  and  tumpa  unus  respec- 
tively. The  first  are  of  brass,  the  second  of  ivory,  and  the  last  of  plaited  fibre. 
The  two  first  consist  of  some  sixty  close-fitting  rings  commencing  at  the 
wrist  and  reaching  half  way  up  the  arm  ; a few  in  the  former  are  made  to 
hang  loose  on  the  back  of  the  hand  and  being  engraved  are  styled  tengkelai. 

“ The  tumpa  bala,  or  tumpa  godieng  as  they  are  also  called,  have  been 
adopted  by  the  Sea  Dyaks  within  the  last  few  years  from  the  Tetaks  and 
Segaus  ; they  are  now  made  in  china  and  gold  in  Bornean  bazaars. 

[The  Sarebas  and  Sakaran  women  have  their  arms  “ adorned  with 
bracelets  of  silver  very  neatly  made,  being  formed  of  thin  plates  of  a broad 
and  convex  shape,  so  that  they  stand  out  from  the  arm  ; they  have  the 
patterns  stamped  upon  them  from  the  inside,  and  wear  them  from  the  wrist 
up  to  the  elbow,  eight  or  nine  in  number  ; they  do  not,  like  the  women  of 
some  other  tribes,  wear  brass  wire  above  the  elbow-joint.”  (Low,  p.  181.)  The 
Undups  have  silver  “ bracelets,  reaching  from  the  wrist  to  the  elbow,  nine  in 
number,  cost  about  eight  dollars,  nearly  two  pounds.  I weighed  a set  the 
other  day,  and  found  there  was  three-and-a-half  dollars’  worth  of  silver. 
Those  who  cannot  afford  to  buy  silver,  buy  brass  rings,  fifty  in  number,  for 
each  arm,  and  some  sixty  ; these  cost  nearly  six  dollars.”  (Crossland,  Miss. 
Life,  1865,  p.  655.)  ] 

“ The  tumpa  unus  are  only  worn  by  young  people  too  poor  to  afford  any 
other  kind  ; they  are  merely  rings  of  plaited  gomuti  palm  fibre  worn  in  heavy 
masses  on  the  wrist. 

[Sir  Hugh  Low  considered  the  arm,  leg,  and  necklets,  made  of  the  gomuti 
palm  fibre  with  its  deep  black  and  neat  appearance,  more  pleasing  to  the 
European  eye  than  the  brass  or  bead  articles,  (p.  41.)] 

“ Kongkong  rekong  signifies  ‘collar  for  the  throat.’  Necklaces  of  European 
beads  are  worn  by  the  young  of  both  sexes;  the  ends  are  furnished  with  tassels 
of  minute  beads  or  bats’  fangs-  They  are  worn  loose  round  the  throat,  and 


7 6 H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

button  in  front,  the  tassels  resting  on  the  chest.  Lamanak  lads  are  fond  of  a 
large  gold  button  as  well  as  the  tassel,  but  this  is  not  universal  even  among 
their  own  tribe.  Frequently  several  necklaces  are  worn,  especially  by  the 
women.  These  necklaces  of  beads  seem  to  have  superseded  the  more  savage 
necklaces  of  human  teeth,  etc.,  which  were  the  fashion  a generation  ago,  and 
is  one  proof  of  the  civilising  influence  of  the  European  government. 

[Madame  Pfeiffer  (p.  87),  Lieut.  Marryat  (p.  15),  and  Sir  H.  Keppel 
(i.  147)  mention  necklaces  of  human  teeth. 

“ The  tinchian  tunjok  are  the  rings  worn  on  the  Angers  by  both  sexes. 
They  are  commonly  made  of  brass,  variously  but  rudely  engraved  and  are  not 
soldered  at  the  ends ; other  metals  also  are  used  but  less  frequently,  such  as 
copper,  lead,  tin.  Gold  and  silver  rings  are  procured  from  the  Malays  and 
used  only  by  the  tribes  living  in  close  proximity  to  them.  Shell  rings  are  less 
uncommon. 

“ The  ngkrimoks  are  hoops  of  cane  worn  immediately  below  the  knee-joint, 
and  covered  with  an  infinity  of  diminutive  brass  rings.  The  hoops,  some  eight 
or  ten  in  number,  are  strung  together  with  coloured  rattan,  to  preserve  a com- 
pact and  regular  appearance.  The  ngkrimoks  are  worn  almost  exclusively  by 
tribes  of  Sakarang  and  Lamanak  origin  ; the  Ulu  Ais  and  Ngkaris  use  the«««s 
instead,  and  this  consists  of  innumerable  rings  of  plaited  fibre,  worn  in  heavy 
masses,  as  many  as  300  at  a time  upon  each  leg.  The  palm  from  which  the 
fibre  leg  rings  are  made,  is  called  apieng  by  the  Dyaks  and  limak  by  the  Kyans. 

“ The  selong  are  dense  coils  of  thick  brass  wire,  many  fathoms  in  length, 
and  of  enormous  weight,  worn  on  the  leg  from  the  ankle  joint  to  the  thigh  ; 
they  are  not  worn  every  day,  as  may  readily  be  conceived. 

“ Bunches  of  sweet  smelling  leaves  are  often  stuck  in  the  armlets.” 
(Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Kyans  have  no  knowledge  of  the  manufacture  of  glass  or  beads — a 
description  of  ornament  of  which  both  the  Kayan  men  and  women  are  very  fond ; 
some  of  the  beads  in  their  possession  are  very  old  and  greatly  prized  by  the 
owners,  being  valued  by  them  from  60  to  100  dols.,  and  the  most  valuable  of 
which  are  known  as  Lukut  Sekala.  Their  armlets  are  usually  of  ivory,  bought 
from  the  Chinese  and  other  traders,  and  the  women  may  sometimes  be  seen 
with  as  many  as  thirty  bangles  of  ivory  rings  on  each  forearm.”  (Hose, 
J.A.I.  xxiii.  166.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John,  when  among  the  Muruts,  writes  : “ The  girls  twist  about 
a couple  of  fathoms  of  brass  wire  in  circles  round  their  neck,  rising  from 
the  shoulders  to  the  chin,  forming  what  appears  a stiff  collar  with  a very  broad 
base ; it  is,  however,  no  doubt  more  pliant  than  it  appears.  . . . Heavy  neck- 
laces of  beads  are  worn  by  the  men  as  well  as  by  the  women.”  (ii.  119,  129.) 

“ The  Dusuns  at  Toadilah  all  wear  brass  collars,  bracelets,  and  anklets” 
(Hatton  Diary,  31  Mar.);  and  Mr.  Witti  describes  some  other  Dusuns  (?)  of 
whom  “ the  men  wear  on  a rattan  string  round  their  neck  a short  knife,  the 
handle  of  which  is  invariably  a boar’s  tusk.  It  looks  quite  a pretty  addition 
to  their  scanty  wearing  apparel.”  (Diary,  Nov.  22.)  ‘‘The  Tinagas  Dusun 
men  and  women  alike  wear  the  neck  spiral,  and  the  former  also  a closely 
fitting  spiral  around  the  biceps.”  (ibid,  Diary,  24  May.) 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


FASHIONABLE  DEFORMITIES. 

Teeth  : Filing  to  point— Concave  filing — Flatten  horizontally—  Black  stain — Not  the  effect  of  betel — 
Dogs  and  Europeans  have  white  teeth  — Toothache — Filed  down  short— Black  resinous  juice — 
Protection  to  teeth— Brass  studs — Incisors  removed  for  sum  pit — Filed  to  point— Brass  wire — 
Stained  black -Ground  down— Caries  — Brass  plates  hooked  on — Brass  plates  rivetted  on. 

Heads  : The  Milanau  head  flattening — Sign  of  beauty  — Description  of  instrument— Tender  solicitude 
of  mothers— Twelve  months’  cure — Instrument  used  during  sleep— Three  months’  cure — Female 
children  only—  Result  on  skull — Occasional  deaths — Child  lies  on  its  back — Size  arid  weight  of 
instrument — Chinese  coin — A Vrolik  Museum  skull. 

Circumcision  Kayan  Mutilation.  Cicatrices.  Ear  Lobes.  Depilation. 

Teeth. 

“ The  invariable  Lundu  custom  of  filing  the  teeth  sharp,  combined  with 
the  use  of  the  betel-nut  turning  them  quite  black,  gives  the  profile  of  the 
Lundu  a very  strange  appearance.  Sometimes  they  render  their  teeth 
concave  by  filing.”  (Marryat,  p.  79.) 

“ Most  of  the  people  coloured  their  teeth  black  by  means  of  the  juice 
from  a climbing  plant.  The  Balaus  and  Undups  occasionally  file  their  teeth 
horizontally,  while  the  Balaus,  Undups,  and  Skarangs  file  them  to  points. 
Until  files  were  introduced  the  filing  was  done  with  a stone,  or  with  wood, 
water,  and  sand.  The  Undups,  Skarangs,  and  Saribus  drilled  holes  in  their 
teeth  by  means  of  a piece  of  steel  rubbed  between  the  hands.”  (Crossland.) 

Speaking  of  the  betel  chewing,  Mr.  Treacher  says  : — “ It  tinges  the  saliva 
and  the  lips  bright  red,  but,  contrary  to  a very  commonly  received  opinion, 
has  no  effect  of  making  the  teeth  black.  This  blackening  of  the  teeth  is 
produced  by  rubbing  in  burnt  cocoanut  shell,  pounded  up  with  oil,  the  dental 
enamel  being  sometimes  first  filed  off.  Toothache  and  decayed  teeth  are 
almost  unknown  amongst  the  natives,  but  whether  this  is  in  some  measure 
due  to  the  chewing  of  the  areca-nut  I am  unable  to  say.”  (Jour.  Straits  Asiatic 
Soc.,  No.  20,  p.  58.) 

“ Like  many  other  races,  the  Land  Dyaks  file  their  teeth  into  points,  and 
flatten  them  horizontally  by  the  same  means,  and  they  also  stain  them  black, 
for  ‘dogs  have  whLe  teeth,’  they  say.”  (Grant,  p.  97.) 

A writer  in  the  S.  G.,  No.  102,  says,  white  teeth  are  unpopular  with 
them  owing  to  dogs  and  other  animals  possessing  that  colour  of  teeth. 

“ So  among  the  Dusun  the  teeth  are  filed  down  short  and  blackened  ; 
this  does  much,  in  a European’s  idea,  to  spoil  the  good  looks  of  these  people, 
but  they  equally  object  to  the  long  white  teeth  of  Europeans.”  (Whitehead, 
p.  106.) 


78 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


«ii 


Teeth  in  a Borneo 
Skull. 

(Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Sur- 
geons, obtained  from  the 
Anthropological  Institute.) 


The  Rev.  F.  W.  Leggatt  informs  me  “ the  teeth  are  often  blackened  for 
prevention  of  decay  ; or  for  beauty.  The  blackening  is  done  by  taking  a 
piece  of  old  cocoanut  shell  or  certain  woods,  which  are 
held  over  a hot  fire  until  a black  resinous  juice  exudes. 
This  is  collected,  and  while  still  warm  the  teeth  are 
coated  with  it.  In  the  case  of  decayed  teeth  this  resin 
dries  as  a coat  of  enamel  or  varnish,  covering  the  nerve 
and  thus  protecting  it.  Teeth  are  also  frequently  filed 
like  the  teeth  of  a saw,  and  blackened,  after  which  brass 
wire  is  cut  into  short  lengths  and  driven  in  as  studs  into 
holes  previously  drilled  in  the  teeth.  Or  the  stud  ornament  may  be 
adopted  without  filing  the  teeth.  Another  mode  of  treating  the  teeth  of  the 
upper  gum  is  to  file  them  off  almost  level  with  the  gum.  It  is  very  rare  to 
see  a Dyak  with  a good  set  of  teeth.”  Mr.  de  Windt  (p.  86)  and  Mr.  Hose 
(J.  A.  I.  xxiii.  167)  give  similar  reports. 

Of  the  Dulit  Dusuns,  Mr.  Witti  writes  (Diary,  16th 
March)  : “ They  do  not  file  their  teeth,  but  break  the 
upper  incisors  to  gain  a stronger  blast  at  the  sumpitan, 
or  blow-pipe.1” 

Among  the  Rejang  Dyaks  : “ The  upper  incisors  of 
both  sexes  are  often  filed  into  a single  sharp  point;  a 
hole  is  bored  through  the  centre  of  each  and  filled  with 
brass.  The  enamel  is  scraped  off  with  a rough  stone, 
and  the  teeth  are  rubbed  with  leaves  which  stain  them  Te^th  1N  Borneo  Skull. 

. . "A  fine  groove  has  been  carved 

black.  The  lower  incisors  are  ground  down  to  half  their  inr  the  enamel,  across  the  from 

0 of  each  tooth.  This  notch  is  seen 

natural  size  and  blackened  in  the  same  fashion,  but  are  filled  with  betel  on  ail  incisors 

, . and  the  lower  canines." 

neither  pointed  nor  studded  with  metal.  Caries  is  (No.  283,  Barnard  Davis  Coil. 

. ,•  , , cc  C ,,11  Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons.) 

rare,  and  the  natives  seldom  suffer  Irom  tooth-ache. 

The  teeth  are  naturally  beautifully  white  and  regular,  but  it  is  the  fashion  to 
disfigure  them  in  this  manner  as  they  approach  the  ages 
of  puberty — boys  do  it  when  they  begin  to  care  to  please 
the  women.  They  dislike  white  teeth  and  consider 
them  hideous.  I once  saw  a Sakarang  wearing  over  his 
natural  teeth  a thin  brass  plate  ( lios ) cut  to  resemble  a 
row  of  pointed  teeth  ; this  was  worn  over  the  upper 
Teeth  in  a Skull  from  incisors  and  hooked  into  the  molars.  I believe  the  boy 
Banjermassing,  picked  up  the  notion  from  the  Mentuaris  or  Malohs 
With  roundTd  headsTet  m to  (Malaus),  but  I do  not  imagine  it  is  common  with  his 

the  two  outer  ones ; the  tribe,  as  I never  saw  another  with  it  either  before  or 
centretoothshowsholeonlv  ,,  ,,  . T \ 

drilled  to  the  pulp  cavity.'  after.  (Brooke  Low.) 

(No.  279,  b.  Davis  coii.  Mus.  At  Lake  Padang  Mr.  Hornaday  “ took  advantage  of 

Roy.  College  of  Surgeons).  _ ° J _ ° 

their  good  humour  to  ask  them  about  the  little  metallic 


1 11  This  singular  practice  we  have  since  met  with  among  all  tribes  along  the  shores  of  the 
Pagalan,  excepting  the  Dyaks  of  Dalit  proper.  It  reminds  me  of  the  frontal  fitting  of  the  teeth  in 
use  among  the  Malayans  around  our  coasts,  and  also  among  the  Dusuns  who  chew  beetle  and  sireh. 
In  each  case  the  peculiarity  applies  to  both  sexes.  With  Dusuns  it  is  a bad  joke  to  ask  a ■ fading  ’ 
woman  how  often  she  has  had  her  teeth  filed,  the  operation  being  performed  about  once  every  ten 
years.”  (Witi  ibid.) 


Fashionable  Deformities. 


79 


plates  on  some  of  their  front  teeth,  which  looked  like  gold.  I found  that 
each  upper  incisor  and  canine  tooth  was  capped  by  a smooth  plate  of  copper, 
held  in  place  by  a pin  driven  into  a hole  in  the  tooth.  The  Dyaks  showed 
me  how  the  hole  is  drilled  (with  a bow),  and  one  imitated  the  agony  they 

endure  during  the 
operation.  He  was 
a good  actor,  and  his 
facial  and  bodily 
contortions  and 
writhings  excited 
roars  of  laughter.” 
From  the  Baram 
river  Mr.  C.  Hose 
writes  : “ The  teeth 
are  filed  by  nearly 
Dyak  Teeth  filed  concavely  Dyak  Teeth  filed  to  a point.  a)]  the  races  of 
(After  Lieut.  F.  S.  Marryat.)  (After  Lieut.  F.  S.  Marryat.) 

Borneo  at  any  age, 

and  in  many  cases  drilled  with  holes  in  which  brass  wire  is  inserted.” 
(J.  A.  I.  xxiii.  167.) 

The  Rev.  W.  Crossland  informs  me  “that  some  of  the  Undups  obtained 
a piece  of  brass  plate,  which  they  filed  out  to  look  like  teeth,  inserting  it 
over  their  teeth  in  order  to  look  fierce,  but  the  custom  is  not  by  any  means 
universal.” 


Head  Flattening. 


Mr.  Crocker 
found  in  one  tribe 
only  that  the 
parents  flattened 
the  heads  of  their 
children,  and  he  be- 
lieves this  practice 
is  confined  entirely 
to  the  Milanaus. 

He  says  : “ It  is 

considered  a sign  of 
beauty  to  have  a 
flat  forehead,  and 
although  chiefly 
practised  on  female 

children,  boys  are  occasionally  treated  in  the  same  manner.  When  a child  is 
a few  days  old,  an  instrument  is  applied  to  the  forehead,  a small  cushion  being 
placed  underneath,  and  under  that  again  some  green  banana  leaves.  By  an 
ingenious  arrangement  of  strings  equal  pressure  is  brought  to  bear  on  the  fore- 
head, and  the  final  tightening  is  done  in  front  by  a contrivance  which  has  the 
same  effect  as  a torniquet.  I have  often  watched  the  tender  solicitude  of  the 
mother  who  has  eased  and  tightened  the  instrument  twenty  times  in  an  hour, 
as  the  child  showed  signs  of  suffering.  The  chief  object  is  to  get  the  child  to 


Milanau  Female  Infant  Head  Deformer  ; 
the  horizontal  piece  in  the  centre  is  the  pad  which  presses  on  the  child’s 

head. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


8o 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


sleep  with  the  proper  amount  of  pressure  on  the  instrument.  Before  the 
child  is  twelve  months  old  the  desired  effect  is  generally  produced,  and  is  not 
altogether  displeasing,  as  it  is  not  done  to  the  extent  of  disfigurement, 
which  I believe  to  be  the  case  amongst  some  of  the  American  Indians.” 
(J.  A.  I.  xv.  425.) 

In  forwarding  me  a specimen  of  a head  flattening  instrument,  Mr.  Chas. 
Hose  writes  : “ The  Tadal,  as  it  is  called  by  the  Bintulu  Malanaus,  is  only 
placed  on  the  child’s  head  during  the  time  that  it  is  asleep — the  moment  the 
child  wakes  it  is  taken  off.  Its  use  is  first  commenced  when  the  infant  is 
fifteen  days  old,  and  is  continued  until  the  third  or  fourth  month.  In  the 
early  stages  only  very  slight  pressure  is  applied,  but  gradually  it  becomes 
more  and  more  severe.  Only  female  children  have  their  heads  flattened  in 
this  way.  If  too  much  pressure  is  used  in  consequence  of  the  frontal  and 
occipital  bones  being  approximated  the  parietals  are  prevented  from  joining, 
and  the  soft  hole-like  depression  with  which  every  child  is  born  remains  in  the 
adult.  If  the  child  is  not  well  looked  after  the  board  often  injures  the  nose, 
and  occasionally  deaths  are  caused  by  the  use  of  these  Tadals,  but  not  often. 
The  cushion  is  placed  on  the  child’s  forehead,  and  the  bands  being  placed 
over  the  top  and  round  the  back  of  the  head,  the  strings  which  hold  the 
bands  in  position  can  thus  be  adjusted  without  disturbing  the  child  lying  on 
its  back.”  The  instrument  Mr.  Hose  has  forwarded  is  I2in.  long  and  weighs 
9j  ozs.,  a weight  of  itself  sufficient  to  cause  compression  on  the  soft  bones  of 
a child.  “ The  Malanaus  consider  flat  faces  more  beautiful  than  others.”  It 
is  curious  that  in  the  instrument  sent  me  by  Mr.  Hose,  as  well  as  in  the  one 
in  the  Brooke  Low  Coll,  and  in  the  Dresden  Museum,  a Chinese  coin  should 
be  used  as  a torniquet. 

Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer  suggests  that  a 
very  symmetrical  skull  in  the  Vrolik 
Museum,  Amsterdam,  from  Banjer, 
may  be  artificially  deformed. 

Circumcision. 

Circumcision  is  practised,  but  it  is 
not  universal  or  obligatory.  (Brooke 
Low.) 

Kayan  Mutilation. 
Particulars  of  the  Kayan  sexual  muti- 
lations have  been  deposited  in  the 
British  Museum. 

ClCA'l  RICES. 

The  Sea  Dyaks  do  not  make  any  use 
of  raised  cicatrices  to  ornament  the 
body,  but  they  are  proud  of  scars 
nevertheless,  and  especially  if  they 
are  regular  and  symmetrical.  They 
are  particularly  proud  of  their  vac- 
cination marks  if  they  show  out  well, 


Aktificially-Deformed  Skull  of  Malanau. 
(Dresden  Museum). 


Fashionable  Deformities. 


81 


and  are  equidistant  apart.  The  women  often  prove  the  courage  and 
endurance  of  the  youngsters  by  placing  a lighted  ball  of  tinder  on  the  arm, 
and  letting  it  burn  into  the  skin.  The  marks  thus  produced  run  along  the 
forearm  from  the  waist  in  a straight  line,  and  are  much  valued  by  the  young 
men  as  so  many  proofs  of  their  power  of  endurance.  (Brooke  Low.) 

Ear  Lobe  Extension. 

The  extension  of  the  ear  lobes  is  treated  of  in  the  chapter  relating  to 
dress  in  the  part  devoted  to  earrings. 

Depilation. 

“ The  prejudice  in  favour  of  a smooth  face  is  so  strong  that  in  the  whole 
course  of  my  experience  I have  never  met  with  a single  bearded  or  moustached 
Sea-Dyak,  although  it  cannot  but  be  manifest  to  a close  observer  that  were 
they  only  so  disposed  they  could  produce  a thicker  crop  than  the  Malay. 
This  is  evident  especially  in  the  case  of  old  men  and  chronic  invalids  who  by 
reason  of  age  or  infirmity  have  ceased  to  care  much  about  their  personal 
appearance  and  whose  chins  are  rough  in  consequence  with  a bristly  growth. 
The  universal  absence  of  hair  upon  the  face,  on  the  chest,  and  under  the 
armpits  would  lead  the  superficial  observer  to  infer  that  this  is  owing  entirely 
to  a natural  deficiency,  whereas  it  is  due  in  great  measure  to  systematic 
depilation.  Chunam,  or  quick  lime,  is  frequently  rubbed  into  the  skin  so  as 
to  destroy  the  vitality  of  the  follicles.  The  looking  glass  and  tweezers  are 
never  out  of  the  hands  of  the  natives,  and  they  devote  every  spare  moment  to 
the  conscientious  plucking  out  of  stray 
hairs.  It  is  likewise  the  fashion  for 
both  sexes  to  shave  the  eyebrows  and 
pluck  out  the  eyelashes.  The  growth 
upon  the  pubes  in  both  sexes  is  often 
copious  enough — some  few  Loweas 
object  to  even  this,  and  either  crop  it 
close  or  remove  it  altogether.  Female  Sea  Dyaks  eradicate  the  hair  off  the 
pubes.  I know  a Malali  at  Kanowit  who  is  bearded  from  ear  to  ear,  and 
when  he  shaves  which  is  every  now  and  then,  his  chin  and  cheeks  are  quite 
blue  ; he  was  a Mentuari  of  unmixed  blood.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

Mr.  Leggatt  tells  me  some  old  Sea  Dyak  men  shave  their  heads.  He 
knows  “ one  Dyak  who  wears  a remarkably  thick  beard.  But  the  hair  of 
his  head  is  also  peculiar,  being  in  thick  wavy  ringlets.  I have  never  met 
with  a native  with  woolly  hair  or  anything  resembling  negro  hair.”  Sir 
Chas.  Brooke  speaks  of  the  “ abominable  practice  of  plucking  or  shaving 
eyelashes  which  often  brings  ophthalmia  and  weakness  of  eyes  ” (ii.  171)  ; 
and  of  the  Kayans  he  says  : “ their  eyebrows  are  shaved  with  the  lash  plucked 
out  which  gives  them  a staring  look  devoid  of  expression.”  (ii.  224.)  “ Both 

men  and  women  of  the  Kayan  and  Kenniah  races  at  the  age  of  fifteen  pluck 
out  their  eyebrows  and  eyelashes.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  167.)  “ Among  the 

Dusuns  hair  is  seldom  allowed  to  grow  on  the  face,  most  men  being  provided 
with  a small  pair  of  tweezers,  with  which  they  jerk  out  all  stray  specimens, 
G Vol.  2. 


Xluifc- 

K £1 

Silver  Nippers. 

For  depilation  Length,  2fin.  Baram  River. 
(Peek  Coll.) 


82 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


the  importation  of  small  looking-glasses  by  ourselves  giving  a fresh  impetus 
to  these  hair-jerkers.  One  old  man  here  had  a long  grey  beard  and  was  the 
only  bearded  Dusun  I ever  saw.”  (Whitehead,  p.  105.)  Mr.  Von.  Donop 
writes  : “ I notice  the  Dusun  men  very  seldom  have  any  hair  on  their  face. 
Mr.  Witti  tells  me  they  are  very  proud  of  it  if  they  have  any.”  1 (Diary, 
28  May.) 

1 '•  I never  saw  a nearer  approach  to  a beard  among  the  men  than  a few  scattered  hairs  over 
the  chin  and  upper  lip.”  (Earl,  p.  258.) 


Trophy.  Dyak  and  Kayan  Weapons. 

(By  Mr.  B.  N.  Vigors,  Illus.  Loud.  News,  10  Nov.,  1849.) 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


PAINTING  AND  TATUING. 

Painting  : Feet  and  fingers — Women.  Tatuing  Undups'  needles  and  method — A new  fashion 
with  Sea-Dyaks — Poor  art  — Blocks  — Needles  — Inflammation  — Payment  — Beautiful  work  — 
Elaborateness — Kayan  patterns — Great  variety — Method  of  tatu-ing — Chief — Women’s  thighs — 
Arms — Kayan  fondness  of  tatu-ing — A sign  of  valour — Kenniah  women — Curious  Kanowit  marks 
— Intricate  patterns  — Kalabits  — Bakatans  — Imitation  beards  — Malanaus  — Punans  — Their 
method — Dusun  patterns — Sign  of  prowess — Sign  of  murder — Muruts — Sign  of  bravery — Sign 
of  cowardice — Strange  objection  to  copying — Mittens — Dutch  Borneo  patterns. 

Madame  Pfeiffer  says  the  Dyaks  “do  not  tatu,  but  occasionally  colour  the 
feet,  nails  and  finger-tips  a red  brown.”  (p.  79.) 

Among  the  Sea  Dvaks  “the  men  never  paint  their  bodies,  but  the 
women  after  bathing  often  colour  themselves  from  the  waist  upwards  with 
turmeric  to  render  themselves  yellow  and  attractive.  The  result  is  far  from 
agreeable  to  the  eye  of  an  European,  but  for  this  they  care  little  so  long  as 
their  efforts  to  please  are  appreciated  by  the  men  of  their  own  race,  which 
appears  to  be  the  case.”  (Brooke  Low.)  “The  Undups,  who  are  only 
slightly,  if  at  all  tatued,  use  three  needles  stuck  in  a piece  of  soft  wood,  the 
needles  being  bound  round  together  with  fine  cotton  at  a fixed  distance 
from  the  points  so  as  to  prevent  them  striking  too  deep.  A small  native 
hammer  is  used  to  strike  the  wood  with.  The  outline  of  the  pattern  is 
marked  out  with  clay  and  gunpowder  is  used  to  make  the  design  permanent.” 
(Crossland.) 

“ Tatuing  prevails  to  a small  extent  among  the  Sea-Dyaks,  but  it  is  by 
no  means  universal  among  them.  It  is  besides  a custom  of  very  recent 
introduction  but  is  steadily  gaining  ground,  though  as  yet  it  is  confined  to  the 
male  sex.  I have  seen  a few  women  with  small  patterns  on  their  breasts,  but 
they  were  exceptions  to  the  rule  and  were  not  regarded  with  favour.  The 
marks  or  patterns  are  found  more  commonly  on  the  arms,  shoulders,  and 
thighs ; occasionally  also  on  the  forehead,  throat-apple,  chest,  and  ulna. 
The  patterns  are  small,  of  a bright  blue  tint,  and  supposed  to  improve  the 
appearance  of  the  men.  They  have  no  other  use  or  signification  whatever, 
being  neither  distinctive  of  race,  family,  rank,  nor  of  individual.  The 
pigment  employed  is  a solution  of  soot  (dammar-soot),  which  is  rubbed  into 
the  skin  after  it  has  been  punctured.  Tatuing  has  not  yet  acquired  the 
dignity  of  a profession.  Few  Dyaks  are  really  able  to  puncture  with  skill, 
although  many  of  them  can  trace  designs  ; but  as  their  own  designs  are  poor 
imperfect  imitations  of  the  Kayans,  they  disfigure  the  skin  rather  than  adorn 
it.  They  say  they  are  able  to  eradicate  the  pattern  by  puncturing  it  over 


84 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


again  with  the  acrid  sap  of  a forest  tree.  The  designs  employed  are  not 
numerous,  although  four  are  in  common  use.  The  practice  is  simple,  but 
requires  practice  like  most  things.  The  design  is  first  carved  on  wood  in 


Kayan  Tatu  Pricker  (3  points). 


(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Kyan  Woman’s  Tatu  Case,  Bunga  nulang. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Brass  Tatu  Needles. 

The  lower  one  has  the  point  tied 
round  with  thread  to  regulate  the 
depth  of  penetration.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Tatu  Powder  Dish  of  Bambu. 
J real  size.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Tatu  Mallet.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Tatu  Soot  Holder.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


relievo ; it  is  then  smeared  with  the  sooty  preparation  and  printed  on  the 
skin.  The  figure  is  then  punctured  in  outline  with  a set  of  needles  dipped  in 
the  ink  (for  such  it  is),  and  afterwards  filled  up  in  detail.  More  ink  is  poured 
on  to  the  skin  and  allowed  to  dry  into  it.  Rice  is  smeared  over  the  inflamed 
surface  to  keep  it  cool  ; if  this  is  not  done,  it  is  apt  to  gather  and  fester. 
The  limb  operated  upon  must  be  kept  free  from  wet,  and  must  not  be 
scratched  however  much  it  may  itch.  The  operator  of  course  requires  to  be 
remunerated,  but  as  he  is  not  a professional  he  is  satisfied  with  a moderate 
guerdon.  Among  the  Lugats  there  was  a certain  Aman  Jerin  who  was 
partially  but  beautifully  tatooed  in  patterns  of  a bright  blue  tint.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 

“The  Kanowit,  Bakatan,  Lugat,  Tanyong,  Tatau,  Balinian  are  all  more 
or  less  tatooed,  both  male  and  female.  . . . The  Bakatan  and  Lugat  are 

most  elaborately  tatooed  from  head  to  foot.”  (Burns,  Jour.  Ind.  Arch.  iii. 
p.  141.) 

“ The  Kyan  men  and  some  of  the  women,”  according  to  Bishop 
McDougall,  “are  tattooed  in  the  most  complicated  and  grotesque  patterns. 


Tatu  Block. 

Used  by  Kenniah  men.  J real  size. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


Used  by  Berawan  men.  J real  size. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


Tatu  Block. 

Used  by  Kenniah  men.  J real  size. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


Tatu  Block. 

Upper  Kapuas  R.  J real  size. 
(Prof.  Molengraaff  Coll.,  Leiden  Mus.) 


Tatu  Block. 

Used  by  Lelak  men.  £ real  size. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


Three  Tatu  Blocks. 
For  Kayan  women’s  thighs. 
(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Kayan  Tatu  Block,  Kalong 

Very  light  white  wood  , length  of  imprint,  6in  Baram  River. 

(Peek  Coll.) 


Five  Tatu  Blocks.  Upper  Kapuas  R.  J real  size. 
(Prof,  Molengraaff  Coll..  Leiden  Mus.) 


86 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


When  you  look  at  them  closely,  the  invention  displayed  in  them  is  truly 
remarkable;  but  at  a distance,  they  give  a dusky,  dingy  appearance  to  the 
men,  as  if  they  were  daubed  with  an  inky  sponge.  Nature  having  denied 
them  beards,  they  try  to  make  up  for  the  deficiency  by  the  quaintest 
serpentine  curly  locks  tattooed  along  their  faces,  and  always  bordered  by  a 
Vandyke  fringe,  which  must  task  their  utmost  ingenuity.”  (Mrs.  McDougall, 
P-  I54-) 

Mr.  Burns  says  : “ The  Kayan  men  do  not  tatoo,  but  many  of  the  higher 
classes  have  small  figures  of  stars,  beasts,  or  birds  on  various  parts  of  their 
body,  chiefly  the  arms,  distinctive  of  rank.  The  highest  mark  is  that  of 
having  the  back  of  the  hands  coloured  or  tatooed,  which  is  only  conferred  on 
the  brave  in  battle.  With  the  women,  the  arms,  from  the  elbows  to  the 
points  of  the  fingers,  are  beautifully  tatooed,  as  are  also  the  legs  from  the 
thighs  to  a little  below  the  knees,  and  likewise  the  upper  parts  of  the  feet ; 
and  those  of  very  high  rank  have  in  addition  one  or  more  small  spots  on  the 
breasts.  In  tatooing  the  performer  pricks  the  design  or  pattern  with  three 


Tatu  Blocks. 

Used  by  Berawan  men.  i real  size. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


needles,  and  afterwards  smokes  it  with  a dammon  torch,  by  which  process  a 
beautiful  dark  blue  is  produced  ; frequently  inflammation  of  a serious  nature 
follows.  The  operation  of  tatooing  begins  when  girls  are  about  four  or  five 
years  of  age,  at  first  the  hands  and  feet,  and  afterwards,  previous  to  arriving 
at  the  age  of  puberty,  the  other  parts  are  finished.”  (Jour.  Ind.  Arch.  iii. 
M5-) 

Of  a Kayan  chief  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  wrote  : “ He  is  but  slightly 

tatooed,  having  a couple  of  angles  on  his  breast,  a few  stars  on  his  arms,  his 
hands  as  far  as  the  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  a few  fanciful  touches  about  his 
elbows  ” ; and  of  the  Kayan  women  : “ As  yet,  I have  seen  but  the  few 
women  who  bathe  opposite  to  the  ship.  They  are  generally  tatooed  from  the 
knee  to  the  waist,  and  wear  but  a cloth  like  a handkerchief  hung  round  the 
body,  and  tucked  in  at  one  side  above  the  hip,  leaving  a portion  of  the  thigh 
visible.  When  bathing,  their  tatooing  makes  them  look  as  if  they  were  all 
wearing  black  breeches.”  (i.  99,  102.) 

“ Si  Obong,  the  Kyan  chief’s  daughter,  had  her  arms  much  tatooed  and 
she  was  also  ornamented  in  that  manner  from  just  under  the  hip  joint  to 
three  inches  below  the  knee.”  (ibid,  i.  121.) 


Painting  and  Tattling.  87 

The  men  were  “slightly  tatooed  with  a few  stars  and  other  marks.” 
(ibid,  i.  98.) 

“ The  Kayans  are  particularly  fond  of  tattooing ; the  women  more  so 
than  the  men.  A Kayan  woman  is  tattooed  on  the  upper  part  of  the  hands 
and  over  the  whole  of  each  forearm  ; on  both  thighs  to  below  the  knees,  and 
on  the  upper  part  of  the  feet  and  toes.  The  pattern  is  so  close  that  at  a 
slight  distance  the  tattooing  appears  simply  as  a mass  of  dark  blue,  and  the 
designs — some  of  which  are  very  pretty — usually  consist  of  a multiplicity  of 
rings  and  circles.  A man  is  supposed  to  tattoo  one  finger  only,  if  he  has 
been  present  when  an  enemy  has  been  killed,  but  tattoos  hands  and  fingers  if 
he  has  taken  an  enemy’s  head.  The  chiefs,  however,  often  break  through 
this  rule,  and  have  the  whole  of  their  hands  tattooed  if  they  have  been  on  a 


Tatu  Marks 


Tatu  Marks 


on  arm  of  Kapuas  Kayan 
captive  woman.  £ real  size. 

(Copied  from  life  by  the  Rev.  W. 
Crossland). 


on  arm  of  Kapuas  Kayan  captive 
woman.  \ real  size. 

(Copied  from  life  by  the  Rev.  W. 
Crossland). 


Tatu  Mark 


on  Kayan  captive  woman’s 
elbow.  £ real  size. 

Copied  from  life  by  the  Rev. 
W.  Crossland). 


9 

A 


Tatu  Mark  on  Punan 
shoulder. 

(After  Bock.) 


This  pattern  very  common 
among  the  Undups. 
(Crossland. 


88 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


single  war  expedition.  The  Kenniah  women  do  not  tattoo  their  thighs  and 
legs  as  much  as  the  Kayans,  but  they  usually  have  their  feet  and  hands  and 
forearms  thus  ornamented.  The  men  have  designs  on  the  underside  of  the 
forearm  and  sometimes  on  the  thigh,  and  different  races  are  characterised  by 
different  designs.”  1 (Hose,  J.A.I.  166.) 

“ Some  of  the  Kanowit  men  are  curiously  tatooed  ; a kind  of  pattern 
covers  their  breast  and  shoulders,  and  sometimes  extends  to  their  knees, 
having  much  the  appearance  of  scale-armour.  Others  have  their  chins 
ornamented  to  resemble  beards,  an  appendage  denied  them  by  nature.”  (St. 
John  i.  39.) 


Mr.  De  Windt  describes  some 
Kanowits  as  being  all  tatued  “ from 
head  to  foot  with  most  intricate 
patterns,  and  others  representing 
birds,  beasts,  fishes,  etc. : while 

round  the  face  and  throat  the  marks 
were  made  in  imitation  of  a beard, 
an  ornament  which  none  of  the 
tribes  yet  met  with  in  Borneo  pos- 
sess. . . . Jok  was  tattooed  from 

head  to  foot  so  thickly  as  to  cause 
his  body  to  look  at  a distance  of  a 
light  blue  colour,  but  a very  small 
portion  of  his  face  around  the  nose 
and  eyes,  being  left  an  naturel." 

(p.  68.) 

Sir  James  Brooke  speaks  of  a 
Kanowit  chief  “ profusely  tatooed  all 
over  the  body.”  (Mundy  ii.  123.)  (See 
supra  illustration  of  tatued  Kanowit 
chief,  p.  29,  vol.  1.)  “ The  Kalabits 

have  long  lines  right  down  the  arm 
from  the  biceps  to  the  hand.” 
(Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  169.)  “The 
Bakatans  tattoo  their  faces  and  chests 
to  such  an  extent  that  only  a small 
portion  of  the  skin  of  those  parts  is 
free  from  it.”  (ibid,  p.  167.) 

Lieut.  De  Crespigny  also  says:  “ They  tattoo  themselves  from  head  to 
foot  in  the  most  beautiful  manner.”  (Proc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Soc.,  1873,  p.  133.)  Of 
these  same  people  Sir  Charles  Brooke  says  the  lower  parts  of  cheeks  “ instead 
of  being  clothed  with  whiskers  were  tattooed  ; this  ornament  passed  round 
the  chin.”  (ii.  302.)  Mr.  W.  M.  Crocker  likewise  says:  “ The  Bakatans  are 


Tatu  Marks  sent  me  by  the  Rev.  F.  W.  Leggatt 
1 and  2,  Trong,  ornament  on  breast;  3,  Trong,  on 
arm  or  breast ; 4,  ornament  on  throat ; 5,  Trong,  on 
breast  or  arm ; 6,  no  information  given  ; 7,  Entadu, 
on  breast  ; 8,  Kala,  scorpion  on  arm  or  breast. 

(Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5 and  6 were  copied  from  life  by  Mr.  Leggatt 
himself  on  the  Sakaran  river;  Nos.  i,  7,  8 were  drawn  for 
him.) 


1 The  Hon  Capt.  Keppel  describes  a native  from  the  Koti  River  (Dutch  Borneo)  a Kayan 
prisoner,  as  follows:  "The  lines,  correctly  and  even  elegantly  laid  in,  of  a blue  colour,  extended 
from  the  throat  to  his  feet."  (i  87.) 


Designs  of  Tatu  Marks. 

Collected  by  Dr.  Wienecke  (Military  Surgeon)  in  Borneo. 


(Leiden  Mus.) 


go  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

profusely  tattooed  even  to  the  hands  and  face,  the  latter  probably  intended  to 
resemble  a beard.”  (S.G.,  No.  123,  p.  5.) 

“ The  more  primitive  branches  of  the  Malanaus  practise  tattooing, 
variously  arranged  in  their  different  countries : some  are  nearly  covered, 
others  merely  have  anklets,  bracelets,  or  necklaces,  with  a star  or  two  on  their 
breasts.  The  further  removed  they  are  from  civilisation,  the  more  thickly  are 
they  generally  found  to  be  tattooed.”  (Brooke  i.  73.) 

After  Mr.  Hose’s  very  distinct  statement,  “ the  Punans  do  not  tatoo”  (J.A.I. 
xxiii.  167.),  it  seems  strange  to  hear  Mr.  De  Windt’s  account  of  tatued  Punans: 
“ Mrs.  Lat  and  her  two  fair  daughters.  We  found  these  (unlike  the  Kayans) 
tattooed  over  the  face  as  well  as  body,  and  each  wore  the  short  skirt  of  the 
Kanowit.  . . . On  re-seating  ourselves  in  the  ruai,  L.  happened  to  notice 

the  intricate  and  really  beautiful  tattooing  on  the  body  of  one  of  the  younger 
men.  The  latter,  seeing  this,  asked  us  through  our  interpreter  if  we  should 
care  to  be  operated  upon  in  a similar  manner,  this  being  considered  a great 
honour  to  a guest  ; and  no  sooner  had  we  accepted  the  offer  than  an  old 
woman  made  her  appearance  armed  with  the  necessary  implements,  and  with 
the  aid  of  a pair  of  very  blunt  needles,  and  a peculiar  species  of  dye  obtained 
from  a tree,  succeeded,  after  a good  hour’s  work,  in  embellishing  us, — L.  with 
a ring  on  each  shoulder  (the  sign  manual  of  the  tribe),  and  myself  with  a bird, 
whose  genus  it  would  puzzle  most  naturalists  to  determine,  but  which  was 
popularly  supposed  among  the  Poonans  to  represent  a hornbill,  on  the  arm. 
Strange  to  say,  neither  L.’s  punctures  nor  mine  showed  the  slightest  signs  of 
inflammation  afterwards,  and  the  figures  are  far  more  distinct  than  they  would 
be  had  Indian  ink  or  gunpowder  been  used.”  (p.  86.) 

Among  the  Ida’an  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  saw  men  with  “a  tattooed  band,  two 
inches  broad,  stretched  in  an  arc  from  each  shoulder,  meeting  on  their 
stomachs,  then  turning  off  to  their  hips ; and  some  of  them  had  a tattooed 
band  extending  from  the  shoulder  to  the  hand.”  (i.  249,  374.) 

Lieut.  De  Crespigny  says  : “The  only  parties  among  them  who  tattoo  are 
those  who  have  killed  an  enemy.  The  tattoo  is  invariably  a broad  band  from 
the  navel  up  to  each  shoulder,  where  it  ends  abruptly.  A smaller  band  is 
carried  down  each  arm,  and  a stripe  drawn  transversely  across  it  for  each 
enemy  slain.  I am  happy  to  say  I saw  but  few  men  tattooed,  but  one  young 
fellow  had  no  less  than  37  stripes  across  his  arms.  Upon  my  enquiring  where 
he  had  been  so  fortunate,  he  pointed  towards  the  river  Labuk.”  (Proc. 
R.  Geogr.  Soc.  ii.,  p.  348.) 

According  to  Mr.  Whitehead  (p.  106) : “ Some  of  the  men  are  slightly 
tattooed  with  a few  parallel  short  lines  on  the  forearm.” 

Writing  of  these  people  Mr.  Witti  says : “ There  is  nothing  new  about 
the  Tolungun  men,  except  that  they  tatoo  themselves.  The  effect  produced  is 
quite  the  same  as  frequently  seen  on  a stripped  ‘ Jack.’  I told  our  self-pricked 
friends  here  that  white  men  do  the  same  thing,  for  this  and  that  reason — 
though  I am  not  aware  really  of  any  reason  at  all;  however,  I thus  learnt  that 
tatooing  here  distinguishes  the  men  who  have  slain  a foe  in  an  inter-tribal  war. 
There  are  five  such  warriors  in  the  three  houses  of  Bundo.  The  ornament 
begins  below  the  stomach  and  rises  to  the  shoulders,  like  the  skirt  of  a coat, 


Longwai  Woman’s  Tatued  Hand. 
(After  Bock.) 


9 2 H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

then  down  the  upper  arms  ; here  the  two  parallel  broad  stripes  end,  and  the 
fore-end,  on  its  inner  side,  shows  a number  of  narrow  stripes.  These  latter 
are  more  numerous  if  the  man-slayer  be  at  the  same  time  well-to-do.”  (Diary, 
Nov.  igth.)  And  again  : “ It  struck  me  that  nearly  all  the  men  of  Tamalan 
are  tatooed,  even  mere  lads.  They  are  marked  on  breast,  shoulders,  and  arms, 
the  same  as  our  friends  of  Upper  Sugut.  But,  while  with  those  tatooing 
distinguishes  the  hero  of  an  inter-tribal  war,  here  at  Tamalan  it  signifies 
something  very  different.  When  remarking  about  these  signs  of  prowess,  they 
at  once  said  their  custom  was  different  from  the  people  of  Bundo,  Kagasingan, 
Lansat,  Morali,  &c. ; and  then  we  heard  a tale  which  betrays  a horrible  side 
of  the  Dusun  character,  although  they  spoke  with  glee,  like  little  children 
talking  about  their  sport,  and  they  laughed  good-humouredly  to  our  cross- 
questions about  slowly  extracting  blood  from  their  victims,  or  preserving  their 
heads,  &c.  This  costiunbre  del  paes  consists  in  the  following  : — When  they  had 
been  damaged  in  their  plantations  and  other  property  by  the  Sulus,  they  kill  every 
Suluman  they  can  get  hold  of.  The  Mahomedan  chiefs,  in  order  to  keep  the  river 
open,  then  used  to  reconcile  them  by  giving  the  aggrieved  community  some  slave 
to  dispose  of ; this  is  done  by  tying  the  slave  up  and  spearing  him  through  the 
thorax,  which  accomplished,  the  men  in  the  village  each  take  a cut  at  the 
quivering  body.  Whoever  does  this  has  a right  to  tattoo  himself.  They  after- 
wards bury  the  dead,  without  retaining  the  skull,  for  the  Sulu  chiefs  do  not 
wish  them  to  do  that ! They  assure  us  they  are  not  the  same  tribe  who  are 
reported  as  catching  the  blood  of  such  victims  in  small  bamboos,  on  purpose 
to  sprinkle  it  over  their  fields  ; but  they  are  certainly  the  same  people  of 
which  the  Danoa  men,  pointing  to  E.S.E.,  said,  ‘Don’t  go  there!  they  are 
bad.’  ” (Diary,  30  May.)  Mr.  Hatton  remarks  of  some  Sin  Dyaks  (?  Dusuns): 
“ They  are  painted  and  tattooed  in  a peculiar  way”  (Diary,  18  Mar.),  and  he 
adds  they  are  “tatooed  with  blue  all  down  the  arms,  breasts,  and  legs.” 
(ibid.) 

The  Muruts  appear  all  to  tatu.  The  Adang  Murut  women,  met  by  Sir 
Sp.  St.  John,  were  tatued  about  the  arms  and  legs.  (ii.  115.)  “The  Muruts 
here  are  much  tatooed.  Those  men  who  have  fought,  or  have  gone  on  bold  or 
risky  expeditions,  are  tattooed  from  the  shoulders  to  the  pit  of  the  stomach, 
and  all  down  the  arms — three  parallel  stripes  to  the  wrists.  A headman,  or 
rather  a sometime  headman  of  Senendan,  had  two  square  tatoo  marks  on  his 
back.  This  was  because  he  ran  away  in  a fight,  and  showed  his  back  to  the 
enemy.  Another  and  braver  chief  was  elected  in  his  place."  (Hatton,  6th 
April.)  ...  Of  the  Ghanaghana  men  “ scarcely  a man  of  them  was 
untatooed.”  {ibid,  10th  April.) 

Describing  the  Murut  women,  Mr.  Whitehead  remarks  : “ Several 

Muruts  were  tattooed  on  their  chests  or  thighs.  Whilst  busy  drawing  a 
peculiar  tattoo,  the  Murut  caught  my  eve  and  immediately  covered  the  mark 
over.  The  tattoo  was  a peculiar  one,  resembling  a three-legged  dog  with  a 
crocodile's  head,  one  leg  being  turned  over  the  back  as  if  the  animal  was  going 
to  scratch  its  ear.  The  reason  the  Murut  gave  for  not  allowing  me  to  sketch 
this  mark  was  that  his  wife  was  expecting  a child,  and  he  was  afraid  of  my 
eye  affecting  her.”  (pp.  70,  73.) 


Painting  and  Tabling. 


93 


At  the  present  time  Mr.  O.  F.  Ricketts  writes  from  the  Trusun  about  the 
Muruts  : “ Tattooing  is  only  carried  out  to  a very  small  extent,  many  do  not 
tattoo  at  all,  the  men  have  some  simple  design  just  above  the  knee-cap,  or 


Tatued  Ngadjoes  (Natives  of  Southern  Borneo). 
(After  Dr.  Schwaner). 


plain  circles  on  the  chest ; the  women  have  fine  lines  tattooed  from  the  knuckles 
to  the  elbow,  which  gives  them  the  appearance  a little  distance  off  of  wearing 
black  mittens.”  (S.S.  347,  p.  214.) 

The  following  is  condensed  from  Mr. C.  Van  Den  Hamer’s  account  cf  Biadju  tatuing.  The  different 
patterns  are  practically  only  more  or  less  elaboration  of  the  same  designs.  Some  have  only  a pattern 
(boenter)  on  the  calf,  others  the  pattern  (manoeft) on  the  arm,  and  so  on,  without  intending  to  have  more 
done.  The  coast  people  have  mostly  given  up  tatuing,  but  the  Oet  Danoems,  of  the  Uplands,  still 
practice  it.  The  boys  are  tatued  as  soon  as  they  begin  to  wear  the  chawat  There  appear  to  be  no 
ceremonies  or  fastings  in  connection  with  it  The  operator  has  a small  brass  style  with  bent  point, 
and  a small  hammer  of  light  wood.  The  pattern  is  drawn  on  with  dammar  soot  aDd  gold  dust.  The 
boy  lies  groaning  on  the  ground.  Owing  to  the  inflammation  only  a little  can  be  done  at  a time  The 
style  is  continually  dipped  in  soot  and  water,  and  the  blood  wiped  away  with  a bunch  of  bast.  The 
inflammation  is  allayed  by  salt,  the  sores  turn  to  a whitish  colour,  like  korap,  and  then  to  a leady  blue, 
and  are  indelible.  The  first  pattern  (boenler)  is  put  on  the  calf,  and  consists  of  a circle  of  5 cm.  radius, 


94 


H.  Lino  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Frit.  N.  Borneo. 


with  check  pattern  inside.  It  looks  like  a piece  of  plaster.  Then  the  arms  are  done  with  five  patterns 
(manoek),  two  inside  and  three  outside — a spiral  with  a few  curved  lines;  from  the  commencement  of 
the  spiral  rays  stream  out  with  flourishes.  The  general  form  of  the  manoek  is  that  of  a wing.  The 
smallest  pattern  is  on  the  back  of  the  wrist.  To  save  pain  they  are  put  on  on  alternate  sides.  From 
the  wrist  to  half  up  the  upper  arm,  2 parallel  lines  are  drawn,  with  lozenge  designs  in  between  with  a 
dot  in  the  centre.  It  looks  like  a row  of  buttons.  There  are  also  designs  (sala  pimping,  sala  — between) 
between  the  manoehs.  On  the  wrist  is  the  design  mat  an  poenai  doehin  bambang  1_r-!_ri_,  which  is  also 
met  with  on  the  throat.  The  toeres  oesoek  (lines  of  the  chest)  flows  in  three  parallel  lines  from  the 
navel  up  to  the  pit  of  the  neck.  On  either  side  of  these  lines  are  about  29  rays  ( rioeng ),  on  the  outside 
of  which  are  two  lines,  toeroes  taekaloek  (head)  naga,  flowing  from  the  navel  to  the  breast  nipples.  On 
each  breast  (?)  are  the  naga  and  dragon's  head,  with  open  jaws,  teeth,  and  tongue  distinctly  drawn, 
eye  less  so,  facing  each  other.  These  have  the  usual  surrounding  flourishes  supposed  to  resemble  the 
palas,  a native  shrub  The  manoek  oesoek  is  put  on  the  muscles  of  the  neck  ; it  looks  like  the  samban, 
a well-known  breast  ornament,  which  the  inland  youth  wear  on  a cord  round  the  neck.  The  nipples 
have  circles,  tamboeling  tosoe  (nipple),  tatued  round  them  The  batang  rawang  are  lines  which  run  from 
the  chawat,  parallel  with  the  toeroes  takaloek  naga.  to  the  shoulder  joint,  where  they  join  the  leaf  or 
wing  pattern,  dawen  balia  (shoulder).  This  latter  pattern  fills  up  the  upper  part  of  the  arm.  There 
were  here  nine  rays  and  twenty-two  flourishes.  The  boeivoek  sapoei  is  a sort  of  collar  pattern — it  has 
two  adjuncts,  the  matan  poenai  and  doehin  bambang.  Two  lines,  rampai  balia,  run  from  the  nape  of  the 
neck  into  the  hair.  It  is  said,  with  some  up-country  people  these  lines  recurve  behind  the  ears,  flow 
over  the  temples,  and  end  in  a curl  on  the  cheek.  Down  the  spine  there  are  five  parallel  lines,  batang 
garing  (ivory),  like  the  toeroes  oesoek.  Over  the  whole  surface  of  the  trapezius  muscle,  rays,  crosslines,  and 
flourishes  are  drawn,  which  hang  down  from  the  collar  like  fringe.  There  are  six  manoek  on  the  upper 
part  of  the  back.  An  old  man  from  the  Manoehing  river,  uplands,  had  on  his  hips  a zig-zag  pattern 
called  penjang  (charms).  On  the  back  of  the  hands  there  are  various  forms,  such  as  a crossed  S with 
four  dashes  at  the  intersection,  a swallow,  cross,  &c.  Some  have  nothing  on  their  hands.  The  Oet 
Danoem  women  have  two  parallel  lines,  with  cross-lines,  from  the  knee  to  the  tarsus  ; on  the  thigh 
they  have  a pattern  like  the  sambas  ; from  the  boenter,  on  the  calves,  to  the  heel  there  is  a barbed 
line  called  ikoeh  (ekor  = rank)  bajan- on  the  right  leg  it  is  called  bararek,  and  on  the  left  leg,  dandoe 
tjajah.  Brave  warriors  have  such  a dandoe  tjajah  on  the  elbow-joint,  with  a cross,  called  sara  pang 
matan  andau. 

“ According  to  the  belief  of  the  Biadjus  tatuing  takes  the  place  of  clothing,  and  turns  to  gold  in 
heaven.  The  following  account  gives  an  idea  of  the  cost:  — the  boenter  costs  25  cts.;  the  toekung 
langit,  on  the  hand,  10  cts.  ; the  toeroes  oesoek  1 fl.  ; the  two  dragons  2 fl.;  the  manoek  oesoek  2 fl.;  the 
dawen  baha,  on  the  left  and  as  well  as  on  the  right  arm,  4 fl. ; the  neck  1 fl.  I do  not  know  the  cost 
of  the  other  patterns. 

" It  is  generally  mentioned  in  the  Sangiang  saga  that  Tempoen  Teloen,  in  long  past  times,  journeyed 
through  many  tracts  of  the  earth,  and  let  himself  be  tatued  in  certain  localities  according  to  the 
customs  of  the  country,  and  in  this  manner  introduced  it  into  these  parts.  T'empoe  is  lord  and  Teloen 
the  name  of  his  slave  mistress  ; thus  7 cmpoe'n  or  ain  Teloen  means,  master  of  Teloen." 

“ Tatuing  operations  commence  at  an  early  age,  and  the  first  designs  are  generally  traced  on  the 
calves,  arms,  and  chest.  As  the  individual  increases  in  age,  the  operations  are  continued,  and  are 
extended  to  all  the  other  parts  of  the  body,  so  that  there  are  some  men  who  are  completely  covered 
from  chin  to  foot  with  lines  and  drawings,  representing  flowers  arranged  in  festoons.”  (S.  Muller, 
ii.  352.)  ” Women  are  not  tatued.”  (ibid,  p.  353.) 

According  to  Mr  Bock,  among  the  Modangs  the  decoration  is  one  of  the  privileges  of  matri- 
mony, and  is  not  permitted  to  unmarried  girls.  (p.  67).  . . . " The  Tandjoengs  do  not  tattoo  as  a 

rule.  I only  found  one  with  a + on  his  arm.  (p.  130).  . . . At  Benoa  the  men  were  all  tattooed 

with  a small  mark  either  on  the  forehead,  the  arm,  or  the  leg.  (p.  139)  . . Tatooing  is 

followed  by  all  the  tribes  cf  Kotei,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  the  Long  Bleh  district ; and  some 
of  the  designs  have  very  great  artistic  merit.  The  marks  are  either  on  the  arms,  hands,  feet,  thighs, 
chest,  or  temple.  The  women  are  more  elaborately  “got  up  ” than  the  men,  and  seemed  proud  of 
displaying  their  skin-deep  beauty.  The  more  intricate  patterns  are  executed  by  professionals,  who 
first  cut  out  the  outlines  in  wood,  and  then  trace  the  design  on  the  part  of  the  body  to  be  decorated, 
filling  it  in  with  a sharp-pointed  piece  of  bamboo,  or  a needle  dipped  into  a pigment  prepared  for  the 
purpose  from  vegetable  dyes.  The  operation  is  very  painful,  and  often  takes  a long  time  to  execute, 
and  the  marks  are  absolutely  indelible.  The  tattooing  takes  place,  in  the  case  of  men,  when  they 
attain  to  manhood  ; and,  in  the  case  of  women,  when  they  are  about  to  be  married.  There  is  an  old 
woman  of  sixty,  the  marks  on  whose  thighs  were  as  distinct  and  bright  as  when  they  were  first 
executed,  perhaps  forty  or  forty-five  years  previously.  Different  tribes,  and  different  individuals  of 


Painting  and  Tatuing. 


95 


the  same  tribe,  have  different  methods  of  tattooing.  In  some  it  is  the  forehead  or  chest  ; in  others, 
the  hands  or  feet ; in  others,  the  thighs  that  are  tattooed.  The  greatest  slaves  to  this  fashion  are 
perhaps  the  damsels  of  the  Long  Wai  and  Tring  tribes,  who  unite  in  themselves  the  fashions  of 
nearly  all  the  other  tribes.  Whereas  the  others  are  content  with  ornamenting  only  one  part  of  the 
body  at  a time,  a Long  Wai  or  Tring  lady  must  be  tattooed  in  various  parts  of  the  body.” 
(pp.  189,  190.) 

Note. — The  statement  in  Jour.  Anthrop.  Inst.  xvii.  322  and  copied  by  Prof.  Hain  (p.  147)  that  the 
British  Museum  possess  a portrait  of  a Tring  priestess  tatued  should  read  that  a plate 
taken  from  Mr.  Bock's  book  has  been  hung  up  for  public  inspection. 


Tatued  Dyaks  (?  Kayans). 
(After  Prof,  Veth). 


CHAPTER  XX. 


WAR  AND  WEAPONS. 

WAR  : Caoses  of  War — General  causes — Feuds — Old  quarrels — Tribute — Reprisals — Nabai’s  feud 
— Helens — Women  an  incentive— Love  of  robbery  under  arms — 'To  ease  a sore  heart’ — 
Debts — Chivalry — War  Expeditions — Formidable  character — Announcing  an  expedition — The 
spear  token — Preparations — Women's  precautions  while  men  away — The  start — No  hurry — 
Result  of  delay — Time  no  value — A grand  sight — Camping  places — Precautions — Explorations — 
War  council — Traders  decoyed — Retaliation — Crossing  war  paths — War  Alarms — Defences — 
Pagars — Tactics  of  the  invaded  — Hiding  treasures  — Fires— Steep  hills — Cheveaux  de  prise — 
Ambushes — Luring  on  the  enemy — Ambuscades — Dressing  up  as  friends — Flank  movements — 
Ranjaus — Stray  invaders  — Surprises  — The  Sauhs'  annihilation  — Prowling  attacks  — Dusuns 
versus  Lanuns — Attacks  at  dawn — Kanowits’  methods — Burnt  chillies — Fight  with  Steele  and 
Fox’s  murderers — Attacks  in  absence  of  men — Breach  of  hospitality — Allies  killed  /ante  de  mieux — 
Homeric  Combats — Fights  for  the  slain — Saving  heads — Guarding  relations — Desperate  hand- 
to-hand  encounters  — Chivalry  — Excitement  of  Warfare  — Mad  with  excitement  — Quarrels 
amongst  parties  to  an  expedition — No  mutilations — All  is  spoil  in  warfare — Original  Dread  of 
Firearms — Mr.  Dalton’s  notes  on  war. 

WEAPONS:  General  War  Costume  — Sea  Dyaks  — Helmets  — Jackets — Thighs  unprotected — 
Kayans — Accoutrements— Spears — Lances — Wood  javelins— Swords — Hill  Dyaks — Sea  Dyaks 
— Parang  pedang — Parang  nabttr — Parang  ilang — Good  steel — Good  smiths — Shields — Method  of 
using — Bows  and  Arrows — Mr.  Skertchly’s  remark — Undup  children — Mr.  Earl’s  statement — 
Testimony  of  an  old  Dutch  soldier — Dr.  Lewin’s  authority. 

WAR. 

The  Causes  of  War. 

“ It  may  be  observed  that  their  causes  for  war,  as  well  as  its  progress  and 
termination,  are  exactly  the  same  as  those  of  other  people.  They  dispute 
about  the  limits  of  their  respective  lands  ; about  theft  committed  by  one  tribe 
upon  another;  about  occasional  murders;  the  crossing  each  other  on  the  war- 
path ; and  about  a thousand  other  subjects.  ...  In  short,  there  is  nothing 
new  in  their  feelings,  or  in  their  mode  of  shewing  them  ; no  trait  remarkable 
for  cruelty  ; no  head-hunting  for  the  sake  of  head-hunting.  They  act  precisely 
on  the  same  impulses  as  other  wild  men  : war  arises  from  passion  or  interest ; 
peace  from  defeat  or  fear.  As  friends,  they  are  faithful,  just,  and  honest  ; as 
enemies,  blood-thirsty  and  cunning,  patient  on  the  war-path,  and  enduring 
fatigue,  hunger,  and  want  of  sleep,  with  cheerfulness  and  resolution."  (Keppel 
i.  301,  304.)  According  to  Mr.  Dalton  (p.  9)  : “The  Daya  are,  generally 
speaking,  peaceable  ; the  petty  feuds  among  themselves  may  be  traced  to  the 
horrid  custom  of  ornamenting  their  houses  with  human  skulls,  procured  by 
way-laying  individuals  of  a different  tribe,  and  to  decorating  their  children 
with  the  teeth;  or  to  disputes  about  particular  tracts  of  forests."  Old  feuds 
are  a fruitful  source  of  the  wars  and  quarrels  of  the  present  day.  “ The 


Causes  of  War. 


97 


Sow  and  other  Dyak  tribes  once  made  an  incursion  into  the  Puttong  country 
and  killed  eighteen  persons.  This  was  simply  the  continuation  of  an  old 
feud.”  (Keppel  Meander  ii.  17.) 

“ Many  of  the  feuds  in  which  the  Dyaks  of  Sarebas  and  Sakarran  are  now 
engaged,  are  quarrels  which  arose  in  the  times  of  their  ancestors1 ; and  the 
ostensible  object  in  carrying  on  of  which  now  is,  that  their  balance  of  heads 
may  be  settled  ; for  these  people  keep  a regular  account  of  the  numbers  slain 
on  each  side  on  every  occasion  : these  memorandums  have  now,  perhaps, 
become  confused  amongst  the  sea  tribes,  but  amongst  those  of  the  hills,  where 
fewer  people  are  killed,  and  fighting  is  less  frequent,  the  number  to  which  each 
tribe  is  indebted  to  the  other  is  regularly  preserved.  A hill  chief  once  told  me 
that  he  durst  not  travel  into  another  country,  which  he  wished  to  visit,  as  their 
people  were  the  enemies  of  his  tribe ; when  I asked  him  in  surprise,  having 
supposed  that  he  was  at  peace  with  everyone  except  the  people  of  Sakarran,  he 
told  me  that  in  the  time  of  his  grandfather,  the  people  of  the  other  tribe  had 
killed  four  of  his,  and  that  in  retaliation  his  tribe  had  killed  three  of  the  other, 
so  that  there  was  a balance  of  one  in  his  favour,  which  had  never  been  settled, 
nor  had  any  hostilities  been  carried  on  for  many  years,  yet  all  intercourse 
between  the  tribes  had  ceased,  and  they  could  only  meet  in  a hostile  char- 
acter.” (Low,  p.  212.)  Mr.  Grant  reports  much  difficulty  in  settling  feuds  : 
“ At  night  we  had  a good  deal  of  Bechara,  in  reference  principally  to 
the  demands  made  upon  one  tribe  by  another,  for  certain  fines  or  debts,  in 
acknowledgment  of  supposed  victories  gained  in  the  olden  time.  It  appears 
that  formerly,  when  a party  of  any  tribe  took  some  heads  from  another,  not 
content  with  that,  they  must  needs  demand  certain  gongs  and  jars  from  them, 
in  acknowledgment  of  their  having  been  defeated.  This  was,  I suppose,  looked 
upon  in  the  light  of  a tribute.  ...  At  any  rate,  one  tribe  making  such  a 
demand  upon  another,  causes  the  latter,  in  order  to  get  the  wherewithal  to 
pay,  to  remember  some  old  feud  and  successful  onslaught  on  a third  tribe,  and 
so  the  wheel  is  set  in  motion,  after  having  been  at  a stand-still  for  years.  I 
have  put  a timely  stop  to  all  this.”  (Grant,  p.  61.)  The  Muruts  also  have 
their  feuds.  They  “ are  not  by  any  means  a warlike  race,  for,  taking  them 
altogether,  they  are  great  cowards  ; they  do  not  organize  large  expeditions  to 
go  on  the  war-path,  . . . though  on  one  occasion  they  combined  to  resist 

the  attack  of  a party  of  Kayans,  when  they  killed  some  sixty  of  them.  The 
worst  feature  in  their  lives  are  the  inter-tribal  feuds  above  mentioned, 
which  have  been  carried  on  amongst  them  from  time  immemorial,  and  which 
they  are  totally  unable  to  settle  themselves.  Indiscriminate  head-hunting, 
simply  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  heads,  is  the  exception  rather  than  the  rule, 
but  when  making  reprisals  against  another  tribe,  they  will  try  and  get  one  if 
possible  with  the  least  danger  to  themselves,  and  the  head,  instead  of  being 
hung  up  in  a head- house,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Land  Dyaks,  after  having 
been  feasted  over,  is  put  away  with  the  rest  in  a basket  in  some  corner  of  the 
house.  Each  house  has  its  own  feuds,  and  carries  them  on  irrespective  of  the 

1 Mr.  Hupe  refers  to  hostilities  which  broke  out  on  account  of  some  losses  which  one  party 
had  incurred  15  years  previously  when  300  people  were  killed  (p.  3x4). 

H 


VOL.  2. 


98  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

others  ; the  usual  way  being  for  a small  party  to  go  and  fire  into  an  enemy’s 
house,  trusting  to  chance  that  they  may  kill  some  one,  and  then  they  return 
home  more  or  less  satisfied ; they  sometimes  lie  in  wait  in  jungle  to  make  their 
attack  on  an  enemy  if  their  omens  are  good,  and  on  these  occasions  they 
sometimes  get  a head,  though  more  often  from  some  woman  or  child  who 
happens  to  be  working  in  a padd)^  field.  They  are  not  particular  as  to  whether 
they  kill  the  individual  who  made  the  last  attack  on  them,  anyone  in  the  same 
house,  or  living  on  the  same  stream,  will  equally  satisfy  them,  thus  compli- 
cating the  cases.”  (Ricketts,  S.G.  No.  347,  p.  213.) 

Of  a Dusun  feud,  Mr.  Witti  writes  : “ Nabai  has  a feud  with  Peluan, 
the  adjacent  district  south-west,  and  that  is  what  makes  Jeludin  [the  Nabai 
chief]  so  miserable.  Thus  I learnt  the  account  there  is  running  between 
Nabai  and  Peluan.  Killed  by  Nabai,  16  people,  of  which  6 men,  3 women,  2 
children  ; Nabai  paid  blood-money  for  five  people  and  a half,  Peluan  for 
two.  Peluan,  therefore,  appears  debited  with  eight  dead  and  a half.  The 
chronological  mark  here  is  worthily  selected,  it  is  formed  by  the  smallpox 
epidemic.  To  himself,  I explained  he  could  no  longer  receive  from  Peluan 
a slave  for  the  purpose  of  sacrificing  it  in  amends  for  the  murder  of 
Ah  Hok,  a Chinaman,  who  last  year  went  trading  in  Peluan,  after  having 
lived  a while  in  Jeludin’s  house.  Jeludin  was  in  that  matter  offered  a 
slave-woman,  a short  time  ago,  but  he  sent  her  back  on  the  ground  that 
she  was  not  young  enough.  What  business  has  this  Jeludin  to  try  and  get 
his  blood-thirstiness  quenched  on  account  of  an  outsider  who  went  to  Peluan, 
as  the  man  went  up  the  Kimanis  entirely  at  his  own  risk  ? And  then,  Ah 
Hok’s  death  was  brought  about  in  retaliation  for  a Peluan  mother  and  two 
children,  who  were  murdered  by  Jeludin,  with  his  own  hands,  in  his  own 
village.”  (Diary,  igth  Mar.)  Of  this  same  feud  he  writes  two  days  later  : 
“ Having  to  act  as  intermediary  in  bloody  feuds  like  these  would  be  repulsive 
if  it  were  not  for  the  sake  of  an  experiment.  I do  not  pretend  to  say  for  the 
sake  of  peace,  for  these  tribes  have  so  few  mutual  interests,  that  peace  between 
them  will  ultimately  have  to  be  the  object  of  rigorous  measures  on  the  part  of 
the  Government.  But  it  will  be  a source  of  some  interest  if  we  succeed  in 
accomplishing  our  round  from  one  tribe  to  the  other,  each  of  which  threatens  to 
blowpipe,  shoot,  and  behead  anybody  who  may  come  from  the  opposite  camp. 
To-day,  the  Dyak  Ankaroi  complained  that  two  years  ago  Jeludin  and  party 
carried  off  his  wife  and  two  little  children  (girls)  whilst  he  (Ankaroi)  was  absent 
from  home.  At  Petikang,  Jeludin  put  all  three  to  death  in  that  cruel  manner 
called  ambirns  (making  a spirit).  Ankaroi  and  his  friends  offered  Jeludin  all 
they  had  to  ransom  those  captives,  but  in  vain.  On  that  Ankaroi  took  an  oath 
not  to  touch  any  woman  until  he  shall  have  killed  Jeludin.  I now  quite  under- 
stand why  my  ex-officio  friend  is  in  such  an  awful  funk,  notwithstanding  the  long 
odds  on  the  side  of  Nabai.  But  how  can  I decently  ask  the  bereaved  party 
how  much  he  would  take  in  cloth,  brass,  salt,  jars,  and  cattle  to  make  it  up  ? 
I had  much  sooner  express  my  sympathy  with  Ankaroi  by  giving  him  a Henry- 
Winchester,  latest  model.  As  it  is,  the  Peluan  people  understood  me  so  far 
correctly,  that  they  asked  me  to  bring  about  a meeting  with  Jeludin,  for  the 
purpose  of  estimating  the  amount  of  blood-money,  should  Jeludin  wish  to  pay 


Causes  of  War. 


99 


up.  They  make  it  a condition  that  I myself  shall  be  present  to  keep  the  other 
party  from  treachery.  I agreed  to  let  Langadoi,  the  elder  of  Peluan,  know 


after  my  return  to  Nabai. 
have  but  little  hope. 
What  I wonder  at  is 
which  of  the  two  parties 
has  misrepresented  the 
facts  of  the  case  most  ?” 
(ibid,  25th  March.) 

They  have  their 
Helens  too.  Thus  Mr. 
Denison  records:  “The 
Si  Baddat  and  Sikong 
Dyaks  had  been  at  war 
arising  out  of  a Si  Bad- 
dat going  to  Sikong  and 
carrying  off  a man’s 
wife,  and  on  her  resti- 
tution being  demanded 
it  was  refused,  where- 
upon Sikong  took  two 
heads  from  Si  Baddat 
who  retaliated  by  taking 
one  from  Sikong,  but 
peace  had  now  been 
patched  up  between 
these  tribes.”  (Ch.  iii. 
32.) 

“ As  the  women 
have  so  decided  a pre- 
ference for  the  men 
whose  bravery  and 
deeds  of  arms  are 
notorious,  it  readily 
accounts  for  the  mass 
of  the  populace  being 
addicted  to  war.  . . 


Ankaroi  alone  asks  such  heavy  damages  that 


War  Cap. 

Made  of  split  bill  of  the  hornbill  bird  and  of 
part  of  its  skin,  claws  and  feathers,  and  with 
argus  pheasant  feathers.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Wickerwork  War  Cap. 

(Leiden  Mus.) 


It  may  even  be  doubted  whether  Europeans  might 
not  be  found  who  would  take  the  heads  of 
their  dead  enemies  to  gain  the  smiles  and 
embraces  of  beauty.”  (Mundy  ii.  3.)  As 
previously  mentioned  by  Mr.  Brooke  Low, 
the  women  urge  the  men  on  to  war. 
(See  p.  363.) 

Very  often  the  cause  of  war  is  much  the 
same  as  amongst  ourselves — the  mere  love 
of  fighting.  The  following  statement  by 
S.E.  Borneo.  Admiral  the  Hon.  H.  Keppel  goes  far  to 


ioo  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

prove  this  : “ The  whole  country  on  either  bank  of  this  river  is  rich  and 
fertile  in  the  extreme.  Fields  of  cotton,  sugar-cane,  and  padi,  with 
cocoa-nut  and  fruit-trees  in  variety,  grow  in  the  greatest  luxuriance.  Pigs  in 
hundreds,  ducks  and  poultry  without  number,  proved  that  these  people  were 
robbers  from  choice,  and  not  from  necessity.  In  every  house  cotton-looms 
for  making  cloth  were  found.  The  country  at  each  mile  improved  in  beauty  : 
the  scenery  was  varied  by  hill  and  dale  ; while  a succession  of  open  spaces, 
cleared  for  cultivation,  gave  evidence  of  a dense  population  well  able  to  enrich 
themselves  by  honest  industry.  Our  party  were  informed  that,  if  thev 
continued  to  advance  for  the  next  four  days,  they  would  still  find  the  country 
continue  to  improve.”  2 (Meander  i.  173.) 

‘‘A  Mahomedan  Pakatan  named  Japer  lost  two  grandchildren,  so  to  ease 
his  sore  heart  he  went  on  a war  expedition  and  massacred  a tribe  of  harmless 
Punans.”  (St.  John  ii.  62.) 

Among  the  Singe  Dyaks : “If  one  tribe  claimed  a debt  of  another,  it 
was  always  demanded,  and  the  claim  discussed.  If  payment  was  refused,  the 
claimants  departed,  telling  the  others  to  listen  to  their  birds  as  they  might 
expect  an  attack.  Even  after  this,  it  was  often  the  case  that  a tribe  friendly 
to  each,  mediated  between  them,  and  endeavoured  to  make  a settlement  of  their 
contending  claims.  If  they  failed  the  tribes  were  then  at  war.  Recently, 
however,  Parimban  has  attacked  without  due  notice,  and  often  by  treachery, 
and  the  Sow  Dyaks,  as  well  as  the  Singe,  practise  the  same  treachery.  The 
old  custom  likewise  was,  that  no  house  should  be  set  on  fire,  no  paddy 
destroyed,  and  that  a naked  woman  could  not  be  killed,  nor  a woman  with 
child.  These  laudable  and  praiseworthy  customs  have  fallen  into  disuse,  yet 
they  give  a pleasing  picture  of  Dyak  character,  and  relieve,  by  a touch  of 
humanity,  the  otherwise  barbarous  nature  of  their  warfare.”  (Mundy  i.  331.) 

War  Expeditions. 

“ Sea  Dyak  warfare  is  far  from  despicable,  although  it  is  undisciplined, 
and  when  the  command  is  assumed  by  a person  of  sufficient  influence  to 
enforce  obedience,  the  force  at  his  disposal  becomes  more  formidable  than  it 
otherwise  would  be  ; but  this  is  not  so  often  the  case  now  as  it  was  formerly.” 
(Brooke  Low.)  Once  “ upwards  of  100  boats,  with  certainly  not  fewer  than 
2,500  men,  had  been  at  Sarawak  a week,  asking  permission  to  go  on  an 
expedition.”  (Keppel  i.  216.)  Sir  Chas.  Brooke’s  force  against  the  Kayans 
consisted  “of  about  three  hundred  large  boats,  averaging  over  forty  men  in 
each  ; besides  a large  portion  are  still  behind,  and  will  be  coming  up  for  a 
week  or  more.”  (ii.  259.) 

“ It  is  customary  to  announce  a coming  war  expedition  for  such  and  such 
a season  at  one  of  the  great  feasts,  when  the  village  is  thronged  with  guests 


3 “The  Orang  blonda  (white  men)"  said  Rajah  Dinda  of  Long  Wai,  “have  been  killing  the 
Dyaks  and  Malays  on  the  Teweh  by  hundreds,” — referring  to  the  Dutch  war  in  the  Doesoen  district 
in  1859-64, — “because  they  want  to  take  their  country  and  collect  more  rice  andgutta;  and  why 
should  they  object  to  our  killing  a few  people  now  and  then  when  our  adat  (custom)  requires  it  ? 
We  do  not  care  for  the  instructions  of  the  white  men,  and  do  not  see  why  they  should  come  into  our 
country  at  all."  (Bock,  p 216.) 


War  Hat. 


Made  of  the  fish  scales,  sewn  with  finely-split 
rotan  on  to  a plaited  cap.  The  cap  is  made  of  a 
soft,  bast-like  material  Diam.,  6Jin.  ; depth, 
4jin.  ; weight,  4J0Z. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


f\  <zl  j.  ' 

The  double  thread  (A)  as  seen  on 
the  outside. 


Made  of  thick  bark  furnished  with  fish  scales  ! 
The  larger  scales  on  the  left  hand  side  sewn  on 
with  finely-split  rotan,  the  smaller  scales  with 
strong  thread  (fine  cord).  The  whole  edged  with 
dark  blue  cotton  as  tape.  The  portion  covering 
the  right  breast  is  about  ijin.  broader  than  that 
covering  the  left  breast.  Dr.  A.  Gunther  informs 
me  that  the  scales  are  those  of  a scaroid  fish, 
Pseudoscarus  marine.  Weight,  2lb.  iooz.  ; length, 
25jin.  ; breadth,  i6Jin. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 

In  the  Brooke  Low  collection  the  hat  is  called 
katupu  kaloi  and  the  coat  baju  tmpurau. 


Inside  of  the  War  Hat. 

Showing  (B)  how  the  thread  holds 
the  scales,  and  (A)  also  how  the  double 
thread  runs  round  the  edge  inside. 


Dyak  War  Cap. 

Made  of  coarsely-plaited  rotan,  lined  inside 
with  pandanus  leaf ; to  one  side  are  fastened 
some  hornbill’s  feathers.  Height,  17m. 
diam.,  7 Jin. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


102 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


from  the  country  far  and  near,  and  when  there  is  sure  to  be  an  unusual 
gathering  of  powerful  chiefs.  The  speaker,  who  must  be  a great  chief,  gives 
his  reason,  that  his  people  wish  to  put  off  mourning,  or  that  his  people  have 

been  slain  and  he  must  have  some  revenge,  and 
he  ends  by  inviting  all  present  to  accompany  him 
on  an  incursion  upon  an  ancient  enemy.  If  he  be 
a chief  of  any  real  influence  he  is  sure  to  secure  an 
ample  following,  in  reality  more  than  enough  for  his 
purposes,  but  his  ambition  expands  as  his  numbers 
increase  and  his  warpath  assumes  grander  propor- 
tions. The  women  lend  their  assistance  to  induce 
their  husbands  and  lovers  to  join  the  warpath. 
Before  this,  however,  the  chief  whose  mind  is  set 
on  the  business  gets  together  a circle  of  chiefs 
and  warriors,  which  before  the  end  of  the  pro- 
ceedings resolves  itself  into  a council  of  war.  The 

expediency  of  the  campaign  and  the  exigencies  which 
Lutong  Kayan  Hat.  , / , , , , A f . ...  . 

...  , . . , t ...  demand  it  are  then  openly  debated,  and  if  the 

Made  of  plaited  rotan  with  , r j . ’ 

armadillo  scales  sewn  on.  majority  or  even  a strong  party  are  in  favour  of  it, 
Cphean\\r™Pcolo?redfband0’  the  chief  who  originally  broached  the  topic,  if  he 

(Hose  coii.)  feels  confident  of  a following  large  enough  to  effect 


Kalupu.  Dyak  War  Cap 

Made  of  a single  skin  of  the  porcupine  pushed  up  to  a peak  in  the 
centre,  with  fur  edging,  inside  matwork  Weight,  220Z  ; diam  , 7m  ; 
almost  round  Baram  River. 

(Peek  Coll.) 


War  Expeditions. 


103 


his  purpose,  announces  his 
intention  of  becoming  a 
leader  and  the  date  of  the 
departure  for  the  enemy’s 
country.  All  present  are 
invited  to  accompany  him 
and  to  bring  their  friends 
and  relations.  The  details 
are  then  discussed,  the 
amount  of  bekals  (baskets) 
necessary,  the  route,  the 
character  and  number  of 
enemy,  etc.  The  period 
usually  selected  for  any  ex- 
pedition on  a large  scale  is 
that  immediately  after  the 
seed  planting  or  after  the 
harvest ; the  former  time  is 
preferred  when  available  as 
they  can  spare  the  time 
better,  and  have  three 
months  clear  before  they  are 
required  to  gather  in  the 
harvest.  In  the  latter  case 
they  would  probably  have 
no  farms  at  all  for  that 
year,  as  they  would  have  no 
dry  weather  to  dry  the 
clearings,  which,  therefore, 
would  not  burn  well. 

“ As  the  time  draws 
near  for  the  expedition  to 
start,  a spear  is  sent  round 
the  country  from  village  to 
village  with  a tembubu  toli, 
to  signify  how  many  days 
are  to  elapse  before  the 
commander-in-chief  is  able 
to  make  a start ; a place  is 
also  mentioned  where  he 
will  await  the  force.”  His 
Highness  once  had  some 
trouble  owing  to  a Malay 
sending  a spear  round 
amongst  the  Sakarans. 
(i.  256.)]  “ The  women  are 

everywhere  busy  preparing 


Front. 

War  Dress 


From  Sarawak.  Skin  of  the  Riman  Datum  (or  tortoise-shell 
leopard) , with  an  opening  for  the  neck ; attached  to  it  are 
eleven  feathers  of  the  hornbill.  Length,  47m. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


104  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

the  bekals,  and  the  produce  of  the  gardens  are  taken  to  the  nearest  market  to 
exchange  for  tobacco,  chunan,  gambir,  etc.  The  men  on  their  part  have  been 
busy  in  getting  the  war  boats  ready,  launching  them  into  the  river,  lashing  on 
the  planks  and  fitting  them  up  with  palm  leaf  awnings  and  bamboo  floorings. 
Those  who  are  able  to  purchase  the  material,  plane  the  bottom  of  their  canoes 
to  make  them  smooth  and  tar  them  to  preserve  them,  make  figure  heads  for 
the  bows,  and  paint  the  side  planks  in  various  patterns.  They  take  nets  with 
them  to  fish  by  the  way,  and  dogs  to  hunt  with  if  the  distance  is  so  great  that 
they  are  likely  to  run  short  of  food,  but  their  chief  support  on  an  expedition 
of  this  kind  is  what  they  find  on  the  banks  and  in  the  forest — especially  the 
wild  sago.  The  men  are  very  busy  furbishing  up  their  arms  and  sharpening 
their  weapons  and  decorating  their  helmets  and  war-jackets.”  (Brooke  Low.) 
“ As  long  as  the  men  are  away  their  fires  are  lighted  on  the  stones  or  small 
fireplaces  just  as  if  they  were  at  home.  The  mats  are  spread  and  the  fires 
kept  up  till  late  in  the  evening  and  lighted  again  before  dawn,  so  that  the 
men  may  not  be  cold.  The  roofing  of  the  house  is  opened  before  dawn,  so 
that  the  men  may  not  lie  too  long  and  so  fall  into  the  enemies’  hands.” 
(Crossland,  Gosp.  Miss.  1871,  p.  166.) 

“ If  one  of  a war-party  slips  down  and  grazes  his  skin  shortly  after  the 
setting-out  of  the  expedition,  he  had  better  return  home  at  once,  or  he  will  be 
brought  back  wounded.”  (Chalmers  in  Grant’s  Tour.) 

“ The  chief  is  always  the  first  to  leave  the  village,  and  as  the  first  and 
chief  part  of  the  journey  is  by  water,  he  pulls  away  in  his  canoe,  and  at  some 
convenient  distance  from  the  village,  he  bivouacs  for  the  night  to  beburong — 
to  consult  the  omen  birds.  If  the  omens  by  birds  are  favourable,  he  proceeds 
to  the  tryst  and  there  awaits  the  force  as  it  dribbles  in  one  by  one  or  few  by 
few.3  When  all  or  most  have  arrived  the  flotilla  moves  on  uncontrolled  until 
it  reaches  the  pengkalan  or  landing-place,  whence  the  overland  route 
commences.  There  is  no  attempt  at  order  or  regulation  as  long  as  they  are 
in  the  water  and  in  their  own  country,  every  boat  stopping  and  moving  much 
as  it  pleases,  but  all  trying,  nevertheless,  to  reach  the  pengkalan  at  once.  If 
this  is  close  by  there  is  a dash  for  it,  but  if  it  is  several  days’  journey  there  is 
a good  deal  of  loitering  by  the  way  to  increase  their  stock  of  provisions  or  to 

3 " When  the  chief  of  this  tribe  has  decided  to  go  out  kidnapping  and  head-hunting,  the  people, 
women  as  well  as  men,  are  called  together  to  confess.  Should  it  appear  that  some  youthful  members 
have  infringed  the  recognized  laws  of  the  tribe  as  regards  marriage,  or  that  the  sanctity  of  the 
marriage  vow  has  been  violated,  certain  penalties  are  inflicted  on  the  offending  parties,  such  as  a 
fine  of  a fowl  or  a pig  ; and  when  the  offence  is  purged,  and  the  moral  character  of  the  tribe  is, 
according  to  their  opinion,  re-established,  a ' prophet  ’ is  sent  out  with  twenty  or  thirty  penitents,  to 
observe  omens  either  in  the  air  or  in  the  woods.  These  penitents  are  youths  who  appear  at  birth  to 
have  had  certain  marks,  signs  of  misfortune,  on  them,  and  who,  in  order  to  get  the  marks  to 
disappear  and  to  prevent  the  evil  which  their  presence  forebodes,  must  atone,  or  go  through 
penitential  performances,  such  as  depriving  themselves  during  a certain  portion  of  their  lives  of  salt 
or  fish,  or  of  every  kind  of  clothing.  This  party  of  omen  observers  proceed  a day's  march  into  the 
depth  of  the  forest,  and  regular  communication  is  maintained  between  them  and  the  rest  of  the 
village,  so  that  they  can  be  informed  of  anything  that  happens  while  they  are  away  from  home. 
Should  any  one  die  in  the  tribe  they  must  return  to  the  village,  taking  up  their  dwelling  in  a shed 
specially  built  for  them.  As  soon  as  the  funeral  is  over  they  resume  their  journey,  not  returning 
until  they  have  satisfied  themselves  that  the  omens  are  favourable  for  the  expedition  about  to  be 
despatched.'’  (Bock,  p.  218.) 


Front. 


Sarebas  Goat  Skin  War  Jacket 

Edged  with  red  calico  and  yellow  woollen  cloth.  Length,  opened  up  as  shown,  3ft  3m..  width,  13m. 

(Edinbro’  Mus  ) 


io6  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

equip  themselves  more  fully  with  kejangs  (deer),  poles,  tukahs  (pegs),  etc.,  and 
cords  for  hauling  rapids.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Dyaks  are  never  in  a hurry  in  setting  off.  They  cook  and  feed  at 
leisure,  and  commence  walking  about  half-past  seven,  and  the  morning  meal 
keeps  them  going  until  late  in  the  afternoon  ; they  certainly  get  over  more 
ground  by  following  this  plan.”  (Brooke  ii.  178.)  Occasionally,  however, 
the  delay  is  so  great  that  the  force  becomes  useless  for  the  purpose  for  which 
it  was  called  together.  Such  a case  happened  on  the  Batang  Lupar.  (S.G., 
No.  161,  p.  5.)  This  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  natives’  inability  to 
appreciate  the  value  of  time.  When  on  the  Limbang  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  notes 
(ii.  26)  “ that  they  start  with,  perhaps,  two  days’  provisions,  and  trust  to 
hunting  for  food.  If  they  find  a spot  where  game  is  plentiful,  they  stay  there 
till  it  is  exhausted  ; if  the  jungle  produce  no  sport,  they  live  on  the  cabbages 
taken  from  the  palms,  on  the  edible  fern,  on  snakes,  or  anything,  in  fact,  that 
they  can  find.  If  they  come  across  bees’  nests,  they  stop  to  secure  the  wax 
and  honey.  Time  is  of  no  value  to  them,  as  they  generally  start  after  the 
harvest,  and  many  parties  are  said  to  have  taken  six  months.” 

“The  chief  brings  his  musical  instruments  with  him  and  plays  on  his 
gongs  and  lawahs  as  he  sweeps  along.  The  line  of  advance  is  most  irregular, 
the  canoes  not  moving  up  in  a line  but  with  wide  gaps,  some  outstripping  each 
other,  others  lagging  behind  to  cook  and  angle,  others  deterred  by  bad  omens 
and  adverse  dreams,  obliged  to  halt  for  the  day,  others  to  dry  their  things 
capsized  in  the  rapids,  etc. 

“ It  is  a grand  sight  to  see  these  canoes,  filled  with  dusky  warriors,  whose 
naked  arms  and  bodies  are  just  visible  beneath  the  awning,  pulling  away  with 
a uniform  and  vigorous  stroke,  each  arm  with  its  white  shell  bracelet,  and  the 
chief  standing  up  in  the  stern  steering  the  rudder  with  hand  and  foot.  The 
canoes  hold  each  from  twenty  to  seventy  men. 

“Arrived  at  the  landing-place,  a camp  is  formed,  but  the  huts  are  not 
arranged  in  any  military  fashion,  but  line  the  banks  of  the  river.  The  langkan, 
or  hut  is  built  sometimes  to  accommodate  a whole  boat’s  crew;  the  warriors 
lie  side  by  side,  their  spears  are  stuck  in  front,  and  their  shields  and  swords  in 
their  hands,  so  that  they  can  spring  to  their  feet,  arms  in  their  hands,  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye.  The  roof  slants  upwards  from  the  ground  and  forms  an 
angle  with  it.  It  is  thatched  with  leaves  and  branches  ; the  flooring  is  of  the 
same  material  with  a layer  of  bamboo  or  sticks.  A fire  is  lit  hard  by  to  keep 
off  the  mosquitoes  and  sandflies,  who  are  often  troublesome.  These  huts  are 
meant  to  last  a single  night,  or  several,  according  to  the  care  with  which  they 
have  been  built ; but  stronger  huts  are  reared  when  a stay  is  expected  to  exceed 
a few  days.”  (Brooke  Low.)  “ The  floors  are  always  raised  above  the  ground 
to  preserve  the  inmates  from  the  attacks  of  leeches  which  abound  among  the 
dead  leaves.”  (Low,  p.  245.)  “ Kayans,  when  they  make  their  camp,  strew  dead 
leaves  outside  the  fence  so  that  no  one,  not  even  a dog,  can  approach  without 
being  heard.  Punans  make  their  camp  in  a circle,  each  hut  facing  a different 
direction,  so  as  to  prevent  a surprise.”  (Brooke  Low.)  These  precautions  are, 
however,  not  always  efficient.  “ Some  of  the  enemy  had  quietly  walked  through 
the  camp  at  night  ; their  tracks  were  seen  in  the  morning — probably  some 


Speak.  Total  length,  8ft.  Sin 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


io8 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


venturous  spirit  who  wished  to  ascertain  how  strong  our  force  really  was.” 
And  on  another  occasion,  on  the  same  expedition  : “ One  of  the  enemy  took  a 
dexterous  aim  with  a barbed  spear  as  an  old  Dyak  was  warming  himself  before 
a fire  in  camp,  sitting  with  his  hands  crossed  to  shade  his  face  from  the  flames. 


Spear  (?  Fish  Spear). 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


Section  A-B 
•Sfocs  ABCD 

C | ARE  INCISED 


/■A/WW^V 


3 

Section. 


/VAWA/VWW 


Spear. 

(Leiden  Mus.) 

The  spear  pinned  both  his  hands  together  in  this  position,  and  fortunately  so, 
for  it  kept  the  weapon  from  his  chest  and  saved  his  life.  The  spear-head  was 
cut  off  before  it  was  extricated.”  At  the  camp  ‘‘a  halt  is  made  of  several  days’ 

duration,  to  explore  the  neighbour- 
T1  th--|„  — hood,  and  to  permit  stragglers  to 
come  up.  The  canoes  are  hauled 
up  and  concealed  in  the  forest,  and 
the  track  examined.”  (Brooke  i. 
310.)  “ The  boats,  if  any,  are  ren- 
dered safe  from  any  sudden  night 
surprises;  each  party  watch  abreast 
their  own  boat.”  (ibid  i.  294.) 

“ A war-council  is  held,  and  the 
route  marked,  and  the  situation  of 
the  enemy  discussed,  and  on  a 
given  day  the  march  commences, 
each  one  shouldering  his  pack  and 
stepping  out  in  Indian  file — the 
guides  ahead,  and  closely  followed 
by  a few  of  the  hardiest,  boldest, 
and  most  experienced  men  at  their 
heels.  This  line  of  march  reaches 
many  a mile  if  the  war  party  be  a 
numerous  one.  The  pace  is  rapid 
so  long  as  they  are  in  neutral  terri- 
tory, but  slackens  as  soon  as  they 
reach  the  borders  of  the  enemy’s 
country.  The  leaders  then  proceed  more  warily  as  the 
enemy,  if  forewarned  of  their  approach,  are  pretty  sure 
to  be  posted  in  ambush  by  the  way.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ It  is  really  curious  to  witness  their  movements, 
when  the  order  is  given  to  go  out  to  skirmish, — one  by 
one,  with  a quick  pace,  yet  steady  and  silent  tread,  they 
glide  into  the  bushes  or  long  grass,  gain  the  narrow 
paths,  and  gradually  disappear  in  the  thickest  jungle.” 
(Mundy  i.  262.) 


Avww/w\ 


Lower  Pattern. 


AAVWWV 

V\AAWV 

WVWWI 

/v/VWVWV 

Upper  Pattern. 


Undup  Spear  Handle 
4 real  size. 
(Crossland  Coll.) 


Gourd. 

Trained  into  shape  by  bind- 
ing it  with  a cloth  while 
young.  Used  as  a powder 
flask.  James  Motley. 
(Kew  Mus.) 


War  Alarms. 


iog 


“ Sometimes  a war-party  would  decoy  a party  of  traders,  and  murder 
them  for  the  sake  of  their  heads  ; while  a trading  party,  if  opportunity  offered, 
never  failed  to  act  in  a similar  manner.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  14.)  “ At  night  they 

would  drift  down  on  a log,  and  cut  the  rattan  cable  of  trading  prahus,  while 
others  of  their  party  would  keep  watch  on  the  bank,  knowing  well  where  the 
stream  would  take  the  boat  ashore ; and  when  aground  they  kill  the  men 
and  plunder  the  goods.”  (St.  John.) 

“When  a tribe  is  on  a warlike  excursion,  it  often  happens  that  their 
track  (or  ‘ trail  ’)  is  crossed  by  another  tribe.  Those  who  strike  the  trail  guard 
it  at  some  convenient  spot,  apprehending  the  party  to  be  enemies ; they  plant 
ranjows  in  the  path,  and  wait  till  the  returning  party  are  involved  amongst 
them  to  make  an  attack.  If  enemies,  and  they  succeed,  all  is  well;  but  if 
friends,  though  no  attack  be  made,  it  is  a serious  offence,  and  mostly  gives 
occasion  to  war,  if  not  paid  for.”  (Keppel  i.  302.) 

War  Alarms. 

The  alarm  caused  by  the  rumour  of  an  enemy  is  well  described  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Crossland  : “ During  the  last  few  days  we  have  been  living  a rather 
exciting  life.  Four  men  went  up  the  country  to  take  bees’  nests.  Two  of 
the  four  went  up  at  night  and  began  to  take  the  nests,  when  their  attention 
was  drawn  to  a series  of  fires  on  a mountain  not  far  off,  perhaps  two  miles  ; 
at  once  they  concluded  that  there  was  an  enemy,  and  came  down  the  tree, 
and  set  off  home,  leaving  the  greater  part  of  their  things  in  a hut.  They 
never  said  a word  to  any  of  the  people  living  near,  but  came  straight  home 
and  reported  there  was  an  enemy.  I happened  to  go  to  the  house  and  heard 
the  news,  which  for  the  moment  alarmed  me;  I could  not  help  thinking  of 
our  people  who  were  up  there,  and  of  their  defenceless  wives  and  children.  I 
said  I could  scarcely  believe  it,  and  they  had  better  all  keep  quiet.  If  there 
really  was  an  enemy  we  should  hear  the  tom-tom  from  the  up  country.  Next 
morning  a lot  of  the  other  men,  with  the  four,  went  off  to  spy  out  the  enemy  ; 
but  before  they  got  to  the  river-side  they  saw  a cobra  ; this  was  a sign  that 
they  should  not  be  eager  to  find  the  enemy,  so  they  returned  home.  About 
an  hour  after  there  was  a screeching  and  squalling  cry  of  enemy.  Men  were 
rushing  off  from  the  house  away  from  us,  with  spears,  shields,  swords,  etc.,  to 
seek  the  enemy.  The  women  began  to  beat  the  tom-tom;  I stopped  them, 
told  them  that  my  ears  had  been  open  all  day,  and  I had  heard  no  tom-tom, 
and  until  I did  they  must  keep  quiet.  Not  long  after,  up  came  some  of  the 
neighbouring  tribe  of  Sakarran,  inquiring  after  the  enemy.  The  men  who 
had  first  rushed  off  came  back  from  a neighbouring  house,  saying  there  was 
no  tom-tom  sounding.  Next  day  men  kept  on  going  up  in  search  of  the 
enemy  ; I always  said,  ‘ Go  if  you  like,’  when  they  asked.  Yesterday  a man 
came  saying  the  tribe  were  gathering  at  a house  up  country  to  resist  the 
enemy,  and  so  this  morning  they  all  went  off,  save  one  head-man,  who 
laughed  and  said,  ‘ If  there  was  an  enemy,  our  people  would  have  come  home 
at  once,  and  since  they  have  not  come  I don’t  intend  to  tire  myself  for 
nothing  ; ’ so  off  he  went  to  his  farm  with  his  wife  and  daughters.  Before 
long  a man  came  to  tell  me  of  a dream  he  had  had.  He  thought  he  found  a 


1X0 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

basket  with  a durian  fruit  in  it.  ‘Oh,’  said  I,  ‘then  you  expect  to  get  the 
head  of  an  enemy  if  the  dream  is  true.’  ‘ I shall,’  said  he,  ‘ what  was  your 
dream,  Tuan  ?’”  (Miss.  Life,  1867,  p.  70.) 

Defences. 

When  describing  the  houses  we  referred  to  the  palisading : “ The 
fortifications  of  the  Land  Dyak  villages  consist  principally  of  a strong 
palisading  of  bamboo  stakes,  or  sometimes  of  hard  wood,  which  are 
strengthened  and  fastened  together  by  split  bamboos  being  woven  amongst 
the  perpendicular  posts,  the  ends  of  which,  sharpened  to  points,  project 
outwards  in  all  directions,  presenting  an  impassable  barrier  of  spikes,  like 
chevaux-de-frise,  to  the  invader.  This  pagar  or  fence,  is  about  six  feet  high, 
and  surrounds  all  the  village,  in  accessible  positions  : two  gates  are  made  in 
it,  over  each  of  which  the  worked  spikes  are  carried,  and  when  the  entrance 
is  shut,  it  presents  an  uniform  appearance  with  the  remainder  of  the  fence.” 
(Low,  p.  285.)  “ Once  Lang  Endang,  with  his  Sakarang  and  Balau  party, 

returned  without  success  : they  found  the  enemy  had  collected  in  force  with 
a strong  pagar  (fence)  around  them  on  the  top  of  a steep  mountain  called 
Katimong,  situated  between  Kanowit  and  Katibas.”  (S.G.,  No.  21.)  “The 
waterside,  the  landing-places,  and  the  approaches  to  the  village,  are  all 
spiked,  and  also  the  foot  of  the  ladder,  and  they  dig  pit-falls  in  the  pathway. 
Their  valuables  they  conceal  in  the  adjoining  forest,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  their 
farms.  The  moment  the  enemy  appears  the  sound  of  the  tawah  begs  to 
announce  their  condition  to  their  neighbours,  and  to  summon  them  to  their 
assistance.  If  they  are  heard  help  is  sure  to  arrive  instanter.  If  they  feel 
confident  of  their  ability  to  repel  the  enemy,  they  keep  their  women  at  home  ; 
but  if  there  is  any  doubt  about  the  matter,  they  conceal  them  with  their 
treasures  on  the  hills  and  flee  into  the  forest  to  rejoin  them  at  a rendezvous 
when  resistance  becomes  hopeless.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

On  one  of  his  great  expeditions  Sir  Charles  Brooke  writes  : “ Although 
the  enemy  ran  off  in  haste,  they  had  time  to  hide  many  things,  but  our  Dyaks 
allowed  no  leaf  to  pass  unturned  ; at  a place  where  I had  been  sitting  and 
bathing  for  hours  to-day  along  with  hundreds  of  Malays  I was  surprised  to 


Made  entirely  of  steel ; flat  handle,  with  cross-guard  covered  with  tinfoil  and  brass  ; sheath  of  red  wood,  carved 
Length  of  blade,  2ft.  4£in.  ; length  of  sheath,  2ft.  8$in.  ? Kapuas  River. 


1 12  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  X.  Borneo. 

see  towards  evening  a few  Dvaks  come  to  take  their  last  duck  before  retiring 
after  their  day’s  work;  when  lo  ! and  behold,  they  traced  a small  line  to  a 
twig,  and  brought  up  a large  brass  gun.  Such  is  their  quickness  of  vision  ; 
only  Dyaks  can  kill  Dyaks.”  (i.  188.)  Later  on  he  says  : “ When  clearing 
places  for  our  night  abode  many  found  some  property  concealed  among  long 
grass  and  under  trees.”  (ibid;  301.)  “ If  the  attacked  party  are  in  no  hurry 

they  fire  the  village  before  they  leave  it  ; if  on  the  other  hand  they  wish  to 
gain  time,  and  to  divert  the  pursuit,  they  leave  it  for  the  enemy  to  plunder 
and  burn.”  (Brooke  Low.)  Many  burnt  houses  are  met  with  on  the 
expeditions — generally  the  burning  has  taken  place  when  defence  has  been 
given  up.”  (Brooke  i.  299.) 

“The  Brang  people  placed  great  reliance  in  the  difficulty  of  approach  up 
their  steep  hill ; the  men  quietly  sat  and  ‘ ate  their  rice,'  and  the  women  went 
to  the  top  of  the  peak  above  the  village  and  openly  defied  the  invading  force. 
They  turned  their  backs  to  the  invaders,  and  screamed  yells  of  defiance.” 
(Grant,  p.  25.)  “ On  one  occasion  the  Balleh  Dyaks  ascended  the  river 

Mujong,  into  an  almost  inaccessible  part,  and  made  a stockade  on  the  top  of 
a steep  hill  defended  by  precipitous  rocks  over  the  path  of  ascent.”  (S.G., 
No.  148,  p.  8.) 

“On  the  Baram  when  attack  is  expected  the  house  is  fortified  by  a sort 
of  chevaux  de  frise  placed  round  it,  and  though  this  is  limp,  the  ends  of  the 
bamboo  being  pointed  and  very  sharp  make  it  a very  difficult  obstacle  to 
break  through.”  4 (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  162.) 

Ambushes. 

“ A favourite  stratagem  of  defence  is  to  entice  the  leading  boats  of  the 
enemy  into  an  ambush  on  shore.  As  everybody  in  the  attacking  party  is 
anxious  to  be  foremost  in  the  race  for  heads,  there  are  sure  to  be  one  or  two 
boats  so  far  in  advance  of  the  rest  as  to  make  it  worth  the  defenders’  while 
to  put  them  to  their  mettle.  Some  convenient  spot  is  selected  and  a strong 
defending  party  placed  in  ambush  among  the  trees.  One  or  two  men  are 
thrown  out  to  stroll  upon  the  shingly  bed  to  lure  the  enemy  to  their 
destruction.  The  moment  they  are  caught  sight  of,  the  boats  give  chase,  and 
as  the  warriors  leap  ashore,  the  men  in  ambush  spring  from  their  covert  to 
their  feet  and  hurl  stones  to  shatter  the  shields,  and  engage  with  spears  and 
swords  in  a short  but  desperate  conflict.  As  the  main  body  is  seen  winding 
up  the  river,  whooping  and  yelling,  and  crashing  up  in  clouds  of  spray  and 
with  a rush  of  waters,  they  plunge  into  the  thicket  with  the  heads  they  have 
obtained,  and  are  far  away  before  the  enemy  have  recovered  from  their 
discomfiture,  and  are  prepared  to  follow.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

This  sort  of  thing  happened  more  than  once  during  Sir  Charles  Brooke’s 
Expeditions,  (i.  38.) 

“ Another  stratagem  is  one  of  ambush  without  luring.  When  the  head 
of  the  column  is  close  upon  them  (the  ambush),  they  discharge  their  muskets 
[sic] , leap  from  their  ambuscade,  and  engage  in  a hand  to  hand  combat. 

4 According  to  Mr.  Hupe  they  erect  palisades  500  ft.  long,  too  broad,  and  use  up  5,000  tree 
trunks  sunk  into  the  earth  some  feet  deep  (p  314.) 


.yu>»w 


Kenniah  Parang  Ilang. 


The  sword  is  made  of  stream  ore  found  by  the  Kenniahs  in  the  Baram  head-waters.  The 
charms  are  of  specific  value : one  looks  like  portion  of  a mason  wasp's  nest,  another  is  a 
piece  of  stone.  The  usual  dirk  attached  to  the  sheaths  of  these  swords  is  thrust  in  a 
piece  of  attached  bark,  covered  with  yellow  and  black  bead  work.  The  dirk  [not  shown] 
itself  is  ornamented  on  one  side  of  the  blade,  into  which  little  brass  discs  have  been 
melted  ; the  haft  looks  like  English  cherry-tree  wood,  and  at  the  end  is  beautifully 
carved  like  some  of  the  dish  ends  shown  on  p 383  Baram  River. 

(Hose  Coll.) 


I 


VOL.  2. 


114  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

The  Dyaks  always  waylay  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the  line  of  inarch,  as  that 
side  of  the  body  is  unprotected  by  the  shield,  which  is  carried  in  the  left  hand. 
A short,  but  desperate  fight  ensues,  a few  heads  are  taken,  and  the  defenders 
scamper  off  with  their  dead  and  wounded  before  the  main  body  can  come  up. 
The  invaders  pause  a while  until  reinforced,  and  then  pursue,  but  the  enemy 
have  taken  advantage  of  this  delay  to  plant  tukaks  in  the  path  and  ranjaus  in 
the  water-way.  Some  are  sure  to  get  spiked,  and  another  delay  ensues.  The 
ambuscade  is  bv  that  time  beyond  pursuit.  If  the  defenders  are  plucky, 
they  form  several  ambuscades,  and  so  impede  the  progress  of  the  bala 
(war-party). 

“ When  acting  on  the  defensive,  if  it  is  intended  to  entrap  the  invaders 
by  water,  it  is  customary  for  the  entire  force  to  divide  into  two  equal  portions, 
and  to  be  hid  in  two  branches  of  the  main  stream,  sufficient  distance 
apart,  and  when  the  enemy  are  in  between,  to  dash  out  simultaneously  and 
take  them  in  front  and  rear.  If  the  invading  force  is  too  numerous  to  try 
this,  it  is  customary  to  lure  the  leading  boats  by  a decoy  boat  into  a position 
where  by  reason  of  the  rapidity  of  the  current  and  obstacles  in  the  river  they 
can  be  taken  at  a disadvantage,  and  to  scamper  off  with  a few  heads  after  a 
desperate  and  hurried  fight  before  the  main  body  comes  up. 

“ It  is  a defensive  measure  to  blockade  the  passage  up  the  river  with 
huge  trunks  of  trees  felled  right  across,  which  form  a temporary  barrier  to 
quick  progress  ; stakes  and  tukaks  are  placed  in  all  suitable  places,  and  in 
the  shallow  beds  to  impale  the  feet,  as  the  men  have  to  tumble  out  of  the 
canoe  to  haul  it  over  the  rapids,  &c.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

While  the  Meanders  boats  were  punishing  some  pirates  “ A few  select 
ruffians  of  this  fleet  lingered  behind,  after  the  main  body  had  quitted  the  river, 
having  dressed  themselves  in  the  spoils  of  their  victims,  and  put  on  the  broad- 
brimmed  hat  used  by  the  labourers  on  the  farms.  Thus  disguised,  these 
miscreants  stealthily  dropped  down  the  river  in  the  small  canoes  which  they 
found  on  the  banks  ; and,  imitating  the  Sadong  dialect,  they  called  to  the 
women  to  come  out  of  their  hiding-places,  saying  that  they  had  come  to  convey 
them  to  a place  of  safety.  In  many  instances  the  stratagem  was  but  too 
successful ; and  the  helpless  women,  rushing  down  with  their  infants  in  their 
arms,  became  the  prey  of  these  wolves  in  sheep’s  clothing.”  (Keppel  Meander 
i.  144.) 

The  ranjaus  above  referred  to  are  practically  calthrops  and  are  also  by 
the  way  used  in  times  of  peace.  Thus  Mr.  Grant  relates  : ‘‘At  one  part  of  the 
road  our  guides  stopped  to  draw  a lot  of  ranjows,  or  sharp-pointed  bamboos, 
out  of  the  ground.  Some  man  had  left  his  farm-house,  and  protected  it  from 
thieves  by  sticking  these  ranjows  for  some  distance  around  it.”  (pp.  22,  80.) 
Sir  Chas.  Brooke’s  party  once  had  unpleasant  experiences  with  these  articles. 
The  country  was  “ thickly  spiked  by  some  Dyak  enemy  many  years  ago. 
These  were  not  yet  rotten,  and  the  grass  had  grown  sufficiently  to  make  them 
very  blind.  The  leading  Dyaks  took  a start  to  pull  them  up,  as  only  those 
can  who  are  in  the  habit  of  resorting  to  such  schemes  of  warfare.  They  are 
mostly  of  bamboo,  about  six  inches  long,  and  sharpened  to  a point,  and,  as  a 
band  is  retiring  from  an  enemy’s  country,  these  are  stuck  in  their  wake  to 


Ambushes. 


“5 

prevent  any  others  from  pursuing ; they  are  very  simple  but  dangerous 
obstacles  to  those  who  have  bare  feet.”  (ii.  188.)  “Occasionally  the  ranjaus 
are  poisoned.”  (Crossland.) 


Dopong  Dagger. 

Used  at  funeral  feast,  Tiwah. 
S.E.  Borneo. 

(Leiden  Mus.) 


Dagger. 

Said  to  come  from  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


SWORD-SHEATH  BELT 

Knot  (?) 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


it6  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ With  lelahs  or  brass  guns,  muskets,  spears,  &c.,  they  will  keep  their 
strongholds,  while  parties  will  go  sneaking  about  the  jungle  in  search  of  stray 
enemies  : and  when  they  have  successfully  resisted  an  attack,  and  see  the 
enemy  retreating,  they  will  harass  his  rear,  securing  as  many  heads  as 
possible  to  take  home  as  trophies.”  (Grant,  p.  92.) 


Kenniah  Shield  From  Sarawak  Length,  48£in 
(Edinbro’  Mus.) 

Surprises. 


On  one  occasion  the  Sauhs  had  driven  off  the  Sarebas  and  Sakarans,  their 
hereditary  enemies,  and  were  in  grand  spirits  at  this  their  victory — a victory 
never  before  achieved  against  these  foes.  “ But  their  joy  was  short-lived  ; 


Surprises. 


ii  7 

they  had  reckoned  too  much  on  their  security,  and  forgot  the  bitterness 
created  in  the  hearts  of  their  foes  by  their  repulse  and  loss.  It  was  not  many 
months  afterwards,  on  a fine  sunny  day,  when  most  of  them  were  busily 
engaged  at  their  farms,  that,  with  the  suddenness  of  a flash  of  lightning,  and 


Front.  Kayan  Shield.  Back. 

From  Sarawak.  On  the  front,  along  the  median  ridge,  there  is  a rib  of 
iron  twisted  at  both  ends.  Decorated  with  human  hair.  Length,  49jin. 

(Edinbro'  Mus.) 

without  any  warning,  the  Sauhs  found  themselves  surrounded  by  their  lately 
discomfited  enemies.  And  that  day  the  Sauhs  were  no  longer  victors,  but 
vanquished ; between  300  and  400  dead  bodies  lay  strewed  on  or  around  the 


n8  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

farms.  Besides  the  heads,  the  enemy  carried  off  as  captives  ioo  women  and 
children.”  (Grant,  p.  92.) 

“ As  Dyak  warfare  consists  of  surprises,  they  do  not  attack  a village,  or  a 
cluster  of  villages,  if  their  approach  has  been  discovered  and  the  population  is 
on  the  defensive,  but  they  content  themselves  with  cutting  off  stragglers,  and 
lie  in  ambush  at  the  waterside  for  people  going  to  bathe  or  to  examine  their 
fish-traps,  and  in  the  forest  for  individuals  out  hunting  or  produce  collecting.” 
(Brooke  Low.)  Mr.  Horsburgh  says  : “ If  a small  war-party  of  six  or  seven 
men  embarked  in  a fast  boat,  they  would  conceal  it  in  the  umbrageous  creeks 
near  an  enemy’s  house,  and  then  prowling  about  in  the  jungle,  would  pounce 
upon  any  unfortunate  who  might  stray  near  them.  Sometimes  they  would 
even  get  into  the  wells  of  their  enemies,  and,  covering  their  heads  with  a few 
leaves,  sit  for  hours  in  the  water  waiting  for  a victim.  Then  when  any  woman 
or  girl  came  to  draw  water,  they  would  rush  out  upon  her,  cut  her  down,  take 
her  head,  and  flee  into  the  jungle  with  it  before  any  alarm  could  be  given.” 
(p.  13.)  “ It  was  much  in  this  way  that  the  Dusuns  drove  out  the  Lanuns 

who  had  settled  north  of  the  Tampassuk.  No  people  in  Borneo  could  cope 
with  the  Lanuns  in  battle  ; so  the  Ida’an  kept  hovering  around  the  Lanun 
villages  to  cut  off  stragglers.  At  last,  no  one  could  leave  the  houses  even  to 
fetch  fire-wood,  unless  accompanied  by  a strong  armed  party.”  (St.  John  i.  239.) 
“ When  old  Japer  was  about  to  attack  the  Punans,  he  stripped  off  his  clothes 
one  night,  and  crawled  up  to  the  house.  To  find  his  way  back  he  had  let  out 
some  string  as  he  went  on.”  (ibid,  ii.  62.)  “ But  if  their  approach  be 

unknown,  they  so  manage  as  to  reach  the  settlement  before  daybreak  ; gener- 
ally they  draw  a cordon  round  it  at  midnight,  and  tighten  the  circle  before 
day-break.  If  the  ladders  are  down  they  rush  up  to  the  house  and  take  it  by 
storm  ; if  they  are  drawn  up  they  hurl  lighted  javelins  into  the  thatch  and 
fire  it.”6  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  mode  of  attack  adopted  by  the  Kanowits  shows  the  system  of  war- 
fare of  these  barbarians.  The  first  house  attacked  was  of  the  largest  size, 
built  on  piles.  A body  of  four  hundred  men  approached — no  arms  were  used, 
not  a spear  was  thrown,  or  an  arrow  shot  ; but  the  Dyaks,  covered  with  their 
shields,  crouching  along  the  ground,  slowly  marched  under  the  house,  and 
commenced  cutting  and  burning  the  posts.  The  defenders,  about  fifty  in 
number,  with  their  wives  and  children,  cast  down  between  the  crevices  of  the 
bamboo  floor  every  implement  they  could  collect,  together  with  boiling  water, 
but  in  vain.  Their  fate  slowly  but  surely  approached.  The  fire  and  the  steel 
did  their  work.  The  besiegers  retreated.  The  house  fell  with  a dreadful  crash, 
and  ten  men  were  killed,  and  fifteen  women  and  children  were  captured,  the 
remnant  escaping  into  the  jungle.”  (Mundy  ii.  69.)  Later  on  Sir  Jas.  Brooke 

5 Upon  their  arrival  near  a village,  if  the  party  be  small,  they  take  up  their  position  in  the 
bushes  close  to  some  pathway,  and  attack  a passer-by  unawares.  If  the  party  be  large,  they  are 
bolder  in  their  operations,  and  an  attempt  will  perhaps  be  made  to  surprise  the  whole  village.  For 
this  purpose  they  will  remain  concealed  in  the  jungle,  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  during  the  day,  and 
at  night  will  surround  the  village  so  completely  as  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  intended  victims;  and 
an  hour  or  two  before  daybreak,  when  the  inhabitants  are  supposed  to  sleep  their  soundest,  the  attack 
will  be  commenced  by  setting  fire  to  the  houses,  and  their  victims  aredestrojed  as  they  endeavour  to 
escape  " (Earl,  p 268.) 


Surprises. 


ng 

records  a very  similar  case  : “ The  invading  force  of  tattooed  warriors  was, 
however,  too  numerous  to  be  long  withstood,  and  the  piles  being  eventually 
either  hacked  to  pieces  or  burnt  down,  the  lofty  buildings  fell  with  a crash  to 
the  ground,  when,  with  the  exception  of  a few  able-bodied  men,  who  may  have 


Kenniah  Shield 


(Edinbro'  Mus.) 


escaped  to  the  jungle,  the  whole  tribe  was  made  captive  and  carried  away  in 
triumph  to  Kanowit.  The  young  and  lovely  of  the  women  were,  of  course,  the 
greatest  prizes.”  ( ibid  ii.  124.)  So  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  relates  of  the  cutting  off 
of  the  Orang  Kaya  Kiei,  with  his  family,  in  a farmhouse  at  the  foot  of  the 
Ladan  range,  by  Kayans  : “ The  Kayans  set  fire  to  the  rice  stalks  under  the 


120  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

house,  and  as  the  family  rushed  out  they  were  killed  ; a few,  who  either  saw 
the  fall  of  their  companions,  or  were  bewildered  by  the  smoke,  stayed  in  the 
house  and  were  burnt  to  death  : ten  women  and  children  lost  their  lives.” 
(ii.  31.)  Bishop  McDougall  is  reported  to  have  said  that  chillies  are  burnt 
under  the  houses  on  account  of  the  suffocating  smoke  they  make.  (Mrs. 
McDougall,  p.  84.)  Is  it,  however,  an  ascertained  fact  that  chillies  when  burnt 
are  more  offensive  than  wood  smoke  ? 

During  the  punitive  attack  on  the  tribes  who  murdered  Messrs.  Fox 
and  Steele,  “the  Dyaks  advanced  madly  until  they  were  close,  and  some 
underneath  the  house,  tumbling  over  obstacles,  dashing  right  and  left,  in 
search  of  some  place  where  they  might  ascend.  The  enemy  were  blowing 
poisonous  arrows  at  them.  Our  Dyaks  commenced  clambering  up  the  posts, 
carrying  their  arms  and  spears  ; and  after  one  had  got  a footing,  peeping 
through  the  crevice,  or  removing  some  fragments  occasioned  by  the  shot  of 
yesterday,  there  would  be  a momentary  skirmish,  and  down  they  would  all  go 
to  the  ground  again.  A short  time  after,  this  scene  was  repeated,  and  then 
one  had  entered.  In  about  five  minutes  out  he  came,  and  down  they  all 
jumped  to  the  ground,  evidently  having  encountered  the  enemy  inside.  One 
foolish  and  daring  fellow  had  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  roof : of  course  he  was 
killed.  One  lot  entered,  and  had  a fight,  sword  to  sword,  with  the  enemy,  in 
which  two  of  our  party  were  killed.  And  then  a man  brought  a burning 
brand,  and  set  the  ends  of  the  building  on  fire,  which  immediately  after  was 
blazing  furiously.  Now  came  the  horrors  of  war  indeed.  Some  were  burnt, 
some  killed,  some  taken  prisoners,  and  some  few  escaped.  So  ended  that 
fortification.  Its  roof  fell  with  a crash,  leaving  only  its  smoking  embers  to 
tell  where  it  had  stood.  Our  Dyaks  were  mad  with  excitement,  flying  about 
with  heads ; many  with  fearful  wounds,  some  even  mortal.  One  lad  came 
rushing  and  yelling  past  the  stockade,  with  a head  in  one  hand,  and  holding 
one  side  of  his  own  face  on  with  the  other.  He  had  had  it  cut  clean  open, 
and  laid  bare  to  the  cheek-bone,  yet  he  was  insensible  to  pain  for  the  time  ; 
but  before  five  minutes  elapsed  he  reeled  and  fell  exhausted.  We  then 
doctored  him  the  best  way  we  could,  by  tying  his  cheek  on  as  firmly  as 
possible,  in  the  hope  that  it  would  unite  and  heal.  This  it  eventually  did, 
leaving  a fearful  disfigurement.”  (Brooke  i.  353.) 

A favourite  method  is  to  attack  as  the  Batang  Lupar  Dyaks  did,  “a 
house  of  Bugau  Dyaks  under  Dutch  jurisdiction  ; the  attack  was  made  while 
the  men  were  absent  at  their  farms.  Thirty  women  and  children  were  killed 
and  taken  captive.”  (Brooke  i.  118.)  “ This  sort  of  surprise  is  generally  made 

about  the  time  of  sowing,  weeding,  and  cutting  the  rice-crops.”  (Keppel  i.  301.) 

A correspondent  of  the  S.G.  (No.  104)  reports  that  “a  party  of  P01 
Dyaks  called  at  the  house  of  a Kayan  chief  named  Uniat,  by  whom  they  were 
fed  and  kindly  treated.  In  return  for  this  kindness  the  wretches  attacked  a 
party  of  17  women  and  children,  ‘ Anak  biak,’  Uniat  who  were  living  by 
themselves  in  a farm.  They  killed  14  of  these  unfortunates,  amongst  them 
being  the  two  children  of  their  late  entertainers.” 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  gives  quite  a list  of  treacherous  attacks  made  in 
different  parts  of  the  country.  Amongst  others  (i.  42)  that  “ before  the 


Homeric  Combats. 


1 2 1 


Kanowit  was  well  guarded,  a Sakarang  chief  with  fifty  war  boats  arrived  at  a 
village  of  Pakatan  Dayaks,  his  allies  ; he  took  the  men  as  his  guides  to  attack 
some  Punans,  who,  however,  escaped  ; mortified  at  this  result  he  killed  the 
guides,  and  on  his  return  carried  off  all  the  women  and  children  as  captives." 
There  is  also  the  record  of  the  treacherous  way  in  which  the  Kayans 
possessed  themselves  of  a Murut  village  in  the  Blait  country.  Some  captured 
Muruts  were  sent  as  deserters  into  the  village  and  at  the  end  of  six  months 
they  let  the  Kayans  in  at  night.  Their  heads  were  also  taken  by  the  Kayans. 
(ibid.) 

Homeric  Combats. 

“ The  great  object  in  their  combats  is  to  obtain  as  many  of  the  heads  of 
the  party  opposed  as  possible ; and  if  they  succeed  in  their  surprise  of  the 
town  or  village,  the  heads  of  the  women  and  children  are  equally  carried  off 
as  trophies.  But  there  is  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  a head,  for  the  moment 
that  a man  falls  every  effort  is  made  by  his  own  party  to  carry  off  the  body, 
and  prevent  the  enemy  from  obtaining  such  a trophy.  If  the  attacking  party 
are  completely  victorious,  they  finish  their  work  of  destruction  by  setting  fire 
to  all  the  houses,  and  cutting  down  all  the  cocoa-nut  trees  ; after  which  they 
return  home  in  triumph  with  their  spoil."  (Marryat,  p.  18.) 

This  is  confirmed  by  Mr.  Brooke  Low  : “ In  fighting,  the  warriors  cluster 
round  their  chiefs  and  are  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  the  others  so  long  as  the 
chiefs  escape  with  life  and  limb.  Similarly  relatives  cluster  together, 
preferring  to  entrust  their  lives  to  the  tender  mercies  of  one  another, 
rather  than  to  a stranger ; a relative  would  bestride  his  fallen  kinsman  and 
protect  his  body  from  mutilation,  when  a stranger  might  decline  the  combat 
and  leave  him  to  his  fate.  They  carry  away  the  dead  and  wounded  when 
possible  ; the  former  they  bury,  but,  if  hurried,  often  so  imperfectly  that  the 
enemy  scent  them  out,  dig  them  up  and  carry  away  the  heads.  When  unable 
to  carry  away  the  dead,  they  have  sometimes  severed  the  head  from  the  trunk 
and  carried  it  away  with  them  to  bury  in  the  forest,  rather  than  let  the 
treasure  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.” 

During  a skirmish  on  the  Sarebas  river,  “Janting,  with  a son-in-law  on 
each  hand,  advanced,  followed  by  his  people,  and  opposed  the  party  with 
drawn  swords  ; one  of  his  sons  cut  down  his  man,  decapitated  him,  and 
Janting  himself  had  come  in  contact  with  another,  when  his  other  son-in-law 
fell  with  two  spear  wounds,  and  would  have  lost  his  head,  if  his  father  had 
not  most  opportunely  dealt  a terrific  blow  at  his  adversary,  and  then  stood 
guard  over  his  wounded  relation,  while  the  enemy  had  time  to  make  off, 
fighting  indiscriminately  with  our  people."  (Brooke  i.  275.) 

Admiral  Keppel  gives  a graphic  account  of  such  hand  to  hand  encounters  : 
“ Three  brothers  were  advancing  through  the  jungle  in  the  usual  single  file, 
the  second  leading,  when  a tiger-like  spring  from  the  bush  was  made  on  poor 
Bunsie,  and  he  was  cut  down.  His  slayer  was  the  redoubtable  Dyak  chief, 
Lingire  himself,  near  to  whose  residence  the  flotilla  were  advancing.  A fierce  and 
desperate  struggle  ensued  between  the  youngest,  Tujong,  and  a Malay,  named 
Abong  Apong ; he  was  son-in-law  to  the  Laksimana  of  Paku,  the  chief  who 
led  the  late  recent  severe  foray  at  Sadong.  Each  combatant  was  armed  with 


122 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


shield  and  sword  : but  assistance  coming  to  his  enemy,  Tujong  received  the 
fatal  blow  ; before,  however,  the  fallen  man  could  be  decapitated,  a musket- 
shot  fired  by  Tujong’s  party  passed  through  the  shield,  and  entered  the  body 


Kayan  Shield.  From  Koti  River.  Length,  55fin. 

(Edinbro’  Mus.) 

of  the  man  who  had  come  to  Abong  Apong  s assistance,  making  him  likewise 
bite  the  dust.  Kalong,  the  eldest  of  the  three,  who  was  in  rear  of  his 


Homeric  Combats. 


123 


brothers,  saw  the  danger  just  in  time  to  fall  back,  and  bring  up  the  assistance 
which  saved  his  youngest  brother’s  head,  but  not  his  life.  Kalong  had  also 
had  his  share  of  fighting.  On  the  night  of  the  late  action,  the  moon  was 


Dyak  Shield.  Length,  33m. 
(Edinbro'  Mus.) 


shining  brightly,  and  he  had  chased  one  of  the  Serebas  bangkongs  aground. 
A young  pirate  chief  jumped  out,  and  invited  any  one  of  his  pursuers  to  single 


124  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

combat.  The  challenge  was  immediately  accepted  by  Kalong : wading  on 
shore,  he  was  soon  engaged  in  mortal  strife  with  his  enemy,  whom  he  shortly 
slew.  The  younger  brother,  Tujong,  was  to  be  seen  standing  in  the  water, 
ready  to  take  up  the  combat,  should  Kalong  have  been  worsted.” 
(Meander  i.  166.) 

Excitement  of  Warfare. 

During  the  Kujulan  expedition,  “ when  one  party  thought  they  had  met 
the  enemy,  the  other  part  of  the  force  was  perfectly  mad,  throwing  off  their 
covering,  arranging  their  arms,  and  making  the  most  fearful  noise.”  (Brooke 
i.  173.)  During  the  great  Kayan  expedition  the  same  intrepid  commander 
writes  : “ We  were  now  close  on  the  rear  of  the  leaders,  who  were  legion,  and 
their  din  and  murmuring  were  audible  for  many  miles,  like  an  immense  swarm 
of  bees.”  ( ibid  i.  293.) 

On  another  expedition  : “ There  was  a motley  group  of  some  hundreds  of 
Dyaks  congregated  on  all  sides  of  my  abode,  dressed  in  war  costume,  and 
vociferating  at  the  top  of  their  voices,  declaring  that  they  would  rest  with  their 
forefathers,  or  die,  rather  than  not  have  the  blood  of  the  enemy.  Their 
spitting  and  spluttering  of  vengeance  was  astonishing.”  ( ibid  i.  351.) 

But  the  Dyaks  do  not  always  agree  on  these  expeditions,  and  are  apt  to 
fall  out  over  the  booty.  Sir.  Chas.  Brooke  writes  : “ On  reaching  our  force  I 
found  our  Dyaks  were  fighting  among  themselves,  and  disputing  over  the  head 
of  an  enemy.  They  were  making  a fearful  commotion,  the  boats  drifting 
across  each  other,  and  men  standing  with  drawn  swords  in  their  hands.  I 
saw  there  was  little  time  to  lose,  so  rushed  down  the  mud  bank  to  the  dingy, 
and  shoved  into  the  midst  of  this  promiscuous  melee.  Jantingwas  the  leader, 
vociferating  in  true  Dyak  fashion  with  the  utmost  exasperation.  His  temper 
was  hot  enough  to  drive  him  to  commit  any  mischief  when  once  aroused.  I 
closed  with  his  boat,  placed  my  hand  on  his  shoulder,  spoke  a few  quiet  words, 
asking  him  not  to  cast  disgrace  on  the  whole  of  the  force  by  fighting  with  his 
own  friends.  He  at  once  silently  slunk  inside  his  boat,  the  sounds  died  away, 
and  peace  was  restored ; but  such  rows  are  exceedingly  dangerous  and 
unpleasant.  No  Malay  attempted  to  interfere,  and  it  was  only  by  knowing  the 
man  that  I was  able  to  succeed  without  resorting  to  severity,  when  one  drop 
of  blood  might  have  led  I don’t  know  where.”  (i.  277.) 

They  do  not  appear  to  mutilate  their  enemies  on  the  warpath,  but  Admiral 
Keppel  says  he  “ saw  one  body,  afterwards,  without  its  head,  in  which  each 

* When  the  chiefs  engage  hand  to  hand,  they,  after  the  spirit  of  chivalry,  throw  these  (shields) 
away  ; after  skirmishing  with  the  sumpit  they  usually  come  to  close  quarters  ; what  the  chiefs 
principally  aim  at  is  a surprise,  but  the  adverse  party  knowing  his  enemy  is  in  the  field,  always 
provides  against  this,  and  as  one  side  is  as  cunning  as  the  other,  they  usually  in  the  end  come  to 
open  blows ; their  personal  combats  are  dreadful  ; they  have  no  idea  of  fear,  and  fight  until  they  are 
cut  to  pieces;  indeed  their  astonishing  strength,  agility  and  peculiar  method  of  taking  care  of 
themselves,  are  such  that  I am  firmly  of  opinion  a good  European  swordsman  would  stand  little 
chance  with  them,  man  to  man,  as,  except  at  their  arms,  he  could  not  get  a cut  at  them.  The 
temper  of  the  steel  with  which  they  make  their  mandows  is  such  that  a powerful  man  is  not  required 
to  cut  through  a musket  barrel  at  a single  blow.  The  Diaks,  in  fighting,  always  strike  and  seldom 
thrust ; indeed  their  mandow  is  not  calculated  for  it,  but  the  small  sword  would  be  useless  against 
them  as  it  would  not  penetrate  the  thick  skin  in  front,  over  which,  about  the  navel,  they  attach  a 
very  large  shell  (Dalton,  p 50  ) 


Original  Dread  of  Firearms.  125 

passing  Dyak  had  thought  proper  to  stick  a spear,  so  that  it  had  all  the 
appearance  of  a huge  porcupine.”  (ii.  65.) 

“ The  ancient  custom  was,  that  anything  by  the  roadside  is  anybody’s 
when  on  an  expedition,  and  this  is  generally  adhered  to.”  (Brooke  i.  241.) 

Original  Dread  of  Firearms. 

Originally  all  the  natives  had  a great  dread  of  fire-arms.  Writing  of  the 
Sarebus  tribes,  Sir  James  Brooke  remarks  : “ They  are  by  no  means  so  warlike 


Shield  From  Sarawak.  Length,  45^in. 
(Edinbro'  Mus.) 


as  the  others,  and  from  their  great  dread  of  fire-arms,  may  be  kept  in  subjection 
by  a comparatively  small  body  of  Malays.  The  sound  of  musketry  or  cannon 
was  enough  to  put  the  whole  body  to  flight  ; and  when  they  did  run,  fullv  the 
half  disappeared,  returning  to  their  own  homes.”  (Mundy  i.  236.) 


126  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ If  the  Dyaks,  in  a fortified  village  such  as  that  above  described,  are 
enabled  to  resist  their  invaders  for  one  or  two  days,  they  generally  escape,  but 
should  these  be  assisted  by  fire-arms,  they  have  little  chance,  as  they  are  so 
terrified  at  the  report  of  them,  that  they  generally  desert  their  houses,  and 
seek  protection  in  the  depths  of  the  forests  and  the  caves  of  the  mountains.” 
(Low,  p.  285.) 


Kayax  Shield.  From  Rejang  River. 
(Dublin  Mus.) 


“ Pangeran  Mumein  justly  observed,  that  as  long  as  the  Kayans  were 
unacquainted  with  the  use  of  fire-arms,  it  was  easy  to  defend  the  country  ; 
but  that  now  the  Bornean  traders  were  supplying  them  with  brass  swivels  and 
double-barrel  guns,  he  thought  that  the  ruin  of  Brunei  was  at  hand.  But  the 


Mr.  Dalton's  Notes  on  War. 


127 


fact  is,  that  though  the  Kayans  are  now  less  frightened  at  the  noise  of  heavy 
guns  and  muskets  than  they  were,  they  seldom  employ  them  in  their  expedi- 
tions in  the  jungle,  as  they  cannot  keep  them  in  working  order.”  (St.  John 
i.  87.)  The  Lanuns  “are  very  fond  of  boasting  of  their  courage,  and  say,  if  the 
Europeans  would  but  meet  them  sword  in  hand,  they  would  fight  them  man 
to  man.”  7 (ibid  i.  240.) 

7 “ The  Dyaks  entertain  the  greatest  dread  of  fire-arms,  believing  that  there  is  no  limit  to  their 
range,  and  that  an  object  which  can  be  perceived,  however  distant,  may  be  struck  by  a musket  ball.” 
(Earl,  p.  269  ) “ They  no  sooner  hear  the  report  of  a gun  than  they  run  deep  into  the  jungle  ; if  they 
are  in  boats  they  leap  into  the  water,  and,  after  gaining  the  shore,  never  stop  until  they  are  out  of 
hearing  of  the  report.  The  most  sensible  of  the  Diaks  have  a superstitious  idea  of  fire-arms  ; each 
man,  on  hearing  the  report,  fancies  the  ball  is  making  directly  towards  himself;  he  therefore  runs, 
never  thinking  himself  safe  as  long  as  he  hears  the  explosion  of  gunpowder  : thus,  a man  hearing  the 
report  of  a swivel  five  miles  off,  will  still  continue  at  full  speed,  with  the  same  trepidation  as  at  first. 
They  have  not  the  least  conception  of  the  range  of  gun-barrels.  I have  been  frequently  out  with 
Selgie  and  other  chiefs,  shooting  monkeys,  birds,  &c  , and  offended  them  in  refusing  to  fire  at  large 
birds,  at  the  distance  of  a mile  or  more  ; they  invariably  put  such  refusal  down  to  ill-nature  on  my 
part.  Again,  firing  at  an  object,  they  cannot  credit  it  is  missed,  although  they  see  the  bird  fly  away, 
but  consider  that  the  shot  is  yet  pursuing  and  it  must  fall  at  last.”  (Dalton,  p.  50.) 

MR.  DALTON'S  NOTES  ON  WAR. 

" The  ravages  of  these  people  are  dreadful ; in  August,  1828,  Selgie  returned  to  Marpow  from  an 
excursion  ; his  party  had  been  three  months  absent,  during  which  time,  besides  detached  huts,  he  had 
destroyed  seventeen  campongs,  with  the  whole  of  the  men  and  old  women ; the  young  women  and 
children  were  brought  prisoners.  The  former  amounted  to  113,  and  the  latter  about  200.  He  had 
with  him  forty  war-boats,  or  large  canoes,  none  less  in  length  than  95  feet.  . . . The  perseverance 
of  the  Diaks  during  an  expedition  is  wonderful ; they  generally  get  information  of  distant  campongs 
from  the  women  taken  prisoners  (no  man  ever  escapes  to  tell  the  tale),  who  soon  become  attached  to 
the  conquerors.  In  proceeding  towards  a distant  campong,  the  canoes  are  never  seen  on  the  river 
during  the  day-time  ; they  invariably  commence  their  journey  about  half-an-hour  after  dark,  when 
they  pull  rapidly  and  silently  up  the  river  close  to  the  bank.  One  boat  keeps  immediately  behind 
another,  and  the  handles  of  the  paddles  are  covered  with  the  soft  bark  of  a tree,  so  that  no  noise 
whatever  is  made.  (In  Selgie’s  last  expedition,  he  was  forty-one  days  before  a campong  was  surprised, 
although  several  canoes  were  cut  off  in  the  river  owing  to  the  superior  swiftness  of  Selgie  s boats.) 
After  paddling  all  night  without  intermission,  about  half-an-hour  before  day-light,  they  pull  the  boats 
up  upon  the  banks,  amongst  the  jungle  and  thick  trees,  so  that  from  the  river  it  is  impossible  to  see 
them,  or  discover  the  least  track  of  their  route.  Here  ihey  sleep,  and  feed  upon  monkeys,  snakes,  or 
any  other  animals  they  can  reach  with  their  sumpits ; wild  hogs  are  their  favourite  food,  and  they  are 
in  abundance  ; — if  these  fail  them,  the  young  sprouts  of  certain  trees  and  wild  fruit  will  answer  the 
purpose  ; nothing  comes  amiss  to  the  stomach  of  a Diak.  Should  the  Rajah  want  flesh,  and  it  cannot 
be  procured  with  the  sumpit,  one  of  the  followers  is  killed,  which  not  only  provides  them  with  a good 
meal,  but  a head  to  boot.  Whilst  part  of  the  people  are  employed  in  hunting  and  cooking,  others 
ascend  the  highest  trees  to  examine  the  country,  and  observe  if  a campong  or  hut  be  near,  which  they 
discover  by  the  smoke.  Should  it  be  a solitary  hut,  they  surround  it,  and  take  care  no  one  escapes; 
but  should  it  be  a considerable  campong,  they  go  much  more  warily  to  work.  When  the  boats  have 
arrived  within  about  a mile  of  a campong,  they  prepare  themselves  ; about  one-third  of  the  party  are 
sent  forward,  who  penetrate  the  thickest  part  of  the  jungle,  arriving  at  night  near  the  houses  ; these 
are  surrounded,  men  are  placed  in  every  foot-path  leading  from  them,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting 
all  who  may  attempt  to  escape  into  the  woods.  In  the  meantime,  the  remainder  of  the  party  in  their 
boats,  arrive  about  an  hour  before  day-light,  in  perfect  silence,  within  a few  hundred  yards  of  the 
campong,  when  most  of  the  warriors  put  on  their  fighting  dress,  and  creep  slowly  forwards,  leaving 
a few  men  in  each  boat,  likewise  about  a dozen  with  the  women  who  remain  in  the  jungle.  About 
twenty  minutes  before  day-break,  they  commence  operations  by  throwing  upon  the  attapsof  the  huts 
lighted  fire-balls,  made  of  the  dry  bark  of  trees  and  damar,  which  immediately  involves  the  whole  in 
flames.  The  war-cry  is  then  raised,  and  the  work  of  murder  commences  ; the  male  inhabitants  are 
speared,  or  more  commonly  cut  down  with  the  mandow,  as  they  descend  the  ladders  of  their  dwellings 
in  attempting  to  escape  the  flames,  which  Selgie  remarked  to  me,  give  just  sufficient  light  to  distin- 


128 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


guish  a man  from  a woman.  The  women  and  children  endeavouring  to  gain  the  jungle  by  the 
well-known  paths,  find  them  already  occupied  by  an  enemy,  from  whom  there  is  no  escaping ; they, 
of  course,  surrender  themselves,  and  are  collected  together,  with  the  assistance  of  day-light,  which 
they  manage  so  as  to  be  certain  of  at  this  moment.  When  the  signal  is  first  given  (always  by  the 
Rajah),  the  people  in  the  boats  pull  rapidly  ; some  are  placed  up  the  river  above  the  campong,  some 
below  it,  and  the  remainder  abreast  of  the  huts,  so  that  should  any  of  the  unfortunate  beings  gain 
their  sampans,  they  are  certainly  cut  off  in  the  water.  Their  principal  object  is  to  prevent  a single 
person  escaping  to  give  intelligence  to  other  campongs,  and  to  arrange  the  time  so  that  the  day 
shall  dawn  about  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  after  the  slaughter  begins,  which  enables  them  to  take 
their  stations,  and  fire  the  houses  in  the  midst  of  darkness,  and  afterwards  affords  sufficient  light  to 
secure  their  prey  On  moonlight  nights  they  keep  concealed  in  the  jungle,  only  acting  in  the  dark 
Heavy  rains  just  previous  to  the  attack  are  not  considered  favourable,  as  the  attaps  will  not  burn 
readily,  but  a smart  shower  at  the  moment  is  always  wished  for,  the  noise  preventing  their 
operations  being  heard,  besides  they  imagine  people  sleep  soundest  about  an  hour  before  day-light, 
particularly  if  it  rains.  After  the  women  and  children  are  collected,  the  old  women  are  killed,  and 
the  heads  of  the  men  cut  off ; the  brains  are  taken  out,  and  held  over  a fire,  for  the  purpose  of 
smoking  and  preserving  them.  The  women  and  children  are  only  secondary  considerations  ; the 
heads  are  what  they  want,  and  there  is  no  suffering  a Diak  will  not  cheerfully  endure  to  be 
recompensed  by  a single  one.  From  the  last  excursion  Selgie’s  people  brought  with  them  700  heads 
— of  which  250  fell  to  the  share  of  himself  and  sons  The  women  and  children  all  belonged  to  him 
in  the  first  instance.  I have  been  present  when  Selgie  has  taken  two  campongs ; the 

inhabitants  were  surprised  and  the  fighting  consequently  all  on  one  side,  but  in  a few  instances 
resistance  was  offered.  I did  not  observe  them  attempt  to  parry  the  blows  with  their  weapon,  these 
were  either  taken  on  the  shield  or  contrived  to  meet  the  bamboo  cap : as  the  men  of  the  campong 
had  no  time  given  them  to  cover  themselves,  they  were  easily  cut  down  ; the  noise  is  terrific  during 
the  massacre  (for  it  can  be  called  nothing  else),  and  joined  in  by  all  the  Rajah’s  women  who 
accompany  him  in  his  excursions.  An  old  Diak  loves  to  dwell  upon  his  success  on  these  hunting 
excursions,  and  the  terror  of  the  women  and  children  when  taken  affords  a fruitful  theme  of 
amusement  at  all  their  meetings.”  (pp.  48-51.) 

WEAPONS. 

General  War  Costume. 

“ The  general  Sea  Dyak  war  costume  consists  of  a basket  work  hat,  called 
a katapu,  and  a skin-jacket,  called  a gagong ; in  lieu  of  the  latter  the  klambi 
taiah,  a quilted  jacket,  is  used.  These  form  but  poor  defensive  armour  for 
the  body;  reliance  is  placed  upon  the  shield/’  (Brooke  Low.) 

“The  costume  of  a Kayan  warrior  consists  of  a round  cap  ( lavong ), 
covered  with  hair  of  various  colours,  and  two  huge  eyes  to  represent  a face, 
with  long  tail-feathers  of  the  hornbill  stuck  into  the  top;  a war  jacket  (simong) 
made  of  a goat  skin,  with  a butterfly  worked  in  beads  between  the  shoulders, 
and  a large  thick  shell  ( blasting ) on  the  breast,  and  the  whole  of  the  back 
covered  with  hornbills’  feathers.  Underneath  this  a quilted  jacket  is  often 
worn  as  a protection  against  poisoned  arrows,  and  a small  mat  about  18  inches 
long  and  a foot  wide,  hangs  behind,  and  is  used  for  sitting  on  when  in  the 
jungle.  He  carries  a spear  ( bakin ) in  his  right  hand,  and  a shield  ( kalavit ) in 
his  left,  while  his  long  sword  {parang  ilang)  in  its  sheath,  is  fastened  round  his 
waist  on  his  left  side,  if  he  is  a right-handed  man.  He  carries  his  rice  and 
other  small  requirements  in  a description  of  basket  (sarnt),  provided  with  two 
straps,  on  his  back.  Only  chiefs,  or  those  who  are  known  as  the  bangsa  rajah, 
are  allowed  to  wear  the  feathers  of  the  helmeted  hornbill,  which  is  called  by 
them  tebouonl,  but  they  are  not  so  particular  about  the  feathers  of  the  rhino- 


General  War  Costume. 


129 


ceros  hornbill  which  are  black  and  white,  though  a youth  of  no  importance 
would  not  be  allowed  to  wear  even  these.  If  a man  has  taken  the  head  of  an 
enemy,  he  is  made  much  of  by  the  women,  and,  if  unmarried,  mothers  and 
fathers  are  anxious  to  secure  him  for  a son-in-law.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  168.) 


Dyak  Shield 
(Oxford  Mus.) 


“ The  Muruts  were  furnished  with  war  jackets  and  helmets.  The  former 
were  well  padded,  and  thickly  covered  over  with  cowrie  shells  ; the  latter  was 
of  the  same  material,  with  flaps  hanging,  so  as  to  protect  the  wearer’s  neck 
from  poisoned  arrows.”  (St.  John  i.  90.) 

K 


VOL.  2. 


130 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“The  katapu,  or  helmet,  in  general  use,  is  a round  skull  cap  of  wicker- 
work, with  a rush  lining  and  occasionally  a skin  covering,  surmounted  by 
either  a metal  plate  or  two  of  fanciful  pattern  or  the  scaly  armour  of  the 
tenggolieng.  The  crown  is  decorated  with  the  plumage  of  birds,  and  the  sides 
with  tufts  of  human  hair.  The  rim  is  bordered  with  scarlet  flannel,  and 
embroidered  with  nassur  shells.  The  Kyans  and  Kinahs  wear  on  their  head- 
pieces  the  tail  plumes  of  the  helmeted  hornbill — each  plume  signifying  a dead 
enemy.”  (Brooke  Low.)  See  pp.  gg  et  seq. 


Klawang,  Shield. 
S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


54m.  long. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


“The  gagong,  or  Sea  Dyak  war-jacket,  is  a skin  with  a hole  and  slit  in 
the  neck  of  it  to  admit  of  the  insertion  of  the  warrior’s  head,  the  animal’s  face 
falling  on  his  stomach,  and  its  back  hanging  over  his  shoulders  and  reaching 
below  the  waist.  This  dress  is  by  no  means  universal  among  the  Dyaks,  as 
suitable  skins  are  not  so  easy  to  obtain.  Goat  skins  are  preferred  by  them  to 
any  other,  being  long  haired  at  the  shoulder,  and  black  is  preferred  to  white  ; 
bear  skins  and  panther  skins  are  also  in  use  but  more  sparingly.  The  animal’s 
face  is  usually  covered  with  a metal  plate,  or  a mother-of-pearl  shell,  to  protect 
the  pit  of  the  stomach,  and  the  back  is  decorated  with  bunches  of  hornbill 


General  War  Costume. 


131 

feathers.  The  gagong  is  worn  more  for  its  warlike  appearance  than  for  any 
real  protection  it  affords  the  wearer.  It  may  possibly  divert  a wooden  javelin, 
but  it  is  no  defence  against  the  thrust  of  a spear.  The  Kinahs  wear  the 
mandibles  of  the  Bucerotidae  (hornbills)  in  pairs  on  the  breast  of  their  war- 
jackets  of  skin,  to  record  the  number  of  persons  they  have  killed  with  their 
own  hands — one  pair  for  each  person  killed.  See  pp.  103-105. 

The  klambi  taiah  is  the  bajn  tilam  of  the  Malays,  and  is  a padded  or  quilted 
cotton  jacket,  for  the  most  part  sleeveless  and  collarless.  The  striped  variety 
is  the  one  most  in  request.  It  is  thick  enough  to  be  able  to  protect  the  body 
from  the  blow  of  a wooden  javelin,  but  it  is  useless  against  a spear.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 


One  end  narrower  than  the  other.  Handle  at  back,  cut  out  of  the  solid  pale- 
coloured  wood.  Angular  front  carved  with  a cross,  which  with  the  ends  and 
border  is  painted  dark  crimson  and  coated  with  tinfoil.  The  interspaces  are 
painted  yellow ; they  are  coloured  with  indigo  and  dark  crimson  and  also 
partially  coated  with  tinfoil.  Length,  23m. ; width,  8Jin. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


132 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“ They  have  no  covering  or  protection  for  their  thighs  or  legs,  but  leave 
them  as  on  ordinary  occasions.”  (Low,  p.  180.)  “The  Borneans,  in  fighting, 
wear  a quilted  jacket  or  spencer,  which  reaches  over  the  hips,  and  from  its 
size  has  a most  unservicelike  appearance ; the  bare  legs  and  arms  sticking  out 
from  under  this  puffed-out  coat,  like  the  sticks  which  support  the  garments  of 
a scarecrow.”  (Keppel  i.  155.) 

Spears. 

“ Among  the  Land  tribes,  particularly  those  of  Sadong,  each  family 
generally  possesses  a spear,  the  haft  of  which  is  made  of  balean  wood,  and 
towards  the  brass  plate,  which  binds  the  blade  into  the  handle,  are  carved 


Borneo  Wood  Shield. 


Painted  red  and  decorated  with  an  incised  foliated  design  ; 
edged  with  cane.  Length,  2iin. 

(Edinbro’  Mus.) 


rude  representations  of  the  human  figure  in  high  relief.  These  stand  with 
their  backs  to  each  other,  and  are  from  three  to  five  in  number  : like  those  on 
the  war-boats  of  the  Sea  Dyaks,  these  figures  generally  represent  indecent 
attitudes.  Their  spears  are  also  ornamented  with  sheets  of  tin  foil,  with 
which  the  haft  of  the  weapon  is  covered,  and  also  with  the  feathers  of  the 
argus  pheasant  and  the  rhinoceros  hornbill,  which  latter  are  usually  stuck  on 
three  little  prongs,  into  which  the  handle  has  been  cut  for  that  purpose.” 
(Low,  p.  313.)  See  pp.  107,  108. 


Spears. 


133 


“ The  Sea  Dyak  slighi  is  a wooden  lance,  the  point  of  which  is  hardened 
in  the  fire.  It  is  used  as  a missile  and  is  hurled  at  the  enemy.  It  is  usually 
of  ironwood  ( bilian ),  but  the  palmwood  javelin,  especially  imbery,  is  also  used. 
They  are  showered  upon  the  enemy  at  the  commencement  of  an  engagement 
before  the  parties  are  close  enough  to  use  the  spear,  which  never,  or  rarely, 
leaves  the  hand. 


Borneo  Wood  Shield. 


A band  of  red  wood  down  the  middle  with  engraved  ornament,  and  overlaid  with  lead-foil. 

Length,  32^in. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


“The  Sea  Dyak  sangkoh  is  a long  wooden  shaft  with  a steel  spear  head. 
The  shaft  is  usually  of  ironwood,  with  a spud  of  bone  at  its  butt  end.  If  it 
has  no  spud  it  is  pointed  so  that  it  can  be  stuck  into  the  ground.  It  is 
always  held  towards  the  point,  rather  than  by  the  centre,  and  over  the  right 
shoulder,  the  butt  end  up  in  the  air,  and  the  point  towards  the  ground.  The 
blade  is  of  steel,  and  is  12  inches  in  length,  and  broad  towards  the  point  ; the 
tang  is  not  inserted  in  a slit  in  the  wood,  but  is  bound  on  to  the  stern  with 
cane  or  brass  wire,  and  is  very  firm.  The  spear  is  used  at  close  quarters  to 
thrust  with,  and  is  held  in  the  right  hand — the  shield  occupying  the  left. 


134  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

The  shaft  is  occasionally  carved,  but  more  often  plain.  I have  one  in  my 
collection  with  six  or  seven  brass  rings,  indicating  the  number  of  warpaths 
made  by  its  owner.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

Swords. 

“ The  swords  of  the  Hill  tribes  differ  from  those  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  in 
having  no  wooden  handle  ; this  part  of  the  weapon  being  of  iron,  and  a mere 
continuation  of  the  blade.  The  handle  of  this  weapon  and  its  sheath  are 


Small  Flat  Bast 


Dyak  Shield 


Painted  dark-red  and  blacked  ; with  cane  rim.  Wooden  handle  at  back, 
and  carved  slip  of  wood  along  the  middle  of  the  front. 

Length,  23m.  ; width,  gjin. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


ornamented  with  hair,  instead  of  with  the  feathers  of  the  argus  pheasant.  But 
this  is  put  on  sparingly,  and  in  small  tufts  only  at  the  extremities.  The 
sheath  is  always  stained  red,  and  very  rarely  carved,  and  if  such  decoration 
be  attempted,  it  amounts  to  nothing  better  than  mere  scratching.” 8 
(Low,  p.  313.)  See  pp.  i.  399;  ii.  no,  m,  113. 

9 "The  sheath  is  carried  by  a belt  made  of  very  finely  plaited  rattan  ; the  buckle  or  fastening 
consists  of  a loop  at  one  end  of  the  belt,  through  which  is  passed  a piece  of  shell,  or  the  upper 
mandible  of  the  hornbiil,  or,  as  I saw  among  the  Tring  Dyaks,  the  kneecap  of  a human  being 
fastened  at  the  other  end  of  the  belt.”  (Bock,  p 193.) 


Swords. 


135 


“ The  dukn,  or  parang  pedang,  is  the  scimitar  so  much  worn  by  the 

Malays,  and  differs  only  from  it  in  being  thicker  and  heavier.  It  is  formed 

after  the  pattern  of  a German  cavalry  sabre,  and  has  a cross-handle  of  brass. 

The  blade  is  two-edged  at  the  point,  so  that  it  can  be  used  for  thrusting  as 

well  as  cutting.  The  sheath  is  of  some  light  wood,  and  is  stained  crimson 

with  dragon’s  blood.  The  Undups  and  Balaus  in  particular  have  their 

sheaths  covered  with  silver  work,  and  the  hilt  with  silver.  The  hollow  of  the 

hilt  is  decorated  with  human  hair, 

, , , r , , , • Front  View, 

and  the  edge  of  the  sheath  is 

adorned  with  a row  of  the  wing 

feathers  of  the  hornbill.  The 

Malays  wear  the  sword  with  the 

edge  upwards  but  the  Dyaks  wear 

it  with  the  edge  outwards. 


Small  Dyak  Shield. 

Made  of  cane  ; the  front  covered  with 
plaited  buff-coloured  reed,  rimmed  with 
rotan  and  with  a carved  slip  of  dark  crimson- 
painted  wood  along  the  middle.  The  handle, 
which  is  the  full  length  of  the  shield,  is 
fastened  through  on  to  the  slip  of  wood  in 
Dyak  Bambu  Shield.  front.  Length,  2oin.  ; width,  7in 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.)  (Brit.  Mus.) 

“ The  parang  nabur  seems  to  be  the  only  really  genuine  Sea  Dyak 
weapon.  The  parang  pedang  they  have  copied  from  the  Malays,  and  the 
parang  ilang  is  altogether  a Kayan  weapon,  and  beyond  their  powers  of 
imitation.  The  nabur  in  ordinary  use  is  a short  curved  sword  with  a bone 
handle.  This  style  of  sword  is  broadest  at  its  point  of  curvature.  It  does 
not  curve  like  a scimitar  from  the  hilt,  but  is  straight  for  some  distance,  and 
takes  a sudden  curve  towards  the  end,  and  when  the  sword  is  long,  as  is  one 
in  my  collection,  it  becomes  top  heavy  and  requires  both  hands  to  wield  it 
effectually. 


136  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“ The  parang  Hang  is  the  Kayan  malab  (mandau  elsewhere),  and  is 
preferred  to  any  other  side  arm  by  Malays  as  well  as  Dyaks.  It  is  the 
ambition  of  every  Dyak  lad  to  be  presented  with  one  of  these.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 


Utap.  Sea  Dyak  Shield. 

Painted  red,  ornamented  (?  strengthened)  with  strips  of  cane. 
Length,  44^11. 

(Edinbro’  Mus.) 


“ The  isau  of  the  Balaus  is  a pretty  weapon,  and  I am  told  that  at  one 
time  custom  required  that  it  should  be  manufactured  only  from  odd  scraps  of 
steel  and  iron  collected  at  odd  times,  which  were  first  twisted  together,  then 
welded,  and  afterwards  beaten  into  shape.  The  handle,  of  hard  wood  or  of 
horn,  was  strengthened  and  decorated  with  a number  of  rings,  which  were 
demanded  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  long  village  house,  each  family 
contributing  at  least  one  of  either  brass  or  silver.  The  smith  is  also  said  to 
have  asked  no  payment  for  making  an  isau."  (F.  W.  Leggatt.) 


Swords. 


137 


“ The  Uma  Bawangs  are  famous  for  their  parangs,  which  they  make  out 
of  their  own  iron  ore.”  (Brooke  Low.) 


Speaking  of  the  Land  Dyak  tribe,  Si  Panjangs,  Mr.  Denison  remarks 
(ch.  v.  p.  57)  : “ They  left  Sarawak  owing  to  the  oppression  of  the  Malays, 
who  were  jealous  of  their  skill  as  workers  of  iron  (to  this  day  the  Si  Panjangs 
maintain  their  ancient  fame  and  their  swords  are  much  sought  after 


throughout  the  district),  and  finally  drove 
them  out  of  the  country.” 


Inside  View  of  an  Utap  Dyak  Shield. 

A,  handle,  being  of  one  piece  with  the  shield ; B B,  con- 
cavity to  admit  of  fingers  under  the  handle  ; C C,  two 
strips  of  flat  dark  wood  let  in  through  slits  under  the 
handle  and  fastened  with  rotan  at  ends.  The  shield  is 
in  other  respects  similar  to  that  figured  on  p.  136.  It  is 
46m.  long  and  17m.  wide.  In  the  same  collection  is  a 
Kenniah  shield,  taken  at  the  attack  on  Long  Si  Balu  in 
1887  ; it  is  split  and  the  split  sewn  up  by  means  of  thin 
strips  of  rotan  and  strengthened  by  a piece  of  square 
iron  wire  running  along  the  median  ridge,  hooked  in  top 
and  bottom,  similarly  to  that  of  the  shield  illustrated  on 
P ii7- 
(Hose  Coll.) 


Shield  of  Exceptional  Design. 
From  Koti  River,  Dutch  Borneo. 
(After  Prof.  Hain.  p.  83.  Amsterdam 
Mus.) 


“ The  Kayans  make  the  curious  complex  manufacture  of  short  swords 
{parang  ilang)  possessing  concave  and  convex  blades,  which  are  capable,  by 
this  means,  of  penetrating  either  wood  or  flesh  to  a surprising  extent;  but 
much  practice  is  required  to  use  them  properly,  as  a mistake  in  the  angle 
of  cutting,  would  bring  the  weapon  round  and  often  wound  the  holder.” 
(Brooke  i.  50.)  “It  is  made  either  right-handed  or  left-handed.”  (St.  John 
i.  121.)  “ Some  of  the  divisions  of  the  Kayans  manufacture  their  own  iron, 

as  well  as  short  swords,  which  fetch  as  much  as  £10,  if  of  superior  workman- 
ship.” {ibid  ii.  301.) 


138 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Shield. 

From  Batang  Lupar.  The  ends  furnished  with  strips  of 
rotan.  Height,  56m.  ; width,  17m. 

(Leggatt  Coll.) 


“ The  Kayans  are  very 
good  blacksmiths,  possessing 
forges  and  anvils,  and  in 
former  days  they  smelted 
their  own  iron  ; their  work- 
manship is  neat  and  ser- 
viceable, and  the  engraving 
with  which  they  adorn  their 
weapons,  &c.,  is  finished  and 
artistic.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii. 
162.) 

Shields. 

“ In  action,  the  left  hand 
of  the  Sea  Dyak  supports  a 
large  wooden  shield,  which 
covers  the  greater  part  of  his 
body.  It  is  made  of  the  light 
wood  of  the  plye  or  jelutong, 
about  three  feet  long  and 
twenty  inches  broad,  convex 
towards  the  centre,  and  of 
the  same  breadth  throughout, 
but  cut  off  angularly  from 
each  side  at  the  ends,  so  that 
its  greatest  length  is  the 
middle.”  (Low,  p.  212.) 

“ The  trabai  klit  klau,  or 
shield,  is  with  its  handle 
hollowed  out  of  a single  block 
of  wood.  Its  form  is  oblong 
and  convex,  with  a ridge 
along  its  centre.  It  is  held 
in  the  left  hand  well 
advanced  before  the  body, 
and  is  not  meant  to  receive 
the  spear  point,  but  to  divert 
the  spear  by  a twist  of  the 
hand.  It  is  often  coloured 
with  red  ochre,  or  painted 
some  elaborate  design  or 
fantastic  pattern.  It  is  large 
enough  for  its  purpose,  but  it 
is  small  compared  with  the 
shields  manufactured  by  the 
Sibus  and  others.  There 
are  also  seen  in  use  among 


Bows  and  Arrows. 


139 


them  wicker-work  shields  of  plaited  bamboo,  corresponding  to  the  wooden 
ones  in  length  and  size.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

According  to  Bishop  McDougall,  “the  shields  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  were  of 
two  kinds:  one,  long  in  form,  called  Utap ; another,  round,  called  Pricei.  The 
way  they  used  the  first  kind  of  shield  was  this : they  tried  to  catch  the  point 
of  the  sword  upon  it ; if  this  succeeded,  it  would  stick  in  and  be  held  gripped 
by  the  wood,  and  before  the  antagonist  could  get  it  out,  the  other  fellow  would 
have  sliced  his  head  off.”  (T.E.S.  ii.  32.) 

Bows  and  Arrows. 

Mr.  Skertchly  has  remarked  that  it  is  strange  for  the  natives  to  have  no 
bows  and  arrows  although  they  have  what  may  be  called  a bow  trap.  Mr. 
Crossland  tells  me  the  Undup  children  played  with  bows  and  arrows  but  that 
the  grown-up  men  had  none.  No  writers  appear  to  mention  bows  and  arrows 
excepting  Mr.  Earl  (p.  265),  whose  words  when  speaking  of  the  sumpitan  are, 
“ Some  of  the  tribes  possess  bows  and  arrows.”  There  is  an  old  attendant  at 
the  State  Ethnographical  Museum  at  Leiden  who  was  once  a soldier  high  up 
on  the  Banjer  river  and  he  is  very  positive  that  the  natives  shot  at  him  and  his 
comrades  with  bows  and  arrows.  He  was  cross-questioned  in  mv  presence 
by  Dr.  Serrurrier,  but  persisted  in  his  statement.  Dr.  L.  Lewin  in  the 
introduction  to  his  paper  on  Borneo  arrow  poisons  (Virchow’s  Archiv.  fiir. 
Path.-Anat.,  1894,  p.  317)  says  “it  would  appear  that  formerly  bow  arrows 
were  also  used  in  the  island.”  I wrote  to  Dr.  Lewin  asking  his  authority 
for  the  statement,  but  I am  still  without  reply,  and  on  Mr.  J.  D.  E.  Schmeltz 
similarly  writing  him,  the  answer  was  the  papers  had  been  put  away  and 
Dr.  Lewin  could  not  remember  his  authority.  Under  the  circumstances  his 
statement  must  be  accepted  with  caution,  and  the  whole  question  as  to 
whether  some  of  the  natives  do  really  make  use  of  this  weapon  requires 
further  investigation. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


HEAD-HUNTING. 

The  Passion  for  Heads:  An  old  custom — Recent  increase — Malay  evil  influence — Memorial  of 
triumph — Pleasing  to  the  gods  — Scalps  versus  heads — Desire  for  heavenly  slaves — Heads  for 
burial  feasts — To  mollify  the  dead  spirit  — Pride — Heads  from  corpses — Attempts  to  outwit  the 
Government — Preventing  raids — A head  “a  blessing  "—Enumeration  of  heads— Children’s 
admiration.  Decapitation  and  Preservation  : Manner  of  decapitation — Various  methods 
of  preserving — Ornamentation — Origin  of  ornamented  skulls — Meyer's  remarks— Placement — 
Other  bones — Brutal  sport.  Head  Houses  : General  description — Comfort  of — Varieties  of. 
Strange  Collections.  Property  in  Heads:  Division  of  heads— Chief’s  rights  and  obliga- 
tions— Halves— Dividing  block.  Cowardly  Proceedings  : Women  and  children  equally  bagged 
— Cunning — Man  pushed  into  river — Attacks  on  sleepers — Treacherous  murders — A sweetheart's 
head — A relative  murdered — Some  fishers’  fate — The  "finest  way  possible"  Model  of  child's 
head — The  fate  of  slaves.  Women’s  Influence  : Legendary  origin—  No  head  no  marriage — 
Various  facts  confirming  women’s  influence — Pounding  a head — Prisoners  plead  women’s  wants — 
Allies  killed — A sole  survivor — A lover's  trouble.  Reception  of  Heads:  Received  by  women — 
Singe  head  feast — Balau  head  boat  return  and  reception — Petty  ala  poles — Lundu  feast — Sea 
Dyak  feast — Bantings'  feast— Land  Dyak  feast — Curious  Murut  feast.  Mengap,  the  Song  of 
the  Sea  Dyak  Head  Feast,  by  the  Ven.  Archdeacon  Perham. 


“ The  practice  of  head-hunting  has  no  doubt  obtained  among  the  Dayaks 
from  the  earliest  times,  and  when  carried  on  by  the  interior  tribes  very  few 
lives  were  lost ; but  it  much  retarded  the  progress  of  the  country,  as  it 
rendered  life  and  property  insecure.  The  Sakarang  and  Seribas,  within  the 
memory  of  living  men,  were  a quiet,  inoffensive  people,  paying  taxes  to  their 
Malay  chiefs,  and  suffering  much  from  their  oppressive  practices, — even  their 
children  being  seized  and  sold  into  slavery.  When  the  Malay  communities 
quarrelled  they  summoned  their  Dayak  followers  around  them,  and  led  them 
on  expeditions  against  each  other.  This  accustomed  the  aborigines  to  the 
sea  ; and  being  found  hard-working  and  willing  men,  the  Malays  and  Lanun 
pirates  took  them  out  in  their  marauding  expeditions,  dividing  the  plunder — 
the  heads  of  the  killed  for  the  Dayaks,  the  goods  and  captives  for  themselves. 
Gradually  they  began  to  feel  their  own  strength  and  superiority  of  numbers. 
In  their  later  expeditions  the  Malays  have  followed  rather  than  led.  The 
longing  these  Dayaks  have  acquired  for  head-hunting  is  surprising.  They 
say,  ‘ The  white  men  read  books,  we  hunt  for  heads  instead.’  ” (St.  John.) 

Sir  Hugh  Low  writes  to  a like  effect  : “ The  passion  for  head-hunting, 
which  now  characterizes  these  people,  was  not  formerly  so  deeply  rooted  in 
their  characters  as  it  is  at  present,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sarawak 
have  assured  me  that  they  well  recollect  the  tribes  first  visiting  the  sea  with 
that  ostensible  and  avowed  object.  In  a limited  extent  the  custom  is 
probably  as  ancient  as  their  existence  as  a nation  ; but  though  other  tribes 


Head-Hunting. 


141 

appear  to  be  equally  addicted  to  the  practice,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it 
is  a corruption  of  its  first  institution  [as  a memorial  of  triumph,  ibid,  p.  165] , 
unless,  as  Forrest  says  [p.  368]  of  the  Ida’an  of  the  north  of  Borneo,  they  consider 
human  sacrifice  the  most  pleasing  to  the  divinity,  and  lose  no  opportunity  of 
presenting  it  ; but  having  conversed  with  the  Dyaks  frequently  respecting 
this  practice,  they  gave  no  such  reason  for  it,  and  merely  accounted  for  it,  in 
their  usual  method,  by  saying,  that  it  was  the  adat  ninik,  or  custom  of  their 
ancestors.”  (Low,  p.  188.) 

“ The  headmen  of  the  village  of  Serin  told  me,  though  I know  not  what 
truth  to  attach  to  their  statement,  that  when  the  Land  Dyaks  first  settled  in 
Sarawak  territory  from  Sikong,  there  were  no  Sea  Dyaks  in  their  proximity, 
and  head-hunting  was  unknown.  It  was  not  until  after  they  had  settled  some 
time  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  that  the  Sibuyau  Sea  Dyaks,  in  attacking 
them,  taught  them  the  custom  of  head-taking,  which  they  have  never  followed 
so  persistently,  or  with  so  much  ardour,  as  the  Sea  Dyaks,  for  the  simple 
reason  that  it  was  not  their  original  custom.”  (Denison,  ch.  vii.,  p.  78.) 

“ The  Serambo  Dyaks  say,  when  they  first  came  from  Sikong,  they  only 
took  the  hair  (the  scalp  I suppose),  but  a Peninjauh  woman,  one  Si  Tuga,  told 
them  it  was  no  use  taking  hair  only,  the  country  was  put  to  shame  by  this 
half  measure  ; why  not  take  the  whole  head  of  their  enemies?”  (Denison,  ch. 
ii.  14.)  “ These  Dyaks  say  they  will  not  take  a head  from  a corpse.  On  this 

account  they  obtained  few  heads  during  the  Chinese  insurrection.  They  tell 
a story  of  Tabiah  Dyaks,  during  the  insurrection,  killing  and  taking  the  head 
of  a Chinese  whose  companions  came  up  afterwards  and  hurriedly  buried  the 
body.  Some  Sakarran  (Sea)  Dyaks,  who  were  following  the  Chinese,  perceiv- 
ing the  newly-made  grave,  opened  it  in  hopes  of  getting  the  head,  and  were 
disappointed  for  their  trouble.”  {ibid.) 

“ The  Uru  Ais  believe  that  the  persons  whose  heads  they  take  will 
become  their  slaves  in  the  next  world.”  (Brooke  Low.)  Bishop  Chambers 
speaking  to  the  Banting  Dyaks  of  Heaven  in  accordance  with  Christian  ideas 
was  once  interrupted  by  one  of  them  to  tell  him  of  “their  belief,  that  the 
persons  whose  heads  had  been  taken  in  this  world  would  in  the  next  become 
the  servants  of  the  warriors  who  had  taken  them.”  (Miss.  Field,  1868, 
p.  222.)  The  Ida’an  also  believe  “ That  all  whom  they  kill  in  this  world  shall 
attend  them  as  slaves  after  death.  . . . From  the  same  principle  they  will 

purchase  a slave,  guilty  of  any  capital  crime,  at  five-fold  his  value,  that  they 
may  be  his  executioners.”1  (Dalrymple,  p.  42.)  See  infra,  p.  163. 


1 ” That  portion  of  their  creed  which  obtains  the  greatest  influence  over  their  mode  of  life, 
arises  from  a supposition  which  they  entertain  that  the  owner  of  every  human  head  which  they  can 
procure  will  serve  them  in  the  next  world.  The  system  of  human  sacrifice  is,  upon  this  account, 
carried  to  so  great  an  extent  that  it  totally  surpasses  that  which  is  practised  by  the  Battas  of 
Sumatra,  or.  I believe,  by  any  people  yet  known  A man  cannot  marry  until  he  has  procured  a 
human  head,  and  he  who  is  in  possession  of  several  may  be  distinguished  by  his  proud  and  lofty 
bearing  ; for  the  greater  number  of  heads  which  a man  has  obtained,  the  greater  will  be  his  rank  in 
the  next  world  ; and  this  opinion  naturally  induces  his  associates  to  consider  him  entitled  to  superior 
consideration  upon  earth.  A man  of  consequence  cannot  be  inhumed  until  a human  head  has  been 
procured  by  his  friends;  and  at  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  two  tribes,  the  chief  of  each  presents 
a prisoner  to  the  other  to  be  sacrifice  I on  the  spot.  . The  chiefs  sometimes  make  excursions 

of  considerable  duration  for  the  sole  purpose  of  acquiring  heads,  in  order  that  they  may  be  assured 
of  having  a numerous  body  of  attendants  in  the  next  world.”  (Earl,  p.  266.) 


142  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Sir  Hugh  Low  (p.  335)  has  mentioned  that  “among  the  Kayans  before  a 
person  can  be  buried  a head  must  be  obtained.”  2 “I  once  met  the  Orang 
Kaya  Pamancha  of  Seribas,  the  most  influential  chief  in  the  country.  He 
was  dressed  in  nothing  but  a dirty  rag  round  his  loins,  and  thus  he  intended 
to  remain  until  the  mourning  for  his  wife  ceased  by  securing  a head.  Until 
this  happens  they  cannot  marry  again,  or  appease  the  spirit  of  the  departed, 
which  continues  to  haunt  the  house  and  make  its  presence  known  by  certain 
ghostly  rappings.  They  endeavour  to  mollify  its  anger  by  the  nearest  relative 
throwing  a packet  of  rice  to  it  under  the  house  every  day,  until  the  spirit  is 
laid  to  rest  by  their  being  able  to  celebrate  a head  feast  : then  the  Dayaks 
forget  their  dead,  and  the  ghosts  of  the  dead  forget  them.”  (St.  John  i.  71.) 
The  Pakatan  Japer,  who  had  35  people  murdered  to  ease  his  heart  when  he 
lost  two  grandchildren,  “ denied  that  head-hunting  is  a religious  ceremony 
among  them  ; it  is  merely  to  show  their  bravery  and  manliness,  that  it  may 
be  said  so  and  so  has  obtained  heads  ; when  they  quarrel  it  is  a constant 
phrase,  ‘ How  many  heads  did  your  father  or  grandfather  get  ?’  If  less  than 
his  own  number,  ‘ Well,  then,  you  have  no  occasion  to  be  proud  ! ’ That 
the  possession  of  heads  gives  them  great  consideration  as  warriors  and 
men  of  wealth  ; the  skulls  being  prized  as  the  most  valuable  of  goods.”8 
{ibid,  ii.  27.) 

The  desire  for  the  possession  of  heads  is  well  exemplified  by  the 
persistence  with  which  the  Dyaks  still  try  to  get  permission  to  go  head 
hunting.  Mr.  Denison  was  once  present  at  a meeting  of  which  he  thus 
writes:  “ It  seems  that  a Sea  Dyak’s  relative  had  died,  and,  therefore,  they 
wanted  a head.  Some  one  had  told  them  that  a head  belonging  to  one  of 
the  Lanun  pirates  killed  off  Bintulu  was  available  there,  and  they  wanted 
permission  from  the  Resident  to  go  and  find  it.  R — - — — talked  them  over, 

and  sent  them  all  home  again.  Had  he  granted  the  permission  they  asked, 
the  whole  story  might  have  been  a myth,  and  instead  of  proceeding  to 
Bintulu  to  look  for  an  old  smoke-dried  skull,  they  might  very  quietly  have 
picked  up  a fresh  head  without  the  owner’s  knowledge  or  consent — a little 
game  these  people  are  fond  of  playing  among  themselves.”  (Jour.  Straits 
Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  p.  181.) 

Sir  Charles  Brooke  also  tells  us  : “ Our  Dyaks  were  eternally  requesting 
to  be  allowed  to  go  for  heads,  and  their  urgent  entreaties  often  bore  resem- 
blance to  children  crying  after  sugar-plums.  . . . Often  parties  of  four  or 

five  would  get  away  to  the  countries  of  Bugau  and  Kantu,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Kapuas  river,  whose  inhabitants  are  not  so  warlike  as  the  Sakarang  and 
Sarebas  Dyaks.  As  soon  as  ever  one  of  these  parties  started,  or  even  listened 

* Mr.  Dalton  says  the  same  of  the  Koti  Kayans.  (p.  9.) 

3 “ Nothing  can  be  done  without  them  [heads].  All  kinds  of  sickness,  particularly  the 
small-pox,  are  supposed  to  be  under  the  influence  of  an  evil  spirit  which  nothing  can  so  well 
propitiate  as  a head.  A Diak  who  has  taken  many  heads,  may  be  immediately  known  from  others 
who  have  not  been  so  fortunate  : he  comes  into  the  presence  of  the  Kajah  and  takes  his  station 
without  hesitation,  whilst  an  inferior  person  is  glad  to  creep  into  any  corner  to  escape  notice.” 
(Dalton,  p 49.)  “ Whenever  a man  has  distinguished  himself  in  securing  heads  he  is  entitled  to 

decorate  the  upper  part  of  his  ears  with  a pair  of  canine  teeth  of  the  Borneo  leopard.”  (Bock, 
P 187.) 


143 


Head-Hunting. 


to  birds  of  omen  preparatory  to  moving,  a party  was  immediately  dispatched 
by  Government  to  endeavour  to  cut  them  off,  and  to  fine  them  heavily  on 
their  return,  or,  in  the  event  of  their  bringing  heads,  to  demand  the  delivering 
up  of  them,  and  the  payment  of  a fine  into  the  bargain.  This  was  the  steady 
and  unflinching  work  of  years,  but  before  many  months  were  over  my  stock  of 
heads  became  numerous,  and  the  fines  considerable.  Some  refused  to  pay,  or 
follow  the  directions  of  the  Government ; these  were  declared  enemies,  and 
had  their  houses  burnt  down  forthwith,  and  the  people  who  followed  me  to  do 
the  work,  would  be  Dyaks  of  some  other  branch  tribe  in  the  same  river.” 
(i.  142-3.) 

Feasts  in  general  are  “to  make  their  rice  grow  well,  to  cause  the  forest  to 
abound  with  wild  animals,  to  enable  their  dogs  and  snares  to  be  successful  in 
securing  game,  to  have  the  streams  swarm  with  fish,  to  give  health  and  activity 
to  the  people  themselves,  and  to  ensure  fertility  to  their  women.  All  these 
blessings,  the  possessing  and  feasting  of  a fresh  head  are  supposed  to  be  the 
most  efficient  means  of  securing.  The  very  ground  itself  is  believed  to  be 
benefited  and  rendered  fertile,  more  fertile  even  than  when  the  water  in  which 
fragments  of  gold,  presented  by  the  Rajah,  have  been  washed  has  been 
sprinkled  over  it ; this  latter  charm,  especially  when  mixed  with  the  water 
which  has  been  poured  over  the  sacred  stones,  being,  next  to  the  possession  of 
a newly  acquired  head,  the  greatest  and  the  most  powerful  which  the  wisdom 
of  the  ‘ men  of  old  time  ’ has  devised  for  the  benefit  of  their  descendants.” 
(St.  John  i.  194.) 

If  further  evidence  were  wanting  as  to  the  hold  which  head-hunting 
maintains  over  the  people  the  large  numbers  of  heads  preserved  by  them  will 
give  it.  The  number  is  still  large  in  spite  of  the  numerous  conflagrations, 
whether  the  result  of  accident  or  an  act  of  war.  From  Mr.  Denison’s  Journal 
of  his  tour  I have  compiled  the  following  figures  : p.  15 — 95  and  41  heads  ; 
p.  19 — 129,  27,  9,  25,  14,  12  and  16  heads;  p.  24 — 9 heads;  p.  27 — 2 skulls; 
p.  28 — 6 heads  ; p.  33 — 5 heads;  p.  39—12  skulls  ; p.  46 — 20  skulls  ; p.  54 — 
none,  but  some  diamonds  highly  valued  because  they  had  been  exchanged  for 
some  skulls  and  their  fixings ; p.  61 — 30  skulls  ; p.  62 — 9 skulls ; p.  70 — 
14  skulls  ; p.  72 — 16  and  15  skulls  ; p.  7 3 — 13  skulls;  p.  76 — none,  but  a fine 
peal  of  gongs  instead  ; p.  78 — 50  skulls  ; p.  84 — 41  skulls  ; making  a total  of 
610  heads  met  with  on  his  journey.  After  such  a list  it  sounds  strange  to 
read  Sir  Hugh  Low’s  remark:  “But  on  account  of  the  bloodless  nature  of 
their  wars  the  heads  are  seldom  numerous  and  frequently  would  not  equal  in 
number  the  heads  in  the  possession  of  a single  family  of  the  Sea  Dyaks.” 
(p.  282.) 


From  other  sources  I have  compiled  the  following  list  : 


20  Heads 


30 

30 

32 

33 
36 


Hornaday,  p.  356 

St.  John,  p.  157 

De  Windt,  p.  72 

Sir  J.  Brooke,  Keppel  i.  55 

St.  John  ; 157 

St.  John;  157 

Pfeiffer,  p.  76 


Sadong. 

Peninjau. 

Sibuyaus. 

Bombok. 

Sirambau. 


144 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


36  Heads 

42  >> 

5°  >> 

about  50  ,, 

over  50 

85 

numberless  „ 

baskets  full  of  ,, 

(in  several  houses) 

hundreds  of  ,, 

several  great  bas- 
kets full  of  ,, 

piled  up  in  pyra- 
midstothe  roofs ,, 
500 


1000 


JWitti  Diary,  24  Nov.  ) 
(Hatton  Diary,  11  April! 
Hornaday,  p.  485 
Mundy  ii.  222 
Burbidge,  p.  287 
Whitehead,  p.  70 
Crossland  Miss.  Life,  1874, 
p.  94 

Mundy  ii.  218 
Burbidge,  p.  64 

Sir  J.  Brooke,  Keppel  ii.  34 

Wallace  i.  84 

Marry  at,  p.  81 
Earl,  p.  319 


Hornaday,  p.  450 


Danao  Dusuns. 

Peninjau. 

Mambakut  Kiver. 

Dusun  village. 

Katibas ; obtained  on  a 
single  expedition. 

Kimanis  R. 

Muruts  near  the  Lawas  R. 

Singeh. 

Menyille. 

Lundu  R. 

Near  Bruni,  “ on  the 
authorityof  an  American 
gentleman.” 

Sentah,  said  to  be  men- 
tioned by  Sir  J.  Brooke 
in  “ Mundy’s  Narrative.” 


A correspondent  of  the  Sarawak  Gazette  (Nos.  103-104),  writing  from 
Pulau  Majang,  on  the  Dutch  border  coast,  after  describing  a feast  given  in  his 
honour,  continues:  “ I have  often,  after  looking  at  these  grim  spectres,  [the 
smoked  head]  tried  to  discover  in  the  faces  of  the  little  children  around,  some 
sign  of  disgust  or  disapproval  of  these  horrid  spectacles  everlastingly  facing 
them,  as  they  play  up  and  down  the  common  flooring  in  every  D)'ak  house,  in 
front  of  the  apartments  of  the  married  men.  But  no  ; there  was  no  sign  of 
anything,  but  that  of  perfect  satisfaction.  Whenever  I asked  if  the  sight  of 
them  was  not  sad,  the  answer  I received  invariably  was  ‘ No!’  On  the  contrary, 
they  would  be  glad  to  see  more  of  these  spectres  hanging  up  above  their  own 
heads.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  the  being  allowed  to  retain  skulls,  no  matter 
of  what  age,  is,  in  itself,  a source  of  great  evil.  The  young  savage  does  not 
consider  himself  entitled  to  the  admiration  of  his  brother  savages  until  he  has 
added  his  own  contribution  to  the  gory  pile.” 

Mr.  J.  B.  Cruikshank  told  Mr.  Grant  a funny  story  about  the  redemption 
of  a head.  “ A Mahomedan  named  Seriff  Amit  was  killed  by  a chief  of  the 
Sibuyow  Dvaks,  who  took  his  head.  Some  years  afterwards  Amit’s  relations 
came  to  redeem  the  head;  they  offered  for  it  two  sacred  jars  of  the  value  of 
$70,  but  the  Dyaks  denied  all  knowledge  of  it.  The  Malays,  however, 
persisted  that  it  was  there — so  the  Dyaks  said,  ‘ If  you  do  not  believe  us, 
search  the  house.’  This,  however,  was  not  necessary,  for  the  Seriff,  being  a 
supposed  descendant  of  the  Prophet,  would  decidedly  object  to  leave  his  head 
in  an  unbeliever’s  house.  Immediately  on  the  Dyaks  denying  that  they  had 
the  head,  that  article  fell  down  from  the  roof  of  the  house — where  it  had  been 
concealed — and  landed  at  the  feet  of  the  assembled  relations.  It  was  then 
taken  away,  and  buried  at  Pulo  Burong ; the  jars  were  left  with  the  Dyaks 
and  Seriff  Amit  has  been  a Kramat  (or  saint)  ever  since — happy  man !” 


145 


Head-Hunting. 

(p.  93.)  Once  Sir  James  Brooke  “ recaptured  some  heads  from  the  mountain 
of  Singe  and  offered  them  to  the  relatives  of  the  original  owners.  They 
declined,  however,  taking  them,  alleging  as  a reason  that  it  would  revive  the 
sorrows  of  their  relations.  It  was  sufficient,  they  said,  that  they  had  been 
brought  from  the  mountain,  and  that  I might  dispose  of  them.”  (Mundy  i.  330.) 

As  we  have  incidentally  seen,  the  Dyaks  are  fond  of  referring  to  the 
original  owners  of  the  heads,  as  they  hang  in  their  houses : “ While  in  the 
circular  building,  a young  chief  (Meta)  seemed  to  take  great  pride  in  answering 
our  interrogatories  respecting  different  skulls  which  we  took  down  from  their 
hooks  : two  belonged  to  chiefs  of  a tribe  who  had  made  a desperate  defence  ; 
and  judging  from  the  incisions  on  the  heads,  each  of  which  must  have  been 
mortal,  it  must  have  been  a desperate  affair.”  (Keppel  ii.  37.) 

Similarly,  Mr.  Burbidge  says  of  the  Dusuns : “The  individuality  of  the 
skulls  seemed  well-known  to  one  old  man,  who  pointed  out  several  to  me  as 
having  once  rested  on  the  shoulders  of  some  of  the  Chinese  settlers. 

Others  were  pointed  out  as  the  heads  of  their  old  foes  the  Lanun,  whom 
the  Dusun  people  detest,  saying  that  they  formerly  came  up  to  the  hills  with 
the  ostensible  purpose  of  trading,  but  adding,  that  they  really  wanted  to  steal 
their  children  as  slaves.”  (p.  287.) 

Methods  of  Decapitation  and  Preservation. 

“ The  way  of  cutting  off  the  head  varies  with  the  different  tribes.  They 
do  not  always  cut  it  off  the  same  way.  The  Dyaks  and  Bakatans  have  each 
a different  way,  and  by  the  manner  of  it  it  is  known  whether  it  is  a pumjong 
iban  or  a pumjong  Bakatan.  The  Sea  Dyaks  sever  the  head  at  the  neck,  and 
so  preserve  both  jaws.”  (Brooke  Low.)  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  writes  me  saying  he 
thinks  the  head  is  merely  chopped  off  in  the  quickest  manner  possible. 

Mr.  Hornaday  describes  some  heads  among  the  Hill  Dyaks  which  had 
“ been  very  carelessly  taken.  . . . They  had  been  split  open  or  slashed 

across  with  parangs  ; and  from  some  large  pieces  had  been  hacked  out.  One 
I noticed  had  a deep  slash  diagonally  across  the  bridge  of  the  nose.”  (p.  485.) 
Madame  Pfeiffer  says:  “ They  cut  off  the  head  so  close  to  the  trunk,4  that  one 
must  conclude  it  is  done  by  an  extremely  practised  hand”  (p.  89).  She 
continues:  “Among  the  men  who  surrounded  me  were  many  who  carried  at 
the  side  the  little  basket  destined  to  receive  a stolen  head.  It  was  very  neatly 
plaited,  ornamented  with  shells,  and  hung  about  with  human  hair.  Only  such 
Dyaks  who  have  obtained  a head  are  allowed  to  wear  the  latter  decoration.” 
(p.  107.) 

The  Sea  Dyaks  “ scoop  out  the  brains  through  the  nostrils,  and  hang  the 
head  up  to  dry  in  the  smoke  of  a wood  fire — the  fire,  in  all  probability,  at 
which  they  are  cooking  their  victuals.  Sometimes  they  tear  off  a bit  of  the 
cheek  skin  and  eat  it  as  a charm  to  make  them  fearless.  They  cut  off  the 
hair  to  ornament  their  sword-hilts  and  sheaths,  &c.  If  the  jaws  drop  they 
fasten  them  up,  and  if  the  teeth  fall  out,  or  if  they  extract  them,  they  fill  up 

4 On  the  Koti  river,  according  to  Mr.  Bock  (p.  199),  the  native  “finds  it  more  convenient  to 
decapitate  his  victim  below  the  occiput,  leaving  the  lower  jaw  attached  to  the  body.” 

L Vol.  2. 


146 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


the  cavity  with  imitation  ones  of  wood.  They  put  studs  in  the  eye  sockets, 
but  do  not  carve  the  skull,  as  do  the  Kayans.  They  generally  plug  the  nostrils 
with  wooden  stoppers.  The  tongue  is  cut  out.”  (Brooke  Low.)  Mr.  Horsburgh 
says  (p.  28) : “ The  eyes  are  punctured  with  a parang,  so  as  to  allow  the  fluid 


contents  to  escape.”  The  brains  are,  however,  not  always  extracted  through 
the  nostrils.  “ The  operation  of  extracting  the  brains  from  the  lower  part  of 
the  skull,  with  a bit  of  bamboo  shaped  like  a spoon,  preparatory  to  preserving, 
is  not  a pleasing  one.”  (Keppel  ii.  65.)  Both  Sir  Hugh  Low  (p.  214)  and 
Madame  Pfeiffer  (p.  89)  say  the  brains  are  extracted  by  the  occiputal  hole. 


i47 


Head-Hunting. 

Mr.  Hornaday  mentions  a tire  “ burning  on  a bed  of  earth,  and  above  it  hung 
a bundle  of  about  twenty  human  heads,  or  rather  skulls,  for  not  a vestige  of 
flesh  remained  on  any  of  them.  Each  skull  was  bound  round  securely  with 
rattan,  evidently  to  keep  the  lower  jaw  in  place.  All  were  black  and  grimy 
with  smoke  and  soot,  and  those  at  the  bottom  of  the  bundle,  nearest  the  fire, 
were  quite  charred.”  (p.  357.)  Regarding  this  drying  and  smoking  the  same 
traveller  elsewhere  (p.  4S5)  refers  to  a collection  of  forty-two  heads,  which 
“ was  in  very  good  condition,  the  specimens  being  moderately  clean  and  not 
at  all  smoked.”  Mr.  D.  U.  Vigors  describes  some  heads  “ undergoing  the 
operation  ; and  within  two  feet  of  it  the  Dyaks  were  coolly  cooking  some  wild 
boar  chops  for  their  dinner,  and  inhaling  the  mingled  perfume  of  baked  human 
and  hog’s  flesh.”  (Illus.  Lond.  News,  Nov.  10,  1849,  p.  31.)  “ This  head 

cooking  was  the  most  disgusting  part  of  the  whole  affair.”  (Helms,  p.  189.) 

“ The  heads  of  the  enemies  of  the  Hill  Dyaks  are  not  preserved  with  the 
flesh  and  hair  adhering  to  them,  as  are  those  of  the  Sakarran  Dyaks;  the  skull 
only  is  retained,  the  lower  jaw  being  taken  away,  and  a piece  of  wood  substi- 
tuted for  it.  These  ghastly  objects  are  hung  up  in  the  Pangah,  which  Admiral 
Keppel  facetiously  calls  the  ‘skullery,’  and  are  often  painted  with  lines  of  white 
or  red  all  over  them;  they  are  occasionally  blackened  with  antimony,  and  have 
cowrie  shells  placed  in  the  apertures  of  the  eyes,  with  the  flat  or  white  side 
outwards,  which  in  some  measure  resembles  the  closed  eye,  the  little  furrows 
appearing  like  eye  lashes.”  (Low,  p.  303.)  After  the  Chinese  insurrection 
Mrs.  McDougall  describes  : “ Two  Chinese  heads,  laid  side  by  side  on  a flat 
basket,  with  a mixture  of  all  the  various  eatables  before  them.  They  had  been 
smoked,  the  eyes  taken  out,  and  the  nostrils  filled  out  with  bits  of  cork.  Each 
head  was  tied  in  a fine  rattan  basket.”  (Gosp.  Miss,  1857,  p.  117.) 
Mr.  Whitehead  found  among  the  Muruts  that  “ many  of  the  heads  were 
ornamented  with  a boar's  tusk,  which  was  stuck  in  the  nose,  the  curve  pointing 
upwards.”  (p.  71.) 

Regarding  the  carving,  or  rather  the  incising  of  patterns  on  the  skull, 
above  mentioned  by  Mr.  Brooke  Low  as  being  a custom  of  the  Kayans, 
Mr.  C.  W.  Pleyte  Wzn  (Amsterdam  Mus.)  informs  me  that  the  painted 
and  engraved  skulls  come  from  the  Olo  Ngadju,  in  the  south-east  of 
Borneo.  Thus  Mr.  Doty  (p.  300)  writing  from  those  parts  says:  “ Human 
heads  are  suspended  over  us  as  we  write.  As  usual  they  are  ornamented  with 
various  figures,  carved  in  the  bone  with  a knife,  and  also  ornamented  with 
bunches  of  rattan.”  The  accompanying  illustrations  give  an  excellent  idea  as 
to  the  nature  of  these  ornamentations,  and,  while  on  the  subject,  I cannot 
omit  to  reproduce  to  Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer’s  very  pertinent  remarks  as  to  the  origin 
of  some  of  these  skulls. 

“ We  have  still  to  discover  the  exact  origin  in  Borneo  of  these  ornamental 
skulls.  The  Dresden  Museum  possesses  four,  of  which  two  are  painted  and 
covered  with  lead  or  tin  and  come  from  the  west  (Wassink’s  Coll.,  1854,  Nos. 
828,  829),  and  two  engraved  ones  from  the  north-west  (Kessel’s  Coll.,  Nos. 
1356  and  1357).  I formerly  (Mith.  Zool.  Mus.,  1878,  iii.  337)  described  these 
two  as  coming  from  the  interior  of  Borneo,  which,  however,  does  not  agree 
with  the  information  given  in  Kessel’s  catalogue,  which  at  the  time  I had  not 


148  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


by  me.  By  engraved  I do  not  mean  superficial  incisions  which  may  follow 
the  outlines  of  the  painted  ornaments,  but  I mean  patterns  deeply  carved  in 
the  bone.  In  the  above-named  catalogue  it  says:  ‘ Kapala  Gatong,  skulls 
which  are  hung  up  in  the  houses  for  ever  as  trophies;  they  are  mostly 
ornamented  and  overlaid  with  lead.  The  grass  [wanting]  fastened  to  the 
sides  is  called  dann  gernang ; with  regard  to  its  signification  I only  know  that 


Left  Moiety  of  Cranium  of  Native  Batta. 
East  coast  of  Borneo.  Orbits  filled  with  gum, 
in  which  are  stuck  a large  cowrie  in  the  centre 
with  small  ones  radiating  round  it. 


Skull  of  Young  Male  Batta. 
From  E.  coast  of  Borneo. 


(Van  Kessel  Coll.,  No.  740,  in  Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons, 
London). 


(No.  739,  Van  Kessel  Coll.,  Mus.  Roy.  College 
of  Surgeons,  London). 


Skull. 

From  east  coast  of  Borneo.  Roughly  incised  ; wooden  blackened  teeth. 
(No  736,  Van  Kessel  Coll,  in  Mus.  Roy.  College  $f  Surgeons). 


149 


Head-Hunting. 


at  funerals  these  leaves  are  planted  on  the  grave  and  hence  probably  the 
adorning  of  the  skulls.  Kessel  also  mentions  (Z.  Allg.  Erd.,  Berlin,  N.F., 
1857,  iii*  393)  that  the  branch  Daun  Germis  or  Daun  Kapak  is  planted  on  the 
grave.  Filet  (Plantk.  woordenb.,  1888)  does 
not  mention  these  names.  Bleeker  (Afmetingen 
van  Schedels  Nat.  T.  N.  Ind.,  1851,  ii.  513), 
refers  to  a bundle  of  long  grass  hanging  on  the 
cheek  bones.  I perceive  from  a photograph 
sent  me  by  Dr.  Stolpe  that  a skull  in  the 
Copenhagen  Ethnographical  Museum,  overlaid 
with  lead,  has  such  leaves  on  the  right  cheek 
bone.  Kessel  in  his  catalogue  says  in  general 
of  the  Dyaks  of  the  north-west  of  Borneo  ‘ they 
alone  ornament  their  weapons  and  skulls  with 
lead  and  tin,  which  ornamentation  is  not  found 
amongst  other  tribes.’  As,  however,  just  the 
two  skulls,  Nos.  828  and  829  (and  the  third  one 
about  to  be  mentioned  from  thence),  are  only 
engraved  and  not  overlaid,  they  must  either  not  Cranium  of  Female  Dyak. 
have  come  from  the  north-west  or  engraving  is  Lower  jaw  of  wood  tied  on  with 

also  customary  there.  I think  the  former  more  ™ a 'msuie  'the"  ja^and  held  There 

by  finely-plaited  cord  of  human 
hair.  Face  covered  with  tinfoil. 

(No.  738,  Van  Kessel  Coll.,  Mus.  Roy. 
College  of  Surgeons,  London). 


A Very  Curiously  Prepared  Skull 

The  lower  jaw  is  stained  inside  a deep  red  with  gum  dragon,  and  is  fastened  on  with  pieces  of  rotan. 
Pieces  of  soft  wood  have  been  put  into  the  places  of  the  missing  teeth  (which  are  all  absent),  into  the 
nostrils,  and  in  the  position  of  the  ears  ; other  inequalities  are  filled  up  with  a reddish  brown  resin  ; 
the  entire  skull  has  then  been  covered  with  tinfoil,  two  cowry  shells  represent  the  eyes,  the  eye-brows 
and  a small  tuft  of  beard  are  made  of  stiff  black  hair,  on  the  vertex  and  sides  of  the  calvarium  there 
is  an  ornamental,  regular,  and  symmetrical  device  cut  through  the  tinfoil  and  coloured  red.  A string 
passing  through  a hole  in  the  sagittal  suture  for  suspension  in  the  head-house.  District  of  Sango, 

Sambas  Kapoeas. 

(No.  970,  Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons,  London). 


150  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Ornamented  Skull  with  Mended  Jaw. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


likely  as  I have  reason  for  mis-doubting  Kessel’s  statement  as  to  their 
origin.  In  the  Paris  Museum  in  des  Murs  Coll.  (Quatrefages  & Hamy,  Crania 
Ethn.  1882,  451,  note  7,  and  Montano,  Cranes  Boughis  et  Dayaks,  1878, 
59)  there  is  half  a skull  engraved 
and  coloured  red-brown  to 
which  apparently  the  other  half 
in  the  Dresden  Museum  from 
Kessel  belonged  (according  to 
Kessel’s  catalogue  from  north- 
west Borneo).  The  latter  was 
consequently  sent  to  Paris  in 
the  year  1880;  it  was  then 
found  out  that  the  two  halves 
did  not  fit,  perhaps  the  other 
half  of  the  earlier  Dresden 
piece  is  the  same  as  No.  740 
of  the  Roy.  Coll,  of  Surgeons 
in  London  (Flower,  Cat.  1879, 

124),  which  was  likewise  col- 
lected by  Kessel.  I do  not 
know  whether  Kessel  is  right 
when  he  says  that  if  two  Dyaks  together  obtain  one  head  they  cut  it  in  two 
so  that  each  may  preserve  one  half.5  The  references  in  the  literature  of  the 
subject,  in  so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  ascertain,  give  no  certain  indication 

as  to  the  locality  whence  these  orna- 
mented skulls  originate.  Swaving 
(Nat.  T.  N.  Ind.  1861,  xxiii.  256; 
and  1862,  xxiv.  176,  178,  181),  de- 
scribes four  overlaid  or  painted  skulls 
from  W est  Borneo,  but  none  engraved 
and  none  ornamented  from  any- 
where else  ; Flower  (Cat.  Coll.  Surg. 
1879,  123-125)  describes  seven  orna- 
mented skulls  from  Borneo,  including 
the  above-mentioned  half : four  en- 
graved ones  from  the  N.E.,  E.  and 
S.E.  Borneo,  one  from  E.  Borneo 
engraved  and  at  the  same  time 
overlaid  with  tin,  one  similar  one, 
locality  not  certain,  and  one  over- 
laid, locality  uncertain,  all  from  the  Kessel  collection.  If  the  correctness 
of  the  localities  given  by  Kessel  are  accepted,  they  certainly  seem  to  me 
doubtful  (it  is  already  suspicious  that  we  have  specimens  from  every 
important  place  in  the  east),  it  would  mean  that  engraving  and  tin  overlaying 
occur  together,  therefore  perhaps  they  are  not  to  be  separated  geographically 


Incised  Pattern  on  Cranium  of  Male  Dyak. 

This  cranium  is  likewise  ornamented  with  tinfoil 
and  has  cowries  for  eyes ; the  face  is  similar  to 
No.  738 

(No.  734,  Mus.  of  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons,  London). 


5 Kessel  is  quite  correct  regarding  such  division  of  the  trophy  See  p.  158. 


Head-Hunting. 


151 


and  that  solely  engraved  skulls  only  come  from  east  Borneo,  while  the  two 
Dresdener  skulls  of  Kessel  come  from  the  north-west.  I certainly  do  not 


With  tinfoil  across  the  supraciliary  region 
and  above  this  with  symmetrical  carving, 
which  extends  along  both  parietals  ; the 
two  holes  for  suspension  are  on  the  upper 
part  of  the  frontal  bone.  The  face  and 
lower  parts  have  been  stained  with  gum 
dragon. 

(No.  982,  Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons, 
London). 


know  whether  that  which  Flower 
calls  carved  corresponds  to  the 
deep  chiselings  of  the  Dresdener 
skulls.  Accordingly  no  conclusion 
can  be  drawn  as  to  the  approxi- 
mate origin  of  the  ornamented 
Dyak  skulls  described  by  Quatre- 


Cranium  of  Male  Dyak. 

From  S.E.  coast  of  Borneo  Incised  and 
covered  with  tinfoil.  The  false  teeth  are 
all  of  wood. 

(No.  735,  Van  Kessel  Coll.,  Mus  Roy.  College  of 
Surgeons,  London). 


Skull  of  Bugau  Dyak. 


Incised  Pattern  on  Cranium. 


W.  Borneo. 


From  S.E.  Borneo. 


(From  a drawing  by  Mr.  C.  M.  Pleyte,  Curator. 
Amsterdam  Ethnograph.  Mus. 


(No.  741,  Van  Kessel  Coll.,  Mus.  Roy.  College 
of  Surgeons,  London). 


fages  and  Hamy  as  Negritoe  skulls  from  the  heart  of  Borneo.  Others 
who  describe  Borneo  skulls  generally  omit  to  mention  the  origin;  so  for 


152 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


example,  Barnard  Davis  (Thes.  Cran.  1867,  fig.  291)  describes  three  engraved 
skulls,  Nos.  1307,  1308,  1411,  and  one  engraved  and  overlaid  (No.  1406, 

fig.  83)  all  without  mentioning 
origin  and  he  only  mentions  the 
origin  of  one  (fig.  284)  overlaid 
and  engraved  from  Sambas 
Kapuas,  that  is  west  Borneo ; 
Dusseau  (Musee  Vrolik,  1865, 
1 13)  describes  two  overlaid  with 
tin  without  stating  origin  ; then 
Stolpe  describes  one  (Expos. 
Ethn.  Stockholm,  1881,  pi.  68) 
engraved  and  painted  without 
mentioning  origin.  Besides  the 
one  ornamented  with  leaves 
already  mentioned  as  being  in 
the  Copenhagen  Museum  there 
is  one  engraved  and  painted  red. 
In  the  Catalogen  der  Antliropolo- 
gischen  Sammlungen  Deutschlands 
there  is  mention  of  only  a very 
few  ornamented  Borneo  skulls : 
Gottingen  (1874,  50)  has  one 
overlaid,  origin  not  mentioned, 
and  Leipzig  (1886,  139)  has  one 
engraved  and  one 
overlaid,  origins  not 
indicated.  In  Aus- 
land  (1867,  p.  305 
fig.  1)  Lungers- 
hausen  illustrates 
an  engraved  skull 
from  Sambas  on  the 
west  coast.  Per- 
haps by  means  of 
other  accounts  such 
as  I have  not  at 
hand  and  by  means 
of  the  style  of  orna- 
mentation it  may 
be  possible  to  loca- 
lize the  origin,  for  it 
would  be  contradict- 
ing the  experience 

Dyak  Skull  in  Stockholm  Museum.  Ethnography 

Side  view.  were  the  same  sort 

(Prom  “ Crania  Ethnica.  ’j  of  decoration  tO  be 


Dyak  Skull  in  Stockholm  Museum. 
Front  view. 

(From  “ Crania  Ethnica.”) 


Head-Hunting.  153 

found  in  fashion  over  the  whole  of  Borneo.  We  should  have  to  distinguish 
between  engraved  skulls,  overlaid  skulls,  and  skulls  engraved  and  overlaid 
as  well,  and  each  of  these  three  classes  would  be  combined  or  not  with 
painting.”  (The  Negritos,  Dresden  fob,  1893,  p.  72.) 

“Occasionally  the  heads  are  hung  up  in  a net”  (Mundy  ii.  1 1 5)  ; and 
Madame  Pfeiffer  describes  the  skulls  as  “hung  up  like  a garland.”  fi  (p.  76.) 
Mr.  Hornaday  speaks  of  heads  hung  in  a semi-circle  round  the  room,  (p.485). 
Mr.  Pryer  says  the  same  on  the  west  coast.  (J.A.I.  xvi.  233.)  Lieut.  Marryat 
thus  describes  (p.  13)  the  heads  hung  up  in  a Land  Dyak  pangga  or  head- 
house:  “The  beams  were  lined  with  human  heads,  all  hanging  by  a small  line 
passed  through  the  top  of  the  skull.  They  were  painted  in  the  most  fantastic 
and  hideous  manner;  pieces  of  wood,  painted  to  imitate  the  eyes,  were  inserted 


Said  to  come  from  interior  of  Borneo. 

(Oxford  Mus.) 

into  the  sockets,  and  added  not  a little  to  their  ghastly  grinning  appearance.” 
The  wind  rocked  them  about,  and  “ what  with  their  continual  motion,  their 
nodding  their  chins  when  they  hit  each  other,  and  their  grinning  teeth,  they 
really  appeared  to  be  endowed  with  new  life,  and  were  a very  merry  set  of 
fellows.” 

The  same  author,  in  describing  a Lundu  head  dance,  says  : “The  heads 
were  encased  in  a wide  network  of  rattan,  and  were  ornamented  with  beads. 
Their  stench  was  intolerable,  although,  as  we  discovered  upon  after  examina- 
tion, when  they  were  suspended  against  the  wall,  they  had  been  partially 

6 The  heads  obtained  on  these  occasions  are  dried  and  brought  home  by  the  captors,  and  are 
then  stuck  up  in  the  most  conspicuous  places  about  their  houses,  the  teeth  being  sometimes  extracted 
and  worn  round  the  head  and  neck,  in  lieu  of  beads."  (Earl,  p.  268.)  “ On  the  Koti  river  the  dried 

skulls  are  said  to  be  wrapped  in  banana  leaves.”  (Bock,  pp  84,  199  ) 


T54 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


baked  and  were  quite  black.  The  teeth  and  hair  were  quite  perfect,  the 
features  somewhat  shrunk,  and  they  were  altogether  very  fair  specimens  of 
pickled  heads.”  (p.  85.)  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  (Mundy  ii.  115)  likewise  refers  to 
the  use  of  the  net  by  the  Sibuyaus.  Admiral  Keppel  (Meander  i.  172)  speaking 
of  their  condition  among  the  Sakarrans  says:  “ In  every  house  evidence  was 
found  of  their  fondness  for  human  heads ; they  met  our  senses  in  every 
stage  of  what  was  considered  preservation, — from  the  old  and  dried-up,  and 

therefore  less  offensive,  to 
the  fresh-baked,  and 
therefore  very  unpleasant 
specimen.” 

Sir  James  Brooke  also 
refers  to  “the  numberless 
human  skulls,  pendant  from 
every  apartment,  and  sus- 
pended from  the  ceiling  in 
regular  festoons,  with  the 
thigh  and  arm  bones  occu- 
pying the  intervening 
spaces.”  (Mundy  ii.  219.) 

Later  on  he  refers  to  the 
packages  of  human  bones 
found  with  the  heads,  (ii. 


Skull  of  a 
Bandjermassing  Man. 

(No.  279,  Barnard  Davis  Coll., 

Roy.  College  of  Surgeons,  London.)  222) 


Dvak  Man  Skull. 


(No.  1406,  Barnard  Davis  Coll..  Roy. 
College  of  Surgeons,  London). 


Muruts  “also  cut  off  the  first  joint  of  the  limbs,  which  they  bring  back  with 
the  head ; these,  he  said,  they  amused  themselves  with  by  throwing  at  then- 
women  on  such  occasions.  I should 
quite  imagine  Murut  brutality  equal  to 
even  this.”  (Whitehead,  p.  72.)  At  Pan- 
geran  Sarfudin’s,  among  the  Dusuns, 
under  Bruni  rule,  Mr.  Witti  saw  “a 
human  hand  and  forearm  nailed  up  on 
a door-post.”  (26  May,  Diary.) 

Among  the  Sea  Dyaks  the  heads  “ are 
preserved  with  the  greatest  care,  and 
baskets  full  of  them  may  be  seen  at  any 
house  in  the  villages  of  the  sea-tribes, 
and  the  family  is  of  distinction  according 
to  the  number  of  these  disgusting  and 
Preserved  Skull  barbarous  trophies  in  its  possession  ; 

(After  Mr.  Marryat).  ^ ^ handed  down  from  father  to 

son  as  the  most  valuable  property,  and  an  accident  which  destroys  them 
is  considered  the  most  lamentable  calamity.  An  old  and  grey-headed  chief 
was  regretting  to  me  one  day  the  loss  he  had  sustained,  in  the  destruction 
by  fire,  of  the  heads  collected  by  his  ancestors.’  (Low,  p.  214.) 

At  Unbuckun,  a Dusun  village.  Mr.  \ on  I)onop  was  shown  the  there 
“ usual  custom  of  displaying  wisps  of  straw  on  the  house  tops,  each  of  which 


Land  Dvak 


Dried  Head  Tied  uf 
in  Leaves 

S.E.  Borneo 
iLeiden  Mus.) 


(Mus.  Roy.  College  of  Surgeons,  London). 


156  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

denotes  a head  ; but  on  entering  the  house  they  were  not  to  be  seen.”7  (Diary, 
27  May.) 

Head  Houses. 

While,  as  seen  above,  the  Sea  Dyaks,  Kavans,  and  others  ornament  their 
dwellings  with  the  captured  heads,  the  Land  Dyaks  have  houses  specially  built 
for  their  reception,  and  these  houses  form  the  bachelor’s  quarters.  “ In  the 
villages  of  all  the  tribes  of  Land  Dyaks  are  found  one,  and  sometimes  more 
houses  of  an  octagonal  form,  with  their  roofs  ending  in  a point  at  the  top. 
They  always  stand  apart  from  the  others ; and  instead  of  having  a door  at  the 
side,  these,  which  are  never  built  with  verandahs,  are  entered  by  a trap  door 
at  the  bottom,  in  the  flooring.  These  houses  vary  in  size,  according  to  the 

wants  of  the  hamlet  by  which 
they  are  built ; but  are  generally 
much  larger  than  ordinary 
domiciles.  The  term  by  which 
they  are  distinguished  is  Pangah 
Ramin,  being  the  Dyak  word 
for  an  ordinary  house.  The 
Pangah  is  built  by  the  united 
efforts  of  the  boys  and  un- 
married men  of  the  tribe,  who, 
after  having  attained  the  age 
of  puberty,  are  obliged  to  leave 
the  houses  of  the  village;  and 
do  not  generally  frequent  them 
after  they  have  attained  the  age 
of  eight  or  nine  years.  A large 
fire-place  of  similar  construc- 
tion to  those  of  the  ordinary 
residences,  is  placed  in  the 
centre  of  this  hall,  and  around 
its  sides  are  platforms  similar 
to  those  used  by  the  women  in  the  other  dwellings  of  the  village.”  (Low, 
p.  280.)  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  (i.  130),  however,  says:  “They  are  circular  in 
form,  with  a sharp  conical  roof.  The  windows  are,  in  fact,  a large  portion 
of  the  roof,  being  raised  up,  like  the  lid  of  a desk,  during  fine  weather, 
and  supported  by  props ; but  when  rain  or  night  comes  on,  they  are 
removed,  and  the  whole  appearance  is  snug  in  the  extreme,  particularly 
when  a bright  fire  is  lit  in  the  centre,  and  throws  a fitful  glow  on  all  the 
surrounding  objects.  Around  the  room  are  rough  divans,  on  which  the 
men  usually  sit  or  sleep.” 

7 “ Nearly  every  village  has  its  special  symbol,  in  recognition  of  the  distinction  which  its 
inhabitants  have  gained  in  successful  head-hunting,  consisting,  generally,  of  a large  wooden  post 
placed  in  a conspicuous  position  in  front  of  the  village,  ornamented  with  some  local  device  or  crest 
At  Long  Wai  this  crest  is  merely  a bail,  with  a spike  on  the  top.  At  Dassa  and  Langla,  it  was  a 
monstrous  head  ; at  Long  Puti,  a figure  representing  a crowned  Rajah  in  a very  inelegant  attitude." 
(Bock,  p.  220.) 


Head-Hunting. 


157 


Mr.  Collingwood’s  description  is  very  much  like  the  last  one.  (p.  237.) 

The  coinfort  offered  by  the  head  house  is  attested  by  Mr.  Wallace,  who 
describes  it  as  “a  circular  building  attached  to  most  Dyak  villages,  and 
serving  as  a lodging  for  strangers,  the  place  for  trade,  the  sleeping-room  of 
the  unmarried  youths,  and  general  council  chamber.  It  is  elevated  on  lofty 
posts,  has  a large  fire-place  in  the  middle,  and  windows  in  the  roof  all  round, 
and  forms  a very  pleasant  and  comfortable  abode.”  (i.  103.)  Mr.  Denison 
makes  frequent  references  to  these  head  houses,  and  mentions  variations  in 
their  size,  build,  cleanliness,  and  comfort.  “At  Grogo  the  head  house  was 
clean  but  surrounded  by  filth  and  refuse,  (ch.  iii. , p.  24.)  Among  the  Aups 
it  was  insecure,  he  dared  not  enter  it.  (ch.  iii.,  p.  33.)  At  Tringas  it  was 
small  and  dirty;  it  was  not  round  but  irregular,  but  it  had  the  fire-place  in  the 
centre,  (ch.  iv.,  p.  39.)  At  Si  Badat 
the  two  head  houses  are  constructed 
with  higher  roofs,  not  round,  but  irre- 
gular in  shape,  small  and  dirty,  (ch.  v., 
p.  46.)  At  Sigu  it  was  remarkably  loft)’ 
and  steep;  it  was  new,  clean,  and 
comfortable,  (ch.  vii.,  p.  73.)  At  Jinan 
it  was  in  “ good  order,  square  in  shape 
(the  first  of  the  kind  I had  yet  met 
with),  constructed  of  planking,  with 
split  bamboo  floor  and  a narrow  ve- 
randah ontwosides.”  (ch.viii.,p.83.) 

At  Lanchang  there  “are  four  head 
houses  ; some  of  these  panggas  are 
circular  in  shape  not  large,  but,  with 
a very  high  steep  pitched  roof,  the 
upper  portion  of  which  is  perpendi- 
cular and  made  of  attaps,  and  the 
lower  part  of  planking.  The  head 
house,  however,  in  which  I stayed 
was  large  square  and  parallelogram 
shaped,  and  perhaps  twelve  feet  from  the  ground 
roof.  The  walls  were  constructed  of  planking,  and 
made  to  be  raised  as  is  the  case  with  the 


Pangah,  or  Land  Dyak  Head  House. 

(After  Sir  Hugh  Low.  p.  281.) 


being 


with  a low  pitched 
instead  of  the  roof 
Land  Dyak  house  in 
general,  narrow  doors  were  introduced  at  irregular  distances.  There  were 
six  of  these  besides  the  entrance  door,  and  they  opened  on  a small  narrow 
verandah  of  split  bamboo  ( lantis ) two  feet  broad  which  ran  round  the  whole 
building.  The  floor  was  made  of  lantis,  there  was  as  usual  a cooking  place 
in  the  centre  of  the  room  and  a few  raised  sleeping  places.”  (ch.  viii.,  p.  83.) 
“The  head  house  [at  Mungo  Babi]  which  I occupied  was  clean,  and 
differently  constructed  from  that  of  Lanchang,  being  circular  in  shape,  with 
the  perpendicular  straight  pitched  roof,  and  windows  as  usual  of  attaps  which 
could  be  raised  or  lowered  at  pleasure.”  (ch.  viii.,  p.  84.)  The  Dusuns 
would  appear  to  have  head  houses,  for  Mr.  Burbidge  speaks  of  a “little  flat 
topped  hut  which  served  as  a head  house.”  (p.  287.) 


158  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  oj  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Some  of  the  Dusuns  do  not  preserve  the  heads  of  their  enemies.  (De 
Crespigny,  Proe.  R.  Geogr.  S.  ii.  348.)  The  Bakatans  and  Ukits8donot 
value  heads  (Brooke  i.  74),  but  will  take  them  out  of  revenge.  (St.  John  ii. 
66.) 

Strange  Collections. 

In  connection  with  this  mania  for  human  head  collecting,  these  people 
also  occasionally  add  that  of  an  animal  to  their  store.  Mr.  Hornaday  found 
the  skull  of  a young  orang  utan  amongst  the  human  heads,  (p.  485.)  Sir  Sp. 
St.  John  mentions,  amongst  a batch  of  heads,  “the  skull  of  a bear  killed 
during  a head-hunting  expedition.”  (i.  157.)  Mr.  Witti,  in  the  Langsat 

country,  remarks:  “Curious  that  in  sifting  the  human  heads  I came  on  the 
skull  of  a sun-bear  ( ursus  malayanus)  ” (Diary,  26  May)  ; and  at  Tambunan, 
“ In  most  villages  the  skulls  of  monkies  are  preserved  ; in  others,  those  of  deer 
or  pigs  ; in  many,  only  the  lower  jaws  of  deer,  the  carapaces  of  land  tortoises, 
the  bladders  of  goats,  and  the  drum-sticks  of  fowls.”  (Diary,  29  Nov.)  Mr. 
Whitehead  enumerates  the  skulls  of  monkeys,  deer,  pigs,  rats,  &c.,  &c.  (p.  109.) 
In  1869,  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett,  at  a Singge  village  says:  “ I lit  upon  a veritable 
tiger’s  skull,  preserved  in  one  of  the  head-houses  ( panggah ).  It  was  kept  with 
other  skulls  of  the  tree-tiger,  bear,  muntjac  deer,  &c.,  in  certain  very  ancient 
sacred  dishes,  placed  among  the  beams  of  the  roof,  and  just  over  the  fire-place. 
It  was  so  browned  and  discoloured  by  soot  and  dirt,  and  the  Dyaks  were  so 
averse  to  my  touching  it,  that  I was  unable  to  decide  whether  it  was  a fossil 
or  a recent  skull.”  They  said  it  came  in  a dream  to  them,  and  had  no 
recollection  of  its  first  arrival.  “ The  dish  on  which  it  lay  was  of  a boat-like 
form,  and  was  of  camphor-wood,  and  quite  rotten.  On  a second  visit  I made 
an  attempt  to  purchase  it,  but  the  people  were  so  horrified  at  the  idea  of  its 
removal,  that  I reluctantly  desisted.  The  chief  of  the  village  declared  that,  in 
consequence  of  my  having  moved  the  skull  on  my  last  visit,  the  Dyaks  had 
been  afflicted  by  heavy  rains,  which  had  damaged  their  farms ; that  once, 
when  a Dyak  accidentally  broke  a piece  of  the  bone,  he  had  been  at  once  struck 
dead  with  lightning ; that  its  removal  would  bring  about  the  death  of  all  the 
Singghi  Dyaks,  and  so  forth.  Afterwards  the  Rajah  of  Sarawak  kindly 
endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Dyaks  to  part  with  it  to  him  ; but  they  begged 
that  he  would  demand  anything  rather  than  this  skull,  and  he  therefore  did 
not  push  the  request.”9  (Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  5,  p.  159.) 

Property  in  Heads. 

Property  in  the  heads  seems  to  vary  in  different  tribes.  “ When  two  or 
more  tribes  of  Land  Dyaks  combine  to  attack  another  tribe,  and  one  head 
only  is  obtained,  it  is  divided,  so  that  each  may  have  a part ; in  honour  of  this 
moiety,  all  the  same  ceremonies  are  observed,  as  if  they  had  a whole  head.” 

8 The  Bukkits  do  not  go  head-hunting  (Bock,  p 244.) 

9 “Among  the  heads  is  a small  bowl,  carefully  tied  up  with  cord  On  enquiring  its  use  and 
meaning  we  were  told  that  it  is  a challenge  from  a rival  Dyak  Kampong  of  the  Mempawa  region. 
This  seems  to  be  an  emblem  chosen  by  common  consent,  as  a warning  for  any  village  receiving  it, 
to  look  out  for  their  heads."  (Doty,  p.  300.) 


i59 


Head-Hunting. 

(Low,  p.  304.)  Speaking  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  the  same  authority  says:  “ These 
trophies  are  not,  as  amongst  the  land-tribes,  the  general  property  of  the  village, 
but  the  personal  property  of  the  individuals  who  capture  them,  though  the 
honour  of  the  tribe  is  augmented  by  their  being  in  the  village.”  (p.  214.)  On 
the  other  hand,  however,  Mr.  Brooke  Low,  discussing  these  people,  says : 
“ The  head  does  not,  in  an  expedition,  belong  to  the  person  who  takes  it.  It 
belongs  to  the  chief,  and  if  there  are  several  it  is  distributed  among  the  leading 
chiefs.  If  only  one  head  is  obtained,  and  there  are  many  claimants  to  the 
honour  of  salai-ing  it,  it  is  broken  into  pieces,  and  a fragment  given  to  each  ; 
but  this  is  not  popular  with  the  Dyaks,  and  it  is  more  usual  for  the  most 
powerful  chief  to  keep  it.  But  the  chief  who  salais  a head  undertakes  a great 
responsibility,  as  he  by  that  act  aspires  to  be  a war  chief,  and  must  lead  the 
people  on  the  warpath.  They  look  up  to  him,  &c.  They  do  not  mind  his 
keeping  the  head  as  long  as  he  gives  them  an  opportunity  of  cutting  off  others. 
When  brought  home  the  head  is  hung  up  in  the  verandah  of  the  house  outside 
the  chief’s  apartments,  along  with  the  smoke-blackened  cluster  of  heads 
depending  from  the  sloping  roof  and  overhanging  the  fireplace.” 

Admiral  Keppel,  describing  a collection  of  skulls,  continues:  “Among 
other  trophies  was  half-a-head,  the  skull  separated  from  across  between  the 
eyes,  in  the  same  manner  that  you  would  divide  that  of  hare  or  a rabbit  to  get 
at  the  brain— this  was  their  division  of  the  head  of  an  old  woman,  which  was 
taken  when  another  (a  friendly)  tribe  was  present,  who  likewise  claimed  their 
half.  I afterwards  saw  these  tribes  share  a head.”  (ii.  37.) 

Among  the  Dusuns  Mr.  Witti  was  shown  a sort  of  natural  clearing  in  the 
jungle,  where  “ there  is  a stone  block10  on  which  the  division  of  skulls  is  made. 
These  Dyaks  are  said  never  to  go  beyond  quartering  a head,  smaller  shares 
being  made  up  in  kind.  On  that  block  could  be  seen  stains  of  blood.  Near 
by  is  a rude  scaffold  which  serves  to  exhibit  the  trophies.  But  the  queerest 
feature  of  that  spot  was  a young  sugar  plant,  sprinkled  with  blood,  and  care- 
fully fenced  in, — why  not  a forget-me-not  ? ” (Diary,  26  March.) 

Cowardly  Procedures. 

“ Among  the  Dusun  the  men  that  took  heads  generally  had  a tattoo 
mark  for  each  one  on  the  arm,  and  were  looked  upon  as  very  brave,  though, 
as  a rule,  the  heads  were  obtained  in  the  most  cowardly  way  possible,  a 
woman’s  or  child’s  being  just  as  good  as  a man’s.”11  (Pryer,  J.A.I.  xvi.  233.) 
“ The  maxim  of  these  ruffians  [Kayans]'  is,  that  out  of  their  own  country  all 
are  fair  game.  ‘ Were  we  to  meet  our  father,  we  would  slay  him.’  The  head 
of  a child  or  of  a woman  is  as  highly  prized  as  that  of  a man ; so,  as  easier 
prey,  the  cowards  seek  them  by  lying  in  ambush  near  the  plantations.”  (St. 
John  ii.  66.)  The  Mount  Dulit  Dusuns  told  Mr.  Witti  (Diary,  16  Mar.)  that 
they  had  no  skulls  in  their  houses  or  elsewhere,  but  thev  say  the  Limberan 

10  Mr.  Hupe  (p.  720)  mentions  a stone  used  for  preparing  the  skull,  and  refers  the  reader  to  his 
report  for  details,  but  I have  not  succeeded  in  tracing  them. 

11  “The  possession  of  a human  head  cannot  be  considered  as  a proof  of  the  bravery  of  the 
owner  for  it  is  not  necessary  that  he  should  have  killed  the  victim  with  his  own  hand,  his  friends 
being  permitted  to  assist  him  or  even  to  perform  the  act  themselves.''  (Earl,  p.  267.) 


i6o  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

people,  a day’s  journey  off,  “ collect  the  crania  of  their  enemies.  That  is  to 
say,  whatsoever  cranium  they  can  get  hold  of  somehow,  providing  it  was 
procured  by  violent  death.  Thus,  such  a skull  might  be  stolen  and  yet 
genuine.”  In  trying  to  make  a settlement  between  Jeludin  and  the  Peluans 
(see  supra.,  vol.  i.  p.  98)  Mr.  Witti  found  that  the  latter  would  not  count  as 
against  themselves  heads  obtained  on  head  hunting  excursions,  but  only  those 
of  people  who  had  been  making  peaceful  visits,  &c.  In  fact  “the  sporting  head 
hunter  bags  what  he  can  get,  his  declared  friends  alone  excepted.”  (Diary, 
25  Mar.) 

The  cowardly  method  in  which  heads  were  taken  is  illustrated  by  many 
an  anecdote.  Admiral  Keppel,  when  a Dyak  was  naming  the  individuals  to 
whom  the  heads  originally  belonged,  says,  “the  skulls,  the  account  of  which 
our  informant  appeared  to  dwell  on  with  the  greatest  delight,  were  those 
which  were  taken  while  the  owners  were  asleep — cunning  with  them  being 
the  perfection  of  warfare.”  (ii.  37.) 

“ Here  are  a couple  of  extracts  from  Mr.  Hatton’s  Diary  : “ Only  seven 
days  ago  a head  was  taken  at  a tree  bridge  over  a torrent.  A Dampas  man 
was  walking  over  a felled  tree  (which  in  this  country  always  constitutes  a 
bridge),  when  four  Sogolitan  men  set  on  him,  pushed  him  down  the  steep 
bank  and  jumping  down  after  him  took  his  hand  and  head  and  made  away. 
I saw  the  victim’s  head  and  his  hand  in  a house  not  far  from  the  scene  of  the 
murder.  (18  March.)  ...  A great  many  people  have  left  owing  to  a 
fright  of  the  Muruts,  who  made  a raid  here  about  seven  months  ago.  The 
people  from  Lebu  came  down  on  Danao  at  night  and  firing  a volley  from  their 
sumpitans  into  the  sleeping  house,  they  rushed  in,  took  seven  heads  from  one 
house  and  three  from  another,  one  a woman’s.  During  the  fight  one  of  the 
Lebu  men  fell,  and  his  head  still  new,  hangs  in  the  Danao  house.  The 
method  of  attack  of  these  Muruts  and  indeed  of  all  the  tribes,  is  cowardly  in 
the  extreme.  It  ought  to  be  called  head  stealing  not  head  hunting.  They 
wait  in  the  bush  watching  the  house  all  day,  and  about  3 o’clock  in  the 
morning,  when  every  one  is  asleep,  they  enter  the  house,  take  as  many  heads 
as  possible  and  decamp  at  full  speed.”  (11  April.) 

The  following  treacherous  head  murder  12  is  related  by  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  : 
“ A party  of  five  Malays,  three  men  and  two  women,  left  Sakarang  to  go  to 
Saribus  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  some  of  their  relations.  Thus  they  met 
a boat's  crew  of  Dyaks  while  in  Saribus,  and  spoke  together,  saying  they 
were  traders,  and  they  were  also  seeking  for  fish.  \\  hen  the  Malays  were 
leaving  Saribus  to  return,  the  Dyak  boat  followed  in  their  wake,  entered  this 
river  together,  and  on  the  following  day  proceeded  to  carry  out  their  sly  and 
murderous  design.  In  the  morning  they  offered  their  swords  for  sale,  and 
sold  or  exchanged  one,  permitting  the  Malays  to  make  an  exceedingly 

12  " A year  after  my  arrival  on  the  coast,  the  entire  population  of  Slaku,  a town  situated  a few 
miles  distant  from  the  mouth  of  the  Sambas  river,  was  cut  off  during  a night  attack  by  a powerful 
tribe  of  wild  Dyaks  from  the  north-west  coast ; and  although  the  town,  which  was  occupied  chiefly 
by  Chinese,  contained  large  quantities  of  rich  merchandize,  they  were  contented  with  the  iron  and 
trifles,  with  which,  together  with  the  heads  of  their  victims,  they  departed  unmolested  to  their 
homes."  (Earl,  p.  269.) 


Head-Hunting. 


161 


profitable  bargain  ; they  then  proposed  fishing  with  a hand  net  on  the  mud 
bank,  and  persuaded  a Malay  named  Limin  (who  was  well  known  and 
considered  a brave  man)  to  separate  from  the  others,  to  cast  the  net ; this 
was  done  for  some  time,  and  they  were  successful  in  bagging  fish,  and  were 
going  further  and  further  from  the  boats.  At  length  the  net  fouled  on  a 
stump  at  the  bottom,  and  one  of  the  Dyaks  immediately  off  sword  and 
dived  down,  as  poor  Limin  thought,  to  clear  it,  but  instead  of  doing  so  the 
wily  rascal  twisted  it  firmly  round  and  round,  came  up  to  take  breath,  and 
then  again  dived,  and  again  twisted  it  in  divers  ways  round  the  stumps ; he 
then  rose,  and  said  he  could  not  clear  it,  but  asked  Limin  to  try.  Limin 
unsuspectingly  took  off  his  sword,  dived,  and  on  approaching  the  surface 
breathless,  the  two  Dyaks  struck  and  decapitated  him  without  a sound. 
They  then  took  his  head  and  returned  to  their  boat.  A third  [stc]  Malay  was 
persuaded  to  administer  some  cure  to  a Dyak’s  foot,  which  was  bleeding 
slightly ; while  the  Malay  was  leaning  over  and  looking  to  the  wound,  one  of 
them  chopped  off  his  head  from  behind.  After  this  the  women  were 
decapitated.  They  lost  one  head,  which  tumbled  into  the  water,  but  the 
other  four,  with  all  the  property  belonging  to  the  Malay  party  were  taken  and 
carried  away  to  Sadok.”  (ii.  124.) 

A still  more  dastardly  head  murder  is  mentioned  by  Sir  James  Brooke 
(Mundy  ii.  66) : A young  Sitakow  Dyak  went  up  country  with  a Chinese 
trader  and  on  his  way  up  made  the  acquaintance  of  a young  woman  of  the 
Saribas  (Dutch)  country.  He  kept  company  with  her  and  on  his  return  he 
again  visited  her.  Then  he  slew  her  and  ran  off  with  the  head.  “ Had  he 
been  on  a war  path  and  taken  the  head  of  an  enemy,  though  that  enemy 
were  a woman,  he,  as  a Dyak  according  to  the  Dyak  code  of  morality, 
incurred  no  guilt ; but  on  the  contrary,  if  he  tempted  and  deceived  this 
woman  and  treacherously  murdered  her  even  as  a Dyak,  he  would  be 
considered  guilty  amongst  Dyaks.” 

“ An  atrocious  case  happened  many  years  ago  up  the  Batang  Lupar, 
where  a young  man  started  on  an  expedition  by  himself  to  seek  for  a head 
from  a neighbouring  tribe.  In  a few  days  he  came  back  with  the  desired 
prize.  His  relatives  questioned  him  how  it  was  he  had  been  away  so  few 
days,  as  they  had  never  been  able  to  do  the  same  journey  in  double  the  time. 
He  replied  gravely  that  the  spirits  of  the  woods  had  assisted  him.  About  a 
month  afterwards  a headless  trunk  was  discovered  near  one  of  their  farms, 
and  on  inquiry  being  made,  it  was  found  to  be  the  body  of  an  old  woman  of 
their  own  tribe,  not  very  distantly  related  to  the  young  fellow  himself.  He 
was  only  fined  by  the  chief  of  the  tribe,  and  the  head  taken  from  him  and 
buried.”  (St.  John,  i.  69.) 

The  cool  matter-of-fact  way  in  which  those  who  have  taken  heads  behave 
is  quite  extraordinary.  They  cannot  possibly  have  any  idea  as  to  the  wrong 
they  are  doing.  At  Bintulu,  writes  His  Highness:  “A  fine  young  Kayan 
chief  sat  near  me,  an  independent-looking  fellow,  and  head  of  a long  house 
many  miles  further  inland.  One  of  the  inhabitants  lodged  a complaint 
against  this  young  fellow  for  having  killed  two  of  his  people  about  a year  ago, 
and  asked  me  whether  he  might  demand  a fine  of  the  tribe.  I gave  him 
M Vol.  2. 


162  H.  Ling  Roth.— Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

permission  to  do  so,  according  to  the  custom  which  had  been  in  vogue 
previous  to  the  country  coming  into  our  possession.  On  inquiring  of  the 
young  chief  if  such  had  really  taken  place,  he  said,  ‘ Oh  yes  ; mv  brother 
killed  them  and  took  their  heads  while  they  were  fishing  a little  way  below 
our  house.”  He  evidently  looked  on  it  as  a natural  consequence,  because 
their  heads  were  required  for  a Ka}?an  holiday,  as  wild  deer’s  flesh  might  be 
required  to  satisfy  hunger.  There  was  no  use  in  lecturing  or  reasoning,  and 
I was  not  in  a position  to  command,  so  the  matter  was  permitted  to  rest.” 
(ii.  223.) 

“ In  1857,  when  all  the  Europeans  were  making  their  escape  from  the 
Chinese,  who  attacked  and  occupied  Sarawak,  the  bishop  collected  the 
women  and  children  and  non-combatants,  and  embarked  them  on  board  a 
native  craft  to  sail  away  to  another  river  where  there  was  a mission-station. 
It  w 'as  a dreadful  night,  and  all  the  poor  creatures  were  huddled  together 
below  vainly  endeavouring  to  keep  themselves  dry,  as  the  deck,  being  native 
fashion,  was  made  only  of  matting  and  laths,  and  leaked  throughout.  The 
closeness  and  steam  below,  during  the  night,  were  most  trying;  but  there 
was  besides  a horrid  stench,  which  the  bishop’s  wife  and  others  said  they 
could  not  possibly  endure  any  longer  ; so  as  soon  as  ever  the  vessel  was 
brought  to  in  smooth  water,  a search  was  made ; and  a Chinaman’s  head 
was  found  beneath  the  place  where  Mrs.  McDougall  and  her  children  were 
sitting:  it  was  in  a Dyak  basket  or  Tambuk,  and  it  plainly  belonged  to  a 
young  Dyak  who  was  on  board  the  boat.  On  being  questioned  about  it,  he 
proudly  said  it  was  his,  and  that  he  procured  it  in  the  ‘ finest  way  possible.' 
He  was  prowling  about  the  fort  at  Sarawak,  which  the  Chinese  had  taken 
and  occupied,  and  while  they  were  in  it  and  had  myself  in  their  hands  there, 
he  went  into  one  of  the  rooms,  lately  occupied  by  the  English  commander  of 
the  fort,  and  saw  a Chinese  admiring  his  own  face  in  a broken  looking-glass 
hanging  on  the  wall.  The  man  did  not  see  him  ; but  his  bare  neck  and 
stooping  head  were  in  so  tempting  a posture  for  decapitation,  that  the  Dyak 
could  not  resist  the  temptation,  he  whipped  out  his  sword,  smote  off  the  head 
at  one  blow,  popped  the  coveted  trophy  into  his  basket,  and  walked  away 
through  the  Chinese  outside,  while  the  headless  trunk  of  their  comrade  w'as 
yet  quivering  on  the  floor  of  the  inner  room.”  (Bishop  McDougall,  T.E.S., 
ii.  30.) 

Mr.  Witti  mentions  two  heads  being  taken  from  children.  (Diary, 
24  Nov.)  The  Sibuyaus  showed  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  several  heads,  but  they  said 
they  only  took  heads  of  women  when  enemies.  (Keppel  i.  86.)  Mr.  Whitehead 
relates  that  he  once  saw'  “ a small  w'ooden  model,  resembling  somewhat  the 
shape  of  a man,  which  I at  first  took  to  be  a Murut  household  idol;  but  when 
I enquired  of  our  host  w’hat  this  peculiar  model  really  was,  they  answered  that 
it  w'as  the  model  of  a child  w'hich  they  had  killed  on  one  of  their  expeditions, 
but,  as  the  skull  would  not  keep,  they  carved  out  this  as  memento  of  their 
bravery.”  (p.  70.)  Elsew'here  (p.  76)  he  again  refers  to  dummy  wooden 
skulls  among  these  people.'3 

13  “ It  is  said  that  some  of  the  tribes  consider  the  heads  of  women  and  children  to  be  more 
valuable  than  those  of  the  men,  but  this  is  merely  hearsay  ; and  though  perhaps,  on  some  occasions, 


Head-Hunting. 


163 


“ During  the  famine  in  Sooloo,  in  1879,  a great  many  slaves  and  captives 
were  taken  over  to  Booloongan  and  there  sold,  and  in  most  cases  the  purcha- 
sers cut  off  their  heads  for  that  reason.  The  number  of  slaves  and  kidnapped 
people  so  taken  over  was  estimated  at  4,000.”  (Pryer,  J.A.I.  xvi.  233.)  Mr. 
Hatton  speaks  of  a captive  at  Sinorant  being  killed  for  the  sake  of  his  head. 
“ The  unfortunate  was  a slave  of  Datu  Serikaya,  of  Tandu  Batu,  in  the  Labuk. 
This  man  was  sold  to  Degadong,  the  Dusun  chief,  of  Tanaorunn,  for  gutta, 
paddy,  and  a gong.  Degadong,  getting  tired  of  his  slave,  sold  him  to  some 
travelling  men  of  Sinorant,  who  took  him  home  to  their  village  and  made  him 
work  in  the  fields.  He  tried  to  escape,  and  so  the  savages  took  his  head  ; 
and  his  skull,  still  white,  hangs  in  the  house,  on  a line  with  those  which  were 
taken  ten  years  ago.”  (Diary,  11  April.) 

“ A hundred  years  ago,  it  was  reported  that  the  Ida’an  were  in  the  habit 
of  purchasing  Christian  slaves  of  the  pirates,  in  order  to  put  them  to  death  for 
the  sake  of  their  heads.  If  it  were  ever  true,  I believe  it  is  not  so  now,  as  we 
never  noticed  dried  skulls  in  any  of  their  houses,  except  at  Tamparuli ; and  if 
they  had  been  given  to  any  such  practice,  the  Bajus,  who  never  missed  an 
opportunity  to  malign  them,  would  have  mentioned  the  subject  to  us.”  (St. 
John  i.  345.)  Mr.  Burbidge  was  once  told  “ that  a party  had  been  out  head- 
hunting for  a fortnight,  but  had  failed  to  pounce  upon  any  Murut  of  another 
tribe  ; so  to  end  the  suspense  they  had  seized  one  of  their  own  slaves,  who  had 
in  some  way  offended  them,  and  had  made  a scapegoat  of  him.”  (p.  65.) 

Women’s  Influence. 

From  all  accounts  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  one  of  the  chief 
incentives  to  getting  heads  is  the  desire  to  please  the  women.  It  may  not 
always  have  been  so  and  there  may  be  and  probably  is  the  natural  bloodthirsti- 
ness of  the  animal  in  man  to  account  for  a great  deal  of  the  head  taking. 
Mrs.  McDougall  relates  an  old  Sakaran  legend  which  says  that  the  daughter 
of  their  great  ancestor  “ who  resides  in  heaven,  near  the  Evening  Star, 
refused  to  marry  until  her  betrothed  brought  her  a present  worth  her 
acceptance.  The  man  went  into  the  jungle  and  killed  a deer,  which  he 
presented  to  her;  but  the  fair  lady  turned  away  in  disdain.  He  went  again, 
and  returned  with  a mias,  the  great  monkey  [sic]  who  haunts  the  forest  ; but 
this  present  was  not  more  to  her  taste.  Then,  in  a fit  of  despair,  the  lover 
went  abroad,  and  killed  the  first  man  that  he  met,  and  throwing  his  victim’s 
head  at  the  maiden’s  feet,  he  exclaimed  at  the  cruelty  she  had  made  him 
guilty  of ; but,  to  his  surprise,  she  smiled,  and  said,  that  now  he  had 
discovered  the  only  gift  worthy  of  herself.”  (p.  64.)  As  is  the  nature  of 
legends  this  one  is  of  course  only  an  after-explanation.  Sir  James  Brooke 
writes  of  the  Sintah’s  collection  of  heads  : “ The  heads  were  clearly  stated  to 
be  the  heads  of  enemies  : they  would  take  no  others.  If  a white  man, 

the  helpless  portion  of  the  community  may  be  accidently  made  victims,  I am  convinced  that  the 
practice  is  not  general,  the  women  and  children  being  more  frequently  retained  as  slaves.”  (Earl, 
p.  268.)  Noticing  some  men  guarding  women  in  the  fields,  Mr.  Doty  (p.  289)  remarks : “This  brought 
to  our  minds  the  remarks  of  some  writer,  that  the  Dyaks  are  very  careful  to  defend  their  females, 
hence  in  their  system  of  head-taking,  the  heads  of  females  are  more  highly  valued  than  those  of  the 
men,  inasmuch  as  it  requires  more  artifice  and  bravery  to  obtain  them.” 


164  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Chinaman,  or  Malay  were  to  come  into  their  country,  they  would  not  kill 
him  for  his  head,  but  if  they  quarrelled  and  fought,  and  he  was  killed,  they 
would  then  secure  the  prize  for  the  ladies  ! They  would  rather  not  kill  a 
stranger  Dyak  who  came  as  a friend  amongst  them.  It  was  absolutely  necessary 
to  be  the  possessor  of  one  head  previous  to  marriage.  If  a man  wanted  to  get 
married  and  could  not  procure  an  enemy’s  head,  he  accompanied  a party  of 
perhaps  fifty  or  one  hundred  men  a long  way  into  the  interior,  and  then 
attacked  anybody  for  the  sake  of  the  head.  The  chief,  Cimboug,  was 
particularly  examined  on  this  point,  and  insisted  it  was  only  on  such  an 
occasion  they  made  these  excursions,  and  then  always  a long  way  from 
home  ! ” 

Sir  Jas.  Brooke  was  told  by  the  Sibuyaus  (Keppel  i.  55)  “that  it  is 
indispensably  necessary  a young  man  should  procure  a skull  before  he  gets 
married.  On  my  urging  them  that  the  custom  would  be  more  honoured  in 
the  breach  than  in  the  observance,  they  replied,  that  it  was  established  from 
time  immemorial,  and  could  not  be  dispensed  with.  Subsequently,  however, 
Sejugah  allowed  that  heads  were  very  difficult  to  obtain  now,  and  a young 
man  might  sometimes  get  married  by  giving  presents  to  his  lady-love’s 
parents.  At  all  times  they  denied  warmly  ever  obtaining  any  heads  but  those 
of  their  enemies  ; adding,  they  were  bad  people,  and  deserved  to  die.”  After 
the  burning  out  of  the  robbers  of  the  Mambakut  River,  Capt.  Mundy  writes 
(ii.  222)  : “ No  aristocratic  youth  dare  venture  to  pay  his  addresses  to  a 
Dyak  demoiselle,  unless  he  throws  at  the  blushing  maiden’s  feet  a net  full  of 
skulls  ! In  some  districts  it  is  customary  for  the  young  lady  to  desire  her 
lover  to  cut  a thick  bamboo  from  the  neighbouring  jungle,  and  when  in 
possession  of  this  instrument,  she  carefully  arranges  the  cadeau  d’amour  on 
the  floor,  and  by  repeated  blows  beats  the  heads  into  fragments,  which,  when 
thus  pounded,  are  scraped  up  and  cast  into  the  river,  at  the  same  time  she 
throws  herself  into  the  arms  of  the  enraptured  youth,  and  so  commences  the 
honeymoon.  The  usual  practice,  however,  is  to  guard  the  skulls,  pickling 
them  with  care,  as  from  the  extreme  heat  of  the  climate,  constant  attention 
is  required  to  preserve  them.  This  account  was  given  by  a native  to  Mr. 
Brooke  and  Captain  Maitland.” 

Among  the  Dusuns  the  possession  of  a head  appears  to  be  a certain 
method  of  ingratiating  oneself  with  the  fair  sex.”  (Pryer,  J.A.I.  xvi.  233.) 
According  to  Mr.  Everett’s  reports  (S.G.,  No.  78)  when  two  Dyaks  were  tried 
for  the  murder  of  a Chinaman  and  a Dyak  both  of  the  prisoners  pleaded 
guilty  and  threw  themselves  entirely  on  the  mercy  of  the  court,  the  only 
defence  they  had  to  make,  being  that  they  were  incited  by  the  women  to 
obtain  heads.  A correspondent  of  the  same  paper  (S.G.,  No.  104)  writes  : 
“ At  this  moment  there  are  two  Dyaks  in  the  Kuching  gaol,  who  acknowledge 
that  they  took  the  heads  of  two  innocent  Chinese  with  no  other  object  in 
view  when  doing  so  than  to  secure  the  pseudo  affections  of  women,  who 
refused  to  marry  them,  until  they  had  thus  proved  themselves  to  be  men.’ 

The  influence  of  the  women  is  alleged  in  the  following  case.  A young 
chief  “longing  to  see  the  world  took  with  him  thirteen  young  men;  he 
travelled  on  till  he  reached  a Kayan  tribe  with  whom  his  people  were  friends, 


Head-Hunting. 


165 

and  stayed  with  them  for  a few  months.  One  day  their  hosts  started  on  a 
head-hunting  expedition,  and  invited  seven  of  their  guests  to  accompany 
them : the  latter  never  returned,  having  all  been  killed  by  the  Kayans 
themselves.  Why  or  wherefore  it  is  impossible  to  tell,  but  it  is  supposed  that 
having  failed  in  their  head-hunt,  and  being  ashamed  to  return  to  their 
women  14  without  these  trophies,  they  had  fallen  upon  their  guests.”  (St. 
John  i.  42.)  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  head  hunters  are  always  successful. 
A Kayan,  one  of  a party  of  several  hundred,  returned  half  starved  and  reported 
he  was  the  only  survivor,  (ibid,  i.  118.) 

“ One  young  fellow  of  about  eighteen  years  old  had  been  brought 
over  from  Saribus  Fort  in  chains.  He  was  now  in  irons  here.  His  account 
was  as  follows,  and  it  portrays  the  matrimonial  preliminaries  required  by 
Dyak  ladies  : — His  name  was  Achang,  he  said  ; he  had  been  living  on  Sadok 
since  his  house  was  burnt  down  on  the  lower  ground.  Many  had  then  retired 
there,  and  were  living  in  the  midst  of  considerable  drawbacks  and  difficulties, 
as  water  was  scarce,  and  all  the  necessaries  for  household  purposes  were  far 
away  on  the  lower  ground.  Then  he  had  been  of  late  enamoured  of  a damsel 
younger  than  himself,  and  had  been  refused,  in  consequence  of  his  never  having 
proved  himself  a warrior  in  cooking  a head.  She  said,  ‘ Why  don’t  you  go  to 
the  Saribus  Fort,  and  there  take  the  head  of  Bakir  (the  Dyak  chief),  or  even 
that  of  the  Tuan  Hassan  (Mr.  Watson),  and  then  I will  deign  to  think  of  you 
and  your  desires  with  some  degree  of  interest.’  The  young  man  after  this 
rebuke  agreed,  with  another  lad  of  his  own  age  and  inexperience,  to  set  off  for 
the  purpose  required,  and  after  the  preparatory  proceeding  of  dreams,  birds, 
missing  their  road,  and  many  other  hindrances,  he  reached  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort,  and  very  sensibly  arranged  with  his  companion  that  it  would  be  desirable 
to  find  shelter  in  a Chinaman’s  house,  under  the  plea  of  wishing  to  purchase 
some  of  his  goods.  They  were  kindly  received,  and  ate  their  meal  in  peace 
with  the  Chinaman,  and  retired  in  the  evening,  with  the  intention  of  taking 
the  Chinaman’s  head,  instead  of  the  Tuan  Hassan’s  or  Bakir’s,  as  the  first,  if 
well  cooked,  would  pass  off  for  anybody  else’s.  At  midnight  they  agreed  to 
strike  the  blow, — the  time  came,  and  the  inhabitants  were  aroused  by  the 
piteous  howls  of  the  owner  of  the  house.  People  rushed  to  the  place,  which 
was  only  twenty  yards  from  the  fort,  and  before  five  minutes  were  over,  fifty’ 
people  were  on  the  spot,  finding  the  poor  Chinaman  with  his  face  gashed  all 
down  one  side.  The  young  fellow’s  companion  had  done  this.  Achang 
himself  was  still  fast  asleep,  in  total  ignorance  of  what  had  taken  place.  He 
was  now  aroused,  pulled  neck  and  crop  into  the  fort,  and  placed  in  chains. 
They  wished  to  cut  him  down  then  and  there,  which  he  really  deserved,  but 

14  Mr.  Earl  refers  on  two  occasions  (pp.  2G6  and  267)  to  the  necessity  of  obtaining  a head  to 
grace  marriage.  " The  more  heads  a man  has  cut  off,  the  more  he  is  respected,  and  a young  man 
cannot  marry  until  he  can  produce  heads  procured  by  himself ; nor  can  the  corpse  of  a person  of 
rank  be  inhumed  until  a fresh  head  be  acquired  by  the  nearest  kin.  Should  he  be  of  high  rank, 
great  rejoicings  take  place  on  his  return  from  a successful  expedition  ; the  heads,  which  probably  still 
bleed,  are  seized  by  the  women,  who  rush  into  the  water,  dip  the  heads  and  anoint  themselves  with 
the  ensanguined  water  which  drops  from  the  skulls.  A man  of  great  consideration  may  have  fifty  or 
sixty  skulls  suspended  in  his  premises.  It  has  been  known  that  two  years  have  expired  before  a 
young  man  could  be  married,  or  in  other  words,  before  he  could  procure  a skull.”  (Dalton,  p.  9.) 


i66 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives ■ of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


it  was  the  wiser  plan  to  send  him  to  Sakarang  the  next  morning.  He  was 
brought  over  the  twelve  miles  of  road  with  a long  chain  attached  to  his  waist, 
as  if  he  had  been  a wild  animal,  and  hungry  Dyaks  were  following  around, 
wishing  to  bribe  his  keepers,  and  holding  a kind  of  auction  within  the 
unfortunate  lover’s  hearing  for  his  head.  The  companion,  on  hearing  the 
Chinaman  bluster  so  loudly,  decamped,  and  although  immediately  pursued, 
could  not  be  found.  Poor  Achang  was  left  in  irons  for  over  a month,  and 
then  released.  He  afterwards  became  very  useful  in  gardening  and  other 
occupations,  and  was  a general  favourite.  A more  innocent  youth  could 
scarcely  be  seen  anywhere.  He  had  slept  so  soundly  in  consequence  of  a 
partial  deafness.  The  march  over  to  Sakarang  the  day  after  the  event 
brought  grey  hairs  on  his  head,  although  he  was  not  yet  nineteen  years  of 
age.”  13  (Brooke  ii.  93.) 

15  " No  Diak  can  marry  the  daughter  of  a warrior  unless  he  has  previously  taken  a head  or  two. 
Neither  will  one  of  the  great  chiefs  allow  a marriage  with  one  of  inferior  celebrity.  On  a proposition 
being  made  to  wed,  it  is  referred  to  the  Rajah,  who  calls  before  him  the  lover  and  the  father  of  the 
girl ; the  former  is  asked  what  number  of  heads  he  has  taken,  the  same  question  is  put  to  the  father ; 
if  the  old  man  can  produce  ten  heads  the  young  one  must  have  five,  as  according  to  Selgie's  reasoning, 
by  the  time  the  lover  is  of  the  age  of  the  girl’s  father,  he  will,  in  all  probability,  be  likewise  in 
possession  of  ten.  Should  the  young  man  not  have  so  many,  he  must  get  them  before  he  presumes 
to  take  another  step  in  the  affair.  He  then  musters  a few  friends,  takes  a swift-boat  and  leaves  that 
part  of  the  country,  and  will  not  return  until  the  number  is  complete  (they  are  often  absent  three 
months).  To  return  unsuccessful  would  expose  him  to  ridicule  ever  after.  Women's  heads  will  not 
answer  the  purpose ; they,  however,  generally  bring  back  with  them  a few  young  women  and  some 
children,  as  an  acceptable  present  to  the  Rajah,  and  to  attend  the  wife.  They  wend  their  way  to 
some  unprotected  campong,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  young  men,  and  kill  the  old  ones, 
or  some  poor  straggling  fishermen  ; it  makes  no  difference  whose  heads  they  may  be,  so  they  do  not 
belong  to  the  Rajah’s  friendly  campongs.  Having  procured  the  desired  number,  they  paddle  quickly 
back  and  send  immediate  intelligence  to  the  intended  bride,  who  puts  on  all  her  ornaments  and  with 
her  father  and  friends  advance  to  meet  the  heads  ; these  are  in  the  first  instance  alwa)  s placed  on  a 
spot  about  halfway  between  the  dwelling-places  of  the  two  partners,  and  near  the  Rajah's  house.  On 
the  approach  of  the  young  lady,  the  lover  meets  her  with  a head  in  each  hand,  holding  them  by  the 
hair;  these  she  takes  from  him  and  he  gets  the  others  if  there  are  sufficient,  if  not,  they  have  one 

each They  then  dance  round  each  other  with  most  extravagant  gestures,  amidst  the 

applause  of  the  Rajah  and  his  people  After  this  ceremony,  the  Rajah  or  some  warrior  of  his  family, 
must  examine  the  heads  to  see  that  they  are  fresh ; for  this  purpose  they  are  not  allowed  to  be  smoked 
or  the  brains  taken  out,  which  destroys  the  smell,  but  must  bring  them  in  a green  state  in  ft, 11  proof 
that  old  heads  have  not  been  borrowed  for  the  occasion.  (1  have  frequently  seen  heads  which  have 
been  cut  off  a week  or  more,  the  smell  of  which  to  me  was  intolerable,  but  to  them  nowise  offensive.) 
The  family  honour  of  the  bride’s  father  being  now'  satisfied,  he  asks  the  Rajah  s consent,  which  is 
always  given  (the  young  women  and  children  taken  during  the  expedition  are  at  this  interview 
presented).  A feast  is  now  prepared,  at  which  the  young  couple  eat  together,  this  being  concluded, 
what  clothes  either  of  them  may  have  on  are  taken  off,  and  sitting  on  the  ground,  naked,  the  old 
women  throw  over  them  handsful  of  paddy,  repeating  a kind  of  prayer  that  the  young  couple  may 
prove  as  fruitful  as  that  grain.  At  night,  the  bride  attends  her  husband  to  his  dwelling.  The 

warrior  can  take  away  any  inferior  man’s  wife  at  pleasure,  and  is  thanked  for  so  doing.  A chief  who 
has  twenty  heads  in  his  possession,  will  do  the  same  with  another  who  may  have  only  ten,  and 
upwards  to  the  Rajah’s  family,  who  can  take  any  woman  at  pleasure.  The  more  heads  a man  has 
the  braver  he  is  considered,  and  as  the  children  belong  to  the  husband,  he  is  happy  in  his  future 
prospects.  On  the  contrary,  a man  of  inferior  note  to  think  of  the  wife  of  a superior  is  entirely  out 
of  the  question,  perhaps  such  a circumstance  never  occurred. ’’  (ibid,  52-54.) 

" It  is  generally  supposed  that  head-hunting  had  its  origin  in  the  fact  that  no  man  could  court 
a girl  without  presenting  her  with  a human  head  as  a token  of  his  valour ; but  this  idea  is  contra- 
dicted by  every  Dyak  worthy  of  confidence,  whom  I consulted  on  the  matter.  From  the  greater  mass 
of  the  information  we  gathered  on  this  question.it  would  seem  that  this  horrible  custom  is  another  of 


167 


Head-Hunting. 

Reception  of  Heads. 

“ The  heads  are  taken,  but  after  being  used  at  the  feast  are  not  valued. 
Some  of  the  divisions  on  the  coast,  after  obtaining  the  head  of  an  enemy, 
exhibit  it  in  a public  place,  where  the  women,  dressed  in  their  best  clothes, 
repeat  incantations,  and  walk  past  in  procession  ; each  one  taps  the  head  with 
a piece  of  wood.  After  this  ceremony  it  is  thrown  away.”  (Brooke  i.  74.) 
“ Although  the  Millanows  do  not  preserve  the  heads  of  their  enemies,  a young 
warrior  will  occasionally  bear  home  such  a trophy  with  the  same  sort  of 
pleasure  with  which  a young  fox-hunter  takes  home  his  first  brush.  On  this 
occasion,  a juvenile  aspirant  to  love  and  glory,  who  had  accompanied  the 
expedition  and  wished  to  display  a prize  he  had  won,  was  met  on  landing  by 
the  women,  who  had  already  spied  the  relic  from  their  elevated  platform  on 
the  bank.  They  descended  to  meet  it  with  a stick  in  each  hand,  and  began  to 
play  on  the  unfortunate  head,  as  if  it  had  been  a tomtom.  After  this  perform- 
ance, each  in  turn  rushed  into  the  river,  as  if  to  cleanse  herself  from  the 
pollution.  Although  these  gentle  creatures  did  not  strike  with  any  violence, 
it  was  as  much  as  the  young  hero  could  do  to  prevent  his  trophy  from  being 
pommelled  into  a jelly.”  (Keppel  Meander  i.  171.) 

Exceptional!}’  curious  treatment  of  heads  is  mentioned  by  Madame 
Pfeiffer  : “ As  they  handled  the  heads  they  spat  in  their  faces,  and  the  boys 
banged  them  and  spat  on  the  ground.  On  this  occasion,  the  otherwise  quiet 
and  peaceful  faces  of  the  Dyaks,  became  strongly  expressive  of  savageness.” 
(p.  89.) 1B  As  a comment  on  this  Mr.  Crossland  tells  me  he  has  seen  women, 
when  a head  was  brought  in,  kiss  it,  bite  it,  and  put  food  in  its  mouth. 

the  fruits  of  the  religious  superstition  which  has  given  birth  to  so  many  other  monstrosities  of  the 
kind.  Thus,  for  example,  when  a Dyak  takes  a head  he  is  only  fulfilling  a vow  he  made  under  some 
difficult  or  important  circumstance ; and  consequently  the  unhappy  victim,  unexpectedly  attacked  in 
a forest,  or  during  an  excursion,  or  while  at  work  in  the  fields,  and  falling  under  the  blows  of  a 
fanatical  assassin,  is  offered  by  him  to  the  manes  of  some  recently  deceased  parent,  or  to  the  spirit  of 
the  superstition  to  which  he  attributes  the  re-establishment  of  his  health,  or  the  success  of  an 
enterprise,  or  of  a long  journey.  What  does  it  matter  to  the  murderer  that  he  attains  his  end  by  an 
act  of  bravery  and  an  open  attack,  or  by  treachery  and  foul  play  ? Equally  what  does  it  matter  to 
him  that  the  being  he  sacrifices  is  a young  man  or  an  old  man,  a middle-aged  woman  or  a young  girl, 
or  even  an  infant.  He  has  promised  his  divinities  one  or  more  heads,  he  owes  them  these,  and 
without  any  remorse  he  brings  them  in  triumph  to  his  village.  . . . The  head  is  placed  on  a mat 

in  the  middle  of  the  habitation,  and  the  biliatts,  as  well  as  the  majority  of  the  men  who  are  present  at 
the  ceremony,  dance  around  it  with  diabolical  contortions.  The  conqueror  receives  exaggerated 
praises  on  the  valour  he  has  displayed,  \vhich  do  not  fail  to  excite  to  the  highest  degree  the  jealousy 
of  others,  and  decides  them  only  too  easily  to  merit  as  soon  as  possible,  by  similar  means,  similar 
flattering  distinctions.”  (S.  Muller  ii.  364,  365,  366.) 

1B  " It  really  appears  the  Dayak  character  is  made  up  of  extremes.  As  we  see  them  at  their 
homes,  they  are  mild,  gentle,  and  given  to  hospitality,  but  when  they  exchange  their  domestic  habits 
for  those  of  the  warrior,  their  greatest  delight  seems  to  be  to  revel  in  human  blood,  and  their 
greatest  honor  to  ornament  their  dwellings  with  human  heads,  which  are  the  trophies  of  their 
inhuman  barbarity.  Shocking  as  it  may  appear  they  carry  about  with  them  tokens  of  the  number 
of  persons  they  have  killed.  This  they  effect  by  inserting  locks  of  human  hair  corresponding  to  the 
number  of  persons  decapitated,  in  the  sheath  of  their  war  knife,  which  is  always  attached  to  their 
persons,  when  from  home.  We  fell  in  with  a man  this  evening  just  returned  from  his  labor,  with  a 
basket  in  which  he  had  carried  out  the  necessaries  for  the  day,  and  to  which  was  fastened  a lock  of 
human  hair.  The  lock  was  ten  inches  or  a foot  long.  He  informed  us  that  it  was  a token  of  his 
having  cut  off  a head  during  the  past  year.”  (Doty,  p.  288-9.) 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N . Borneo. 


168 


On  Singe  mountain,  writes  Sir  Jas.  Brooke,  we  found  “five  heads  carefully 
watched,  about  half  a mile  from  the  town,  in  consequence  of  the  non-arrival 
of  some  of  the  war-party.  They  had  erected  a temporary  shed  close  to  the 
place  where  these  miserable  remnants  of  noisome  mortality  were  deposited  ; 
and  they  were  guarded  by  about  thirty  young  men  in  their  finest  dresses, 
composed  principally  of  scarlet  jackets  ornamented  with  shells,  turbans  of 
the  native  bark-cloth  dyed  bright  yellow,  and  spread  on  the  head,  and 
decked  with  an  occasional  feather,  flower,  or  twig  of  leaves.  Nothing  can 
exceed  their  partiality  for  these  trophies  ; and  in  retiring  from  the  ‘ war-path,’ 
the  man  who  has  been  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  a head  hangs  it  about  his 
neck,  and  instantly  commences  his  return  to  his  tribe.  If  he  sleep  on  the 
way,  the  precious  burden,  though  decaying  and  offensive,  is  not  loosened,  but 
rests  on  his  lap,  whilst  his  head  (and  nose  !)  reclines  on  his  knees.  The 
retreat  is  always  silently  made  until  close  to  home,  when  they  set  up  a wild 
yell,  which  announces  their  victory  and  the  possession  of  its  proofs.  It  must, 
therefore,  be  considered,  that  these  bloody  trophies  are  the  evidences  of 
victory — the  banner  of  the  European,  the  flesh-pot  of  the  Turk,  the  scalp  of 
the  North  American  Indian — and  that  they  are  torn  from  enemies,  for  taking 
heads  is  the  effect  and  not  the  cause  of  war.”  (Keppel  i.  300.)  “On 
the  following  morning  the  heads  were  brought  up  to  the  village,  attended 
by  a number  of  young  men  all  dressed  in  their  best,  and  were  carried 
to  Parembam’s  house  amid  the  beating  of  gongs  and  the  firing  of  one  or  two 
guns.  They  were  then  disposed  of  in  a conspicuous  place  in  the  public  hall 
at  Parembam.  The  music  sounded  and  the  men  danced  the  greater  part  of 
the  day ; and  towards  evening  carried  them  away  in  procession  through  all 
the  campongs,  except  three  or  four  just  about  me.  The  women,  in  these 
processions,  crowd  round  the  heads  as  they  proceed  from  house  to  house,  and 
put  slrih  and  betel-nut  in  the  mouths  of  the  ghastly  dead,  and  welcome  them  ! 
After  this  they  are  carried  back  in  the  same  triumph,  deposited  in  an  airy 
place,  and  left  to  dry.  During  this  process,  for  seven,  eight,  or  ten  days  they 
are  watched  by  the  boys  of  the  age  of  six  to  ten  years;  and  during  this  time 
they  never  stir  from  the  public  hall — they  are  not  permitted  to  put  their  foot 
out  of  it  whilst  engaged  in  this  sacred  trust.  Thus  are  the  youths  initiated. 
For  a long  time  after  the  heads  are  hung  up,  the  men  nightly  meet  and  beat 
their  gongs,  and  chant  addresses  to  them,  which  were  rendered  thus  to  me: 
‘ Your  head  is  in  our  dwelling,  but  your  spirit  wanders  to  your  own  country  ; 
your  head  and  your  spirit  are  now  ours;  persuade,  therefore,  your  country- 
men to  be  slain  by  us.’  ‘ Speak  to  the  spirits  of  your  tribe  : let  them  wander 
in  the  fields,  that  when  we  come  again  to  their  country,  we  may  get  more 
heads,  and  that  we  may  bring  the  heads  of  your  brethren,  and  hang  them  by 
your  head,’  &c.  The  tone  of  this  chant  is  loud  and  monotonous,  and  I am 
not  able  to  say  how  long  it  is  sung;  but  certainly  for  a month  after  the  arrival 
of  the  heads,  as  one  party  here  had  had  a head  for  that  time,  and  were  still 
exhorting  it.”  ( ibid  i.  303.) 

“ If  the  boat  in  which  the  fortunate  captor  sails  is  one  of  a large  fleet, 
no  demonstrations  of  success  are  made,  lest  the  head  should  excite  the 
cupidity  of  some  chief ; but  if  she  has  gone  out  alone,  or  accompanied  only 


Head-Hunting. 


169 


by  a few  others,  she  is  decorated  with  the  young  leaves  of  the  nipa  palm. 
These  leaves,  when  unopened,  are  of  a pale  straw  colour,  and,  when  cut, 
their  leaflets  are  separated  and  tied  in  bunches  on  numerous  poles,  which  are 
stuck  up  all  over  the  boat.  At  a little  distance,  they  present  the  appearance 
of  gigantic  heads  of  corn  projecting  above  the  awning  of  the  boat,  and 
amongst  them  numerous  gay-coloured  flags  and  streamers  wave  in  the  breeze. 
Thus  adorned,  the  boat  returns  in  triumph;  and  the  yells  of  her  crew,  and 
the  beating  of  their  gongs,  inform  each  friendly  house  they  pass  of  the 
successful  result  of  their  foray.  The  din  is  redoubled  as  they  approach  their 
own  house.  The  shouts  are  taken  up  and  repeated  on  shore.  The 
excitement  spreads  ; the  shrill  yells  of  the  women  mingle  with  the  hoarser 
cries  of  the  men,  the  gongs  in  the  house  respond  to  those  in  the  boat,  and  all 
hurry  to  the  wharf  to  greet  the  victors.  ...  It  has  been  said  by  former 
writers  that  it  is  stuck  upon  a pole,  and  its  mouth  filled  with  choice  morsels 
of  food,  but  I never  saw  this  done,  nor  did  any  Dyak  whom  I have  questioned 
know  anything  of  such  a custom.  As  to  the  opinion  that  they  endeavour  to 
propitiate  the  souls  of  the  slain,  and  get  them  to  persuade  their  relatives  to 
be  killed  also,  or  that  the  courage  of  the  slain  is  transferred  to  the  slayer — I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  these  are  ideas  devised  by  the  Malays,  for  the 
satisfaction  of  inquiring  whites,  who,  as  they  would  not  be  satisfied  till  they 
had  reasons  for  everything  they  saw,  got  them  specially  invented  for  their  own 
use.17  The  grand  event  of  the  day,  however,  is  the  erection  of  lofty  poles  each 
surmounted  by  a wooden  figure  of  the  burong  Penyala,  which  is  placed  there  ‘ to 
peck  at  their  foes.’  (See  supra  i.  255.)  The  figures  are  made  some  time  previous 
to  the  festival,  and  a day  or  two  before  it  are  carried  about  to  the  different 
houses  in  the  vicinity,  accompanied  by  gongs  and  flags,  to  levy  contributions 
for  the  benefit  of  the  feast.  The  poles  on  which  they  are  to  be  elevated  are 
young  trees,  some  of  them  about  forty-five  inches  in  circumference  at  the 
lower  end,  and  eighty  feet  in  length  ; posts  so  long  and  so  heavy,  that  it  may 
well  be  matter  of  surprise  how  men,  unaided  by  ropes  and  pulleys,  could  erect 
them.  The  method  employed,  however,  is  both  simple  and  effective  ; the 
posts  are  carried  up,  and  laid  on  the  platform  of  the  house,  and  two 
frameworks,  about  twenty  feet  high,  and  thirty  feet  long,  are  erected 
parallel  to,  and  within  a yard  of  each  other,  on  the  ground  at  the  end  of  the 
platform.  These  are  constructed  some  days  previously,  and  are  so  placed 
that  the  lower  end  of  the  post,  when  launched  off  the  platform,  may  pass 
between  them.  When  it  is  intended  to  erect  the  post,  the  burong  Penyala, 
together  with  a proper  amount  of  flags  and  streamers,  is  fixed  on  its  upper 
end  ; and  it  is  then  pushed  along  the  platform  till  its  lower  end,  projecting 
beyond  it,  and  passing  between  the  frameworks,  is  overbalanced  by  its  own 
weight,  and  falls  to  the  ground.  The  post  then  lies  at  an  angle  of  about 
twenty  degrees  to  the  horizon,  one  end  resting  on  the  ground,  while  its 
middle  is  supported  by  the  platform.  One  of  the  Dyaks  below  then  advances 
with  a fowl  in  one  hand,  and  a drawn  parang  in  the  other ; and  placing  the 
neck  of  the  bird  upon  the  end  of  the  post,  chops  its  head  off,  and  smears  the 

17  As  we  shall  see,  however,  there  is  ample  evidence  that  the  heads  are  propitiated— different 
tribes  having  different  customs  ; the  Rev.  Mr.  Horsburgh  only  knew  the  Balau  Dyaks. 


170  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

base  of  the  post  with  its  blood.  After  this  sacrificial  ceremony,  the  signal 
for  raising  it  is  given.  The  Dyaks  swarm  upon  the  two  frameworks  before 
mentioned,  and  putting  their  shoulders  under  the  post,  while  its  lower  end  is 
kept  fixed  upon  the  ground,  they  mount  up  by  degrees  to  the  top  of  the 
framework,  and  thus  gradually  elevate  it.  The  beak  of  the  Penyala  is  then 
pointed  in  the  direction  of  the  foe  whom  they  wish  it  to  peck  at ; and  the 
mast-like  pole,  securely  lashed  to  the  two  frameworks,  stands  at  once  a 
trophy  of  victory  and  a symbol  of  defiance.  Eight  or  ten  such  posts  are 
erected,  a fowl  being  sacrificed  on  each  ; and  about  half-way  up  the  largest, 
which  is  erected  first,  a basket  of  fruit,  cakes,  and  siri  is  suspended,  as  an 
offering  to  the  spirits.  Meanwhile,  those  who  remain  in  the  house  still 
continue  the  feast,  and  those  who  have  been  engaged  in  erecting  the  posts 
return  to  it  as  soon  as  their  labour  is  finished.  The  festivities  are  prolonged 
far  on  into  the  night,  and  they  are  resumed  and  continued,  though  with 
abated  vigour,  during  the  two  following  days.’’  (Horsburgh,  pp.  28-33.) 

The  Lundu  called  the  head  feast  Maugut.  “ In  one  house  there  was  a 
grand  fete,  in  which  the  women  danced  with  the  men.  . . . There  were 

four  men,  two  of  them  bearing  human  skulls,  and  two  the  fresh  heads  of  pigs  ; 
the  women  bore  wax-lights,  or  yellow  rice  on  brass  dishes.  They  danced  in 
line,  moving  backwards  and  forwards,  and  carrying  the  heads  and  dishes  in 
both  hands ; the  graceful  part  was  the  manner  in  which  they  half-turned  the 
body  to  the  right  and  left,  looking  over  their  shoulders  and  holding  the  heads 
in  the  opposite  direction,  as  if  they  were  in  momentary  expectation  of  someone 
coming  up  behind  to  snatch  the  nasty  relic  from  them.  At  times  the  women 
knelt  down  in  a group,  with  the  men  leaning  over  them.”  (Keppel  ii.  35,  and 
Mundy  i.  345.) 

A somewhat  different  account  is  given  by  Sir  Hugh  Low : “ The  feast 
held  on  the  reception  of  a head  is  a disgusting  ceremony  to  a European, 
though  the  Dyaks  view  it  only  with  sentiments  of  satisfaction  and  delight. 
The  fleet,  returning  from  a successful  cruise,  on  approaching  the  village, 
announce  to  its  inhabitants  their  fortunes  by  a horrid  yell,  which  is  soon 
imitated  and  prolonged  by  the  men,  women,  and  children,  who  have  stayed 
at  home.  The  head  is  brought  on  shore  with  much  ceremony,  wrapped  up  in 
the  curiously  folded  and  plaited  leaves  of  the  nipah  palm,  and  frequently 
emitting  the  disgusting  odour  peculiar  to  decaying  mortality ; this,  the 
Dyaks  have  frequently  told  me,  is  particularly  grateful  to  their  senses,  and 
surpasses  the  odorous  durian,  their  favourite  fruit.  On  shore  and  in  the 
village,  the  head,  for  months  after  its  arrival,  is  treated  with  the  greatest 
consideration,  and  all  the  names  and  terms  of  endearment  of  which  their 
language  is  capable  are  abundantly  lavished  on  it : the  most  dainty  morsels, 
culled  from  their  abundant  though  inelegant  repast,  are  thrust  into  its  mouth, 
and  it  is  instructed  to  hate  its  former  friends,  and  that,  having  been  now 
adopted  into  the  tribe  of  its  captors,  its  spirit  must  be  always  with  them:  sirih 
leaves  and  betel-nut  are  given  to  it,  and  finally  a cigar  is  frequently  placed 
between  its  ghastly  and  pallid  lips.  None  of  this  disgusting  mockery  is 
performed  with  the  intention  of  ridicule,  but  all  to  propitiate  the  spirit  by 
kindness,  and  to  procure  its  good  wishes  for  the  tribe,  of  whom  it  is  now 


War  Dance  of  the  Lundu  Dyaks. 

(From  the  plate  in  Admiral  the  Hon.  Sir  H.  Keppel's  “Voyage  of  the  Dido.' 


172  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

supposed  to  have  become  a member During  the  drinking  the 

dancing  generally  commences  ; this  is  performed  with  the  recently-acquired 
heads  suspended  from  the  persons  of  the  actors,  who  move  up  and  down  the 
verandah  with  a slow  step,  and  corresponding  movements  of  their  out- 
stretched arms,  uttering  occasionally  a yell,  which  rises  fierce  and  shrill  above 
the  discordant  noises  of  the  gongs,  chanangs,  and  tortewaks,  to  which  the 
dances  move.  Another  amusement  at  these  festivals  is  carried  on  by  two 
persons  standing  or  walking  with  a theatrical  air  and  peculiar  step,  and  with 
canes  in  their  hands,  reciting  to  each  other  in  a rude  extempore  verse,  the 
heroic  deeds  of  their  fathers  and  their  ancestors,  to  which,  if  they  live  under  a 
Malayan  government,  and  the  prince  has  any  share  in  their  affections,  they 
add  his  memorable  achievements  and  exploits.  I heard  them  once,  in  this 
interesting  manner,  recount  the  whole  of  the  events  of  the  Seniawan  war,  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Brooke,  &c.”  (Low,  pp.  206-208.) 

An  account  of  a Banting  Dyak  Head  Reception  is  given  by  Mrs. 
Chambers:  “ Janting,  the  chief  man  of  the  house,  and  six  others  united  to 
give  the  feast  to  the  heads  of  their  enemies  obtained  in  the  late  insurrection. 
Some  days  before  the  men  of  the  house  were  busy  seeking  for  poles  of 
sufficient  length,  called  tras,  to  be  raised  as  trophies.  The  second  morning  of 
the  feast,  when  found,  they  were  placed  on  the  tango  or  uncovered  verandah. 

On  the  tango  opposite  each  door  of  the  donors  of  the  feast,  a pig  was 
laid  bound  to  the  lanta  ; the  old  manang  marked  each  with  yellow,  and  then 
he  and  some  old  woman  stepped  backwards  and  forwards  over  the  pig,  the 
first  seven  times,  the  second  six,  and  so  on  ; piggy  was  then  fed  with  cakes 
and  rice,  which  he  greedily  devoured,  all-unconscious  that  his  life  was  to  be 
sacrificed  the  next  morning  at  the  elevation  of  the  tras  ; a procession  was 
then  formed,  headed  by  the  Orang  Kaya,  each  man  first  dipped  his  feet  in 
water,  then  took  a sword  in  his  right  hand,  a bunch  of  leaves  in  his  left,  and 
walked  up  and  down  the  tango,  giving  the  pigs  a kick  every  time  they  passed  ; 
one  or  two  indulged  in  a Dyak  yell,  and  hit  them  rather  hard,  which  the  pigs 
resented  by  struggling  and  grunting  very  energetically.  A long  procession  of 
women,  each  carrying  a small  basin  of  rice,  which  she  scattered  to  the  right 
and  left  as  she  passed,  headed  by  the  old  manang  and  a drummer,  walked 
three  times  up  and  down  the  house.  We  received  our  share  of  rice.  One  of 
the  women  who  came  to  see  me  a few  days  after,  said  she  was  so  ‘ shy,’  she 
did  not  look  about,  and  did  not  know  we  were  there.  The  next  morning  the 
tras  were  raised,  and  the  pigs  killed,  which  was  notified  by  the  firing  of  a gun. 
The  women  who  do  not  belong  to  the  house  go  home  before  sunset,  but  the 
men  remain,  and  generally  drink  arrack  till  their  senses  are  quite  gone.  . . . 
For  weeks  after,  the  women  went  from  house  to  house  in  procession,  carrying 
a head  with  them,  singing  or  rather  chanting  in  a loud  monotonous  tone,  and 
demanding  a plate  at  the  door  of  every  house  they  visited.”  (Gosp.  Miss., 
1858,  pp.  65-73.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  says  of  the  Land  Dyak  head  feast  : “ The  head  feast  is 
the  great  day  of  the  young  bachelors.  The  head-house  and  village  are 
decorated  with  green  boughs,  and  the  heads  to  be  feasted  are  brought  out 
from  their  very  airy  position,  being  hung  from  one  of  the  beams.  ...  An 


Head-Hunting. 


173 


offering  of  food  is  made  to  the  heads,  and  their  spirits,  being  thus  appeased, 
cease  to  entertain  malice  against,  or  to  seek  to  inflict  injury  upon,  those  who 
have  got  possession  of  the  skull  which  formerly  adorned  the  now  forsaken 
body.  A curious  custom  prevails  among  the  young  men  at  this  feast.  They 
cut  a cocoa-nut  shell  into  the  form  of  a cup,  and  adorn  it  with  red  and  black 
dye.  Into  one  side  of  it  they  fasten  a rudely  carved  likeness  of  a bird’s  head, 
and  into  the  other  the  representation  of  its  tail.  The  cup  is  filled  with 
arrack,  and  the  possessor  performs  a short  wild  dance  with  it  in  his  hands, 
and  then  with  a yell  leaps  before  some  chosen  companion,  and  presents  it  to 
him  to  drink.  Thus  the  ‘ loving  cup  ’ is  passed  around  among  them,  and  it 
need  not  be  said  that  the  result  is  in  many  cases  partial,  though  seldom 
excessive,  intoxication.”  (i.  186.) 

“The  most  important  of  all  Murut  ceremonies  is  the  feasting  of  a new 
head,  this  takes  place  at  the  first  new  moon  after  the  head  has  been  obtained 
and  the  preparations  cause  considerable  excitement  in  the  house ; everything 
else  is  left  to  take  care  of  itself;  the  farm  is  neglected  and  nothing  is  done 
except  to  prepare  for  the  feast.  The  first  thing  is  to  erect  three  poles  placed 
in  a triangle  some  twenty  feet  apart  varying  from  thirty  to  fifty  feet  in  height, 
bamboos  are  tied  to  the  tops  of  these  poles  and  droop  down  some  ten  or 
twelve  feet  ; these  are  decorated  with  tassels  made  of  some  grass  or  rush  but 
resemble  fine  shavings,  being  curled  ; at  the  end  of  one  of  the  bamboos  is  a 
dried  gourd  with  a red  flag  tied  above  it,  the  gourd  representing  the  head. 
Bunches  of  tassels  are  hung  all  along  the  eaves  of  the  house  and  all  the  old 
skulls  are  brought  out  and  one  put  over  each  door;  this  has  a most  gruesome 
appearance.  In  the  centre  of  the  triangle  formed  by  the  three  poles  a mound 
of  earth  is  raised  and  fashioned  in  the  form  of  an  alligator,  the  dimensions  of 
which  are  about  six  feet  in  width  in  the  middle,  and  from  thirty  to  forty  feet 
long,  some  three  feet  deep.  On  the  day  when  the  feast  takes  place  all  the 
inmates  of  the  house  and  the  guests,  of  whom  there  are  not  a few,  they 
having  been  called  from  every  place  far  and  near,  walk  round  and  round  the 
poles  in  two  processions,  the  men  headed  by  the  hero  of  the  day  in  one,  the 
women  headed  by  his  wife  if  he  has  one  in  another  ; whilst  walking  round 
they  shout — the  women  and  men  alternately  ‘ Ko  Kuay,’  ‘ Ho  Ta,’  varying 
the  note  occasionally  and  the  women  come  in  at  intervals  with  other  words. 
During  this  performance  there  are  intervals  for  refreshments  when  they  all  go 
into  the  house  and  gorge  themselves  with  pork,  buffalo,  etc.,  copiously  washed 
down  by  arrack  ; in  the  afternoon  the  processions  cease  and  the  time  is 
devoted  to  drinking  bowl  after  bowl  of  arrack  so  that  by  evening  there  is  not 
a man,  woman,  or  child  that  is  sober.  (I  may  as  well  state  here  that  I have 
seen  children  of  four  years  old  drinking  raw  gin.)  The  women  when  not 
occupied  in  drinking  dance  up  and  down  the  house  stamping  on  the  floor  to 
the  time  of  ‘ Ho  Ta  Ho  Ta  ’ shouted  in  quick  succession  ; this  combined  with 
perhaps  over  two  hundred  people  all  shouting,  yelling  and  talking,  the  firing 
of  guns,  and  the  squealing  of  pigs  being  sacrificed  for  the  collation,  produces 
a din  more  easily  imagined  than  described.  The  guests  leaving  the  party  in 
the  evening,  or  rather  such  as  are  at  all  capable  of  doing  so,  is  perhaps  the 
only  amusing  incident,  as  many  tumble  into  their  boats  or  out  of  them  into 


174 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

the  mud,  make  off  with  some  one  else’s  boat  and  career  wildly  about  the 
river  singing  snatches  of  Murut  songs,  or  ‘ Ko  Kuay,’  and  finally  in  many  cases 
landing  somewhere,  fall  into  the  scrub,  and  pass  the  night  there.  Sometimes 
instead  of  an  alligator  between  the  poles  a huge  snake  is  made  in  concentric 
circles  with  the  head  in  wood  in  the  centre  raised  about  four  feet  above  the 
body  ; the  head  is  ornamented  in  colors.”  (O.  F.  Ricketts,  S.G.,  No.  348, 
p.  18.) 

MENGAP,  THE  SONG  OF  THE  SEA  DYAK  HEAD  FEAST.18 

Bv  the  Venerable  Archdeacon  J.  Perham. 

The  principal  ceremonial  feasts  of  Sea  Dyaks  are  connected  with  three 
subjects : farming,  head-taking,  and  the  dead  ; and  are  called  by  them 
respectively,  Gawe  Batu  or  Gawe  Benih,  Gawe  Pala  or  Burong,  and  Gawe 
Antu  ; the  Stone  or  Seed  feast,  the  Head  or  Bird  feast,  and  the  Spirit  feast. 
The  first  mentioned  are  two  distinct  feasts,  and  not  two  names  of  one ; but 
both  refer  to  the  farm.  It  is  with  the  Gawe  Pala  or  Burong  that  this  paper  is 
concerned. 

When  a house  has  obtained  a human  head,  a grand  feast  must  be  made 
sooner  or  later  to  celebrate  the  acquisition  ; and  this  is  by  no  means  a mere 
matter  of  eating  and  drinking,  although  there  is  an  excess  of  the  latter,  but  is  a 
matter  of  much  ceremony,  of  offerings  and  of  song.  The  song  which  is  then 
recited  is  well-known  to  differ  considerably  in  form  from  the  ordinary  language, 
and  the  European  who  may  be  able  to  understand  and  to  speak  colloquial 
Dyak  may  yet  find  the  “Mengap”  (as  it  is  called  in  Saribus  dialect)  mostly 
unintelligible.  But  I believe  the  difference  is  only  that  between  a poetical  and 
prose  language.  Certain  requirements  of  alliteration  and  of  rhythm  and 
rhyme  have  to  be  fulfilled,  which,  together  with  native  metaphor  and  most 
excessive  verbosity,  are  quite  sufficient  to  mystify  an  uninstructed  hearer. 
Another  reason  for  the  difference  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  language  of 
the  Mengap  remains  stationary,  whilst  the  ordinary  spoken  language  is 
continually  changing  and  developing  new  forms.  But  the  object  of  this 
paper  is  not  to  discourse  about  Dyak  poetical  language,  1 only  attempt  to 
give  a sketch  of  the  Mengap  of  the  Head-feast,  so  that  the  reader  may  have 
some  idea  of  the  meaning  of  what  has  perhaps  sounded  to  some  a mere 
senseless  rigmarole. 

In  Dyak  life  the  sense  of  the  invisible  is  constantly  present  and  active. 
Spirits  and  goblins  are  to  them  as  real  as  themselves.  And  this  is  specially 
true  of  these  ceremonial  feasts.  In  the  feasts  for  the  dead  the  spirits  of  Hades 
are  invoked  ; in  those  connected  with  farming  Pulang  Gana,  who  is  supposed 
to  reside  somewhere  under  the  ground,  is  called  upon  ; and  in  the  Head-feast 
it  is  Singalang  Burong  who  is  invoked  to  be  present.  He  may  be  described  as 
the  Mars  of  Sea  Dyak  mythology,  and  is  put  far  away  above  the  skies.  But 
the  invocation  is  not  made  by  the  human  performer  in  the  manner  of  a prayer 
direct  to  this  great  being;  it  takes  the  form  of  a story,  setting  forth  how  the 
mythical  hero,  Kling  or  Klieng,  made  a Head-feast  and  fetched  Singalang 


18  Jour.  Straits  Asiat.  Soc.,  No.  2,  1878. 


Perham’s  Song  of  the  Head  Feast. 


17  5 


Burong  to  it.  This  Kling,  about  whom  there  are  many  fables,  is  a spirit,  and 
is  supposed  to  live  somewhere  or  other  not  far  from  mankind,  and  to  be  able 
to  confer  benefits  upon  them.  The  Dyak  performer  or  performers  then,  as 
they  walk  up  and  down  the  long  verandah  of  the  house  singing  the  Mengap, 
in  reality  describe  Kling’s  Gawe  Pala,  and  how  Singalang  Burong,  was  invited 
and  came.  In  thought  the  Dyaks  identify  themselves  with  Kling,  and  the 
resultant  signification  is  that  the  recitation  of  this  story  is  an  invocation  to 
Singalang  Burong,  who  is  supposed  to  come  not  to  Kling’s  house  only,  but  to 
the  actual  Dyak  house  where  the  feast  is  celebrated  ; and  he  is  received  by  a 
particular  ceremony,  and  is  offered  food  or  sacrifice. 

The  performer  begins  by  describing  how  the  people  in  Kling’s  house 
contemplate  the  heavens  in  their  various  characters  : — 

“ They  see  to  the  end  of  heaven  like  a well-joined  box.” 

“ They  see  the  speckled  evening  clouds  like  a menaga  jar  in  fulness  of 
beauty.” 

“ The}7  see  the  sun  already  descending  to  the  twinkling  expanse  of  ocean.” 
They  see  “ the  threatening  clouds  like  an  expanse  of  black  cloth  ; ’’  “ the 
brightly  shining  moon;”  “the  stars  and  milky  way;”  and  then  the  house 
with  its  inmates,  the  “crowned  young  men;”  and  “hiding  women”  in  high 
glee,  and  grave  old  men  sitting  on  the  verandah — all  preparing  for  high 
festival.  The  women  are  described  decorating  the  house  with  native  cloths  ; 
one  is  compared  to  a dove,  another  to  an  argus  pheasant,  another  to  a minah 
bird — all  laughing  with  pleasure.  All  the  ancient  Dyak  chiefs  and  Malay 
chiefs  are  called  upon  in  the  song  to  attend,  and  even  the  spirits  in  Hades; 
and  last  of  all  Singalang  Burong.  To  him  henceforward  the  song  is  almost 
entirely  confined. 

We  must  suppose  the  scene  to  be  laid  in  Kling’s  house.  Kumang,  Kling’s 
wife,  the  ideal  of  Dyak  feminine  beauty,  comes  out  of  the  room  and  sits  down 
on  the  verandah  beside  her  husband,  and  complains  that  the  festival  prepara- 
tions make  slow  progress.  She  declares  she  has  no  comfort  either  in  standing, 
sitting,  or  lying  down  on  account  of  this  slackness;  and  by  way  of  rousing  her 
spouse  to  activity,  says  the  festival  preparations  had  better  be  put  a stop  to 
altogether.  But  Kling  will  never  have  it  said  that  he  began  but  could  not 
finish. 

Indah  keba  aku  nunggu, 

Nda  kala  aku  pulai  lebu, 

Makau  benong  tajau  bujang. 

Indah  keba  aku  ngaiyau, 

Nda  kala  aku  pulai  sabau, 

Makau  slabit  ladong  penyariang. 

Indah  keba  aku  meti, 

Nda  kaia  aku  nda  mai, 

Bulih  kalimpai  babi  blang. 

Indah  keba  aku  manjok, 

Nda  kala  aku  pulai  luchok, 

Bulih  sa-langgai  ruai  lalang. 


176 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Kite  bisi  tegar  nda  besampiar  untak  tulang, 

Kite  bisi  laju  ari  peluru  leka  bangkong, 

Kite  bisi  lasit  ari  sumpit  betibong  punggang, 

Sampure  nya  kite  asoh  betuboh  ngambi  ngabang. 


“ When  I have  gone  to  fine  people, 

“ Never  did  I return  empty  handed 
“ Bringing  jars  with  me. 

“ When  I have  gone  on  the  war-path 
“ Never  did  I return  unsuccessful 
“ Bringing  a basketful  of  heads. 

“ When  I have  gone  to  lay  pig-traps, 

“ Never  did  I return  without 
“ Obtaining  a boar’s  tusk. 

“ When  I have  set  bird  snares, 

“ Never  did  I return  unfruitful, 

“ Getting  an  argus  pheasant. 

“ We  have  a strong  one,  the  marrow  of  whose  bones  never  wastes. 

“ We  have  one  swifter  than  a bullet  of  molten  lead. 

“ We  have  one  more  piercing  than  the  sumpitan  with  ringed  endings. 

“ Sampure  we  will  order  to  gather  companions  and  fetch  the  guests  to  the  feast.” 

So  Sampure  is  ordered  to  fetch  Singalang  Burong  who  lives  on  the  top  of 
a hill  called  “ Sandong  Tenyalang.”  But  Sampure  begs  to  be  excused  on 
account  of  illness  ; upon  which  Kasitlai  (the  moth)  and  Laiang  (the  swallow) 
offer  themselves  for  the  work,  with  much  boasting  of  their  activity  and 
swiftness.  With  one  bound  they  can  clear  the  space  between  the  earth  and 
the  “ clouds  crossing  the  skies.”  So  they  speed  on  their  way.  Midway  to  the 
skies  they  come  to  the  house  of  “ Ini  Manang,”  (Grandmother  Doctor)  who 
asks  the  meaning  of  their  hurried  arrival  covered  with  dirt  and  perspiration. 
“ Who  is  sick  of  the  fever  ? Who  is  at  the  point  of  death  ? I have  no  time  to 
go  down  to  doctor  them.” 

Agi  lelak  aku  uchu 

Baru  pulai  ari  tuchong  langgong  Sanyandang 

Di-injau  Umang 

Betebang  batang  pisang  raia. 

“ I am  still  weary,  O grandchild, 

“ Am  just  come  back  from  plain-topped  Sanyandang  ; 

“ Having  been  borrowed  by  Umang 
“ To  cut  down  the  grand  plantain  tree.”19 

They  answer  that  they  are  not  come  to  ask  her  to  exercise  her  medical 
skill,  but  simply  to  inquire  how  far  it  is  to  the  country  of  Salulut  Antu  Ribut 
(the  spirit  of  the  winds).  Ini  Manang,  joking,  gives  them  this  mystifying 
direction.  “ If  you  start  early  in  the  dark  morning  you  will  be  a night  on  the 
way.  If  you  start  this  evening  you  will  get  there  at  once.”  Whether  this 


19  This  refers  to  a particular  performance  of  the  Djak  Manangs,  i e.  Medicine  men  [J  P-] 


Perham’s  Song  of  the  Head  Feast.  177 

reply  helped  them  or  not  they  get  to  their  destination  at  last ; and  the  Wind 
Spirit  accosts  them. 

Nama  siduai  agi  bepetang,  agi  malam  ? 

Bangat  bepagi  belam-lam  ? 

Dini  bala  bisi  ngunja  menoa  ? 

Dini  antu  ti  begugu  nda  jena  baka  ? 

“ Why  come  you  while  it  is  still  dark,  still  night  ? 

“ So  very  early  in  the  dawn  of  morning  ? 

“ Where  is  there  a hostile  army  invading  the  country  ? 

“ Where  are  there  thundering  spirits  in  countless  numbers  ? ” 

They  assure  her  they  bring  no  evil  tidings  ; and  they  tell  her  they  have 
been  sent  to  fetch  Singalang  Burong,  and  desire  her  assistance  in  the  matter. 
Here  I may  give  a specimen  of  the  verbosity  of  these  recitations.  Kasulai 
and  Laiang  wish  to  borrow  Antu  Ribut  to, 

Nyingkau  Lang  Tabunau 
Ka  Turau  baroh  remang. 

Nempalong  Singalong  Burong 
Di  tuchong  Sandong  Tenyalang. 

Nyeru  aki  Menaul  Jugu 
Ka  munggu  Nempurong  Balang 
Nanya  ka  Aki  Lang  Rimba 
Ka  Lembaba  langit  Lemengang, 

Mesan  ka  aki  Lang  Buban 
Di  dan  Kara  Kijang. 

“ Reach  up  to  Lang  Tabunau 
“ At  Turau  below  the  clouds. 

“ Strike  out  to  Singalang  Burong. 

“ On  the  top  of  Sandong  Tenyalang, 

“ Call  to  grandfather  Menaul  Jugu 
“ On  Nempurong  Balang  hill. 

“ Ask  for  grandfather  Lang  Rimba 
“ At  Lembaba  in  the  mysterious  heavens. 

“ Send  for  grandfather  Lang  Buban 
“ On  the  branch  of  the  Kara  Lijang.” 

These  five  beings  described  as  living  at  five  different  places  all  refer  to 
Singalang  Burong,  who  is  thus  called  by  many  names  in  order  to  magnify  his 
greatness,  to  lengthen  the  story  and  fill  up  time.  This  is  a general  feature  of 
all  “ Mengap.”  But  to  go  on  with  the  story  : Kasulai  and  Laiang  desire 
Antu  Ribut  to  take  the  message  on  because  they  would  not  be  able  to  get 
through  “ pintu  langit  ” (the  door  of  heaven),  whereas  she,  being  wind,  would 
have  no  difficulty.  She  could  get  through  the  smallest  of  cracks.  At  first  she 
objects  on  the  plea  of  being  busy.  “ She  is  busy  blowing  through  the  steep 
valleys  cut  out  like  boats,  blowing  the  leaves  and  scattering  the  dust,” 
However  at  length  they  prevail  upon  her,  they  return  and  she  goes  forward  : 
but  first  she  goes  up  a high  tree  where  she  changes  her  form,  drops  her 
personality  as  a spirit,  and  becomes  natural  wind.  Upon  this  everywhere 
N Vol.  2. 


178  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


throughout  the  jungle  there  arises  the  sound  of  mighty  rushing  wind  “like 
the  thunder  of  a moon-mad  waterfall.”  Everywhere  is  the  sound  of  driving 
wind  and  of  falling  leaves.  She  blows  in  all  quarters. 

Muput  ka  langit  ngilah  bulan 
Muput  ka  ili  ngilah  Santan. 

Muput  ka  dalam  ai  ngilah  karangan, 

Muput  ka  tanah  ngilah  sabaian, 

Muput  ka  langit  ntilang  remang, 

Nyelipak  remang  rarat, 

Baka  singkap  krang  kapaiyang, 

Nyelepak  pintu  remang  burak, 

Baka  pantak  peti  bejuang, 

Menselit  pintu  langit, 

Baka  tambit  peti  tetukang. 

Nelian  lobang  ujan 
Teman  gren  laja  pematang. 

Mampul  lobang  guntor 
Ti  mupur  inggar  betinggang. 

Nyelapat  lobang  kilat 
Jam  pat  nyelambai  petang. 

The  above  describes  how  Antu  Ribut  blew  everywhere, 

“ She  blows  to  heavenwards  beyond  the  moon. 

“ She  blows  to  seaward  beyond  the  Cocoanut  isle. 

“ She  blows  in  the  waters  beyond  the  pebbly  bottom. 

“ She  blows  to  earthward  beyond  Hades. 

“ She  blows  to  the  skies  below  the  clouds. 

“ She  creeps  between  the  drifting  clouds, 

“ Which  are  like  pieces  of  sliced  kapaiyang.20 
“ She  pushes  through  the  door  of  the  white  flocked  clouds, 

“ Marked  as  with  nails  of  a cross-beamed  box. 

“ She  edges  her  passage  through  the  door  of  heaven, 

“ Closed  up  like  a box  with  opening  cover. 

“ She  slips  through  the  rain  holes, 

“ No  bigger  than  the  size  of  a sumpitan  arrow. 

“ She  enters  the  openings  of  the  thunders, 

“ With  roarings  loud  rushing  one  upon  another. 

“ She  shoots  through  the  way  of  the  lightning 
“ Which  swiftly  darts  at  night.” 

And  moreover  she  blows  upon  all  the  fruit  trees  in  succession  making 
them  bear  unwonted  fruit.  And  so  with  sounds  of  thunder  and  tempest  she 
speeds  on  her  errand  to  the  farthest  heaven. 

Now  amongst  Singalang  Burong's  slaves  is  a certain  Bujang  Pedang 
(Young  Sword)  who  happens  to  be  clearing  and  weeding  the  “ sebang ” 
bushes  as  Antu  Ribut  passes,  and  he  is  utterly  astounded  at  the  noise.  He 
looks  heavenward  and  earthward  and  seaward  but  can  see  nothing  to  account 
for  it.  On  comes  the  tempest : he  is  confounded,  loses  heart  and  runs  away, 
eaving  half  his  things  behind  him.  He  falls  against  the  stumps  and  the 

20  A kind  of  fruit.  [J.P.] 


Perham’s  Song  of  the  Head  Feast. 


179 


buttresses  of  the  trees  and  against  the  logs  in  the  way,  and  comes  tumbling, 
trembling,  and  bruised  to  the  house  of  his  mistress, 

Sudan  Berinjan  Bungkong 
Dara  Tiong  Menyelong, 

which  is  the  poetical  name  of  Singalang  Burong’s  wife.  He  falls  down 
exhausted  on  the  verandah  and  faints  away.  His  mistress  laments  over  her 
faithful  slave;  but  after  a time  he  revives,  and  they  ask  him  what  frightened 
him  so  dreadfully,  suggesting  it  may  have  been  the  rush  of  the  flood  tide,  or 
the  waves  of  the  sea.  No,  he  says,  he  has  fought  with  enemies  at  sea,  and 
striven  with  waves,  but  never  heard  anything  so  awesome  before.  Singalang 
Burong  himself  now  appears  on  the  scene,  and  being  at  a loss  to  account  for 
the  fright  simply  calls  Bujang  Pedang  a liar,  and  a prating  coward.  Whilst 
they  are  engaged  in  discussion  Antu  Ribut  arrives,  and  striking  violently 
against  the  house  shakes  it  to  its  foundations.  Bujang  Pedang  recognizes 
the  sound  and  tells  them  it  was  that  he  heard  under  the  “ sebang  ” bushes. 
The  trees  of  the  jungle  bend  to  the  tempest,  cocoanut  and  sago  trees  are 
broken  in  two,  pinang  trees  fall,  and  various  fruit  trees  die  by  the  stroke  of 
the  wind  ; but  it  makes  other  fruit  trees  suddenly  put  forth  abundant  fruit. 

Muput  Antu  Ribut  unggai  badu  badu. 

Mangka  ka  buah  unggai  leju  leju. 

“ The  Wind  Spirit  blows  and  will  not  cease,  cease, 

“ Strikes  against  the  fruit  trees  and  will  not  weary,  weary.” 

■Everybody  becomes  suddenly  cold  and  great  consternation  prevails. 
Singalang  Burong  himself  is  roused,  and  demands  in  loud  angry  tones  who 
has  broken  any  “ pemali''  (taboo),  and  so  brought  a plague  of  wind  and  rain 
upon  the  country.  He  declares  he  will  sell  them,  or  fight  them,  or  punish 
them  whoever  they  may  be.  He  then  resorts  to  certain  charms  to  charm 
away  the  evil,  such  as  burning  some  tuba  root  and  other  things.  In  the 
meantime  Antu  Ribut  herself  goes  up  to  the  house,  but  at  the  top  of  the 
ladder  she  stops  short.  She  is  afraid  of  Singalang  Burong  whom  she  sees  in 
full  war-costume,  with  arms  complete  and  his  war-charms  tied  round  his 
waist  ; and  going  down  the  ladder  again  she  goes  round  to  the  back  of  the 
house,  and  slips  through  the  window  in  the  roof  into  the  room  where 
Singalang  Burong’s  wife  sits  at  her  weaving.  Suddenly  all  her  weaving 
materials  are  seen  flying  in  all  directions,  she  herself  is  frightened  and  takes 
refuge  behind  a post  ; but  when  she  has  recovered  her  presence  of  mind  and 
collected  her  scattered  articles,  it  dawns  upon  her  (how  does  not  appear)  that 
this  Wind  is  a messenger  from  the  lower  world,  bringing  an  announcement 
that  “men  are  killing  the  white  spotted  pig.”  Now  she  entertains  Antu 
Ribut  in  the  style  of  a great  chief,  and  calls  to  her  husband  ; but  he  heeds 
not, 

Nda  nyaut  sa-leka  mukut, 

Nda  nimbas  sa-leka  bras. 

“ Does  not  answer  a grain  of  bran, 

“ Does  not  reply  a grain  of  rice,” 


i8o  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

(that  is  to  the  extent  of  a grain,  &c.)  The  lady  is  displeased  and  declares  she 
would  rather  be  divorced  from  him  than  be  treated  in  that  way.  This  brings 
Singalang  Burong  into  the  room  which  is  described  as 

Bilik  baik  baka  tasik  ledong  lelinang. 

“ A room  rich  like  the  wide  expanse  of  glistening  sea.” 

It  appears  that  Antu  Ribut  does  not  speak  and  tell  the  purport  of  her 
message,  for  they  still  have  to  find  it  out  for  themselves,  which  they  do  by 
taking  a “ tropoug,” 21  (telescope)  to  see  what  is  going  on  in  the  lower  regions. 
They  see  the  festival  preparations  there,  the  drums  and  gongs,  and  thus  they 
understand  that  they  are  invited  to  the  feast. 

Before  Singalang  Burong  can  start  he  must  call  from  the  jungle  his 
sons-in-law,  who  are  the  sacred  birds  which  the  Dyaks  use  as  omens.  These 
are  considered  both  as  spirits  and  as  actual  birds,  for  they  speak  like  men  and 
fly  like  birds.  Here  will  be  observed  the  reason  why  the  festival  is  called 
Gawe  Burong  (Bird  feast).  Singalang  Burong  the  war-spirit  is  also  the  chief 
of  the  omen  birds.  The  hawk  with  brown  body  and  white  head  and  breast, 
very  common  in  this  country,  is  supposed  to  be  a kind  of  outward 
personification  of  him,  and  probably  the  king  of  birds  in  Dyak  estimation. 
The  story  of  the  feast  centres  in  him  and  the  inferior  birds  who  all  come  to 
it ; hence  the  title  Gawe  Burong.  To  call  these  feathered  sons-in-law  of 
Singalang  Burong  together  the  big  old  gong  of  the  ancients  is  beaten,  at  the 
sound  of  which  all  the  birds  immediately  repair  to  the  house  of  their  father- 
in-law,  where  they  are  told  that  Antu  Ribut  has  brought  an  invitation  to  a 
feast  in  the  lower  world.  So  they  all  get  ready  and  are  about  to  start,  when 
it  comes  out  that  Dara  Inchin  Temaga,  one  of  Singalang  Burong’s  daughters 
and  the  wife  of  the  bird  Katupong,  refuses  to  go  with  them.  On  being 
questioned  why  she  refuses,  she  declares  that  unless  she  obtains  a certain 
precious  ornament  she  will  remain  at  home.  She  is  afraid  that  at  the  feast 
she  will  appear  less  splendidly  attired  than  the  ladies  Kumang,  and  Lulong, 
and  Indai  Abang. 

Aku  unggai  alah  bandong  laban  Lulong  siduai  Kumang. 

Aku  unggai  alah  telah  laban  Kalinah  ti  disebut  Indai  Abang. 

“ I wont  be  beaten  compared  with  Lulong  and  Kumang. 

“ I wont  be  less  spoken  of  than  Kalinah  who  is  called  Indai  Abang.” 

This  precious  ornament  is  variously  described  as  a “lump  of  gold,”  a 
“ lump  of  silver,”  and  compared  in  the  way  of  praise  to  various  jungle  fruits. 
A great  consultation  is  held  and  inquiries  made  as  to  where  this  may  be  found. 
The  old  men  are  asked  and  they  know  not.  The  King  of  the  Sea  gives  a like 
answer,  neither  do  the  birds  above  mentioned  know  where  it  is  to  be  obtained. 
At  length  the  grandfather  of  the  bird  Katupong  recollects  that  he  has  seen  it 
“afar  off”  in  Nising’s  house.  Nising  is  the  grandfather  of  the  Burong 
Malam22  (night  bird).  All  the  sons-in-law  set  out  at  once  for  Nising’s  house. 

21  This  must  be  a later  addition  to  the  story.  [J.P.] 

22  This  is  not  a bird  at  all,  but  an  insect  which  is  often  heard  at  night,  and  being  used  as  an 
omen  comes  under  the  designation  "Burong,”  as  do  also  the  deer  and  other  creatures  besides 
birds.  [J.P.] 


Perham’s  Song  of  the  Head  Feast. 


i8j 


Arriving  there  they  approach  warily  and  listen  clandestinely  to  what  is  going 
on  inside;  and  they  hear  Nising's  wife  trying  to  sing  a child  to  sleep.  She 
carries  it  up  and  down  the  house,  points  out  the  fowls  and  pigs,  &c.,  yet  the 
child  refuses  to  stop  crying  much  to  the  mother’s  anger.  “ How  can  I but 
cry,”  the  child  says.  “ I have  had  a bad  dream,  wherein  I thought  I was 
bitten  by  a snake,  which  struck  me  in  the  side,  and  I was  cut  through  below 
the  heart.”  “ If  so,”  answers  the  mother,  “ it  signifies  your  life  will  not  be  a 
long  one.” 

“ Soon  will  your  neck  be  stuck  in  the  mud  bank. 

“ Soon  will  your  head  be  inclosed  in  rotan-sega. 

“ Soon  will  your  mouth  eat  the  cotton  threads." 

“ For  this  shadows  forth  that  you  are  to  be  the  spouse  of  Beragai’s  24 
spear”;  and  much  more  in  the  same  strain,  but  I will  return  to  this  again. 
After  hearing  this  singing  they  go  up  into  the  house  and  make  their  request. 
Nising  refuses  to  give  them  any  of  the  ornaments,  upon  which  they  resort  to 
stratagem.  They  get  him  to  drink  u tuak"  until  he  becomes  insensible,  when 
they  snatch  this  precious  jewel  from  his  turban.  Soon  after  Nising  recovers, 
and  finding  out  what  has  been  done,  he  blusters  and  strikes  about  wishing  to 
kill  right  and  left  ; but  at  length  they  pacify  him,  telling  him  the  precious 
ornament  is  wanted  to  take  to  a Gawe  in  the  lower  world,  upon  which  he 
assents  to  their  taking  it  away,  saying  that  he  has  many  more  where  that 
came  from.  They  start  off  homewards  and  come  to  their  waiting  father-in-law, 
and  deliver  the  “ precious  jewel  ” into  the  hands  of  his  daughter,  Dara  Inchin 
Temaga. 

Now  this  ornament,  on  account  of  which  so  much  trouble  and  delay  is 
undergone,  is  nothing  else  than  a human  head,  either  a mass  of  putrifying  flesh, 
or  a blackened  charred  skull.  The  high  price  and  value  of  this  ghastly  trophy 
in  Dyak  estimation  is  marked  by  the  many  epithets  which  describe  it,  the 
trouble  of  obtaining  it,  and  the  being  for  whom  it  was  sought,  no  less  a person 
than  the  daughter  of  the  great  Singalang  Burong.  It  shows  how  a Dyak 
woman  of  quality  esteems  the  possession  of  it.  This  is  that  which  shall  make 
Dara  Inchin  more  spendidly  attired  than  her  compeers  Lulong  and  Kumang, 
themselves  the  ideal  of  Dyak  feminine  beauty.  And,  moreover,  the  story  is  a 
distinct  assertion  of  that  which  has  often  been  said,  viz.,  that  the  women  are, 
at  the  bottom,  the  prime  movers  of  head-taking  in  many  instances ; and  how 
should  they  not  be  with  the  example  of  this  story  before  them  ? 

The  meaning  and  application  of  the  woman  singing  a child  to  sleep  in 
Nising’s  house  is  the  imprecation  of  a fearful  curse  on  their  enemies.  The 
child  which  is  carried  up  and  down  the  house  is  simply  metaphorical  for  a 
human  head,  which  in  the  Gawe  is  carried  about  the  house,  and  through  it 
the  curse  of  death  is  invoked  upon  its  surviving  associates.  In  the  words  I 
have  quoted  above  their  life  is  prayed  to  be  short,  their  necks  to  rot  in  the 
mud,  their  mouths  to  be  triumphed  over  and  mocked,  and  their  heads  to  be 
hung  up  in  the  conquerors’  houses  as  trophies  of  victory.  And  this  is  but  a 

23  This  refers  to  cotton  which  in  the  feast  is  tied  round  the  head.  [J.P.] 

24  The  name  of  a bird.  [J.P.] 


182 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  X.  Borneo. 


very  small  part  of  the  whole  curse.  It  is  this  part  of  the  song  which  is  listened 
to  with  the  greatest  keenness  and  enjoyment,  especially  by  the  young  who 
crowd  round  the  performer  at  this  part. 

With  this  “ornament”  in  possession  Singalang  Burong  and  his  followers 
set  out  for  the  lower  world.  On  the  way  they  pass  through  several  mythical 
countries,  the  names  of  which  are  given,  and  come  to  “ pintu  langit ,”  of  which 
“Grandmother  Doctor”  is  the  guardian,  and  see  no  way  of  getting  through, 
it  is  so  tight  and  firmly  shut.  The  young  men  try  their  strength  and  the  edge 
of  their  weapons  to  force  a passage  through,  but  to  no  purpose.  In  the  midst 
of  the  noise  the  old  “grandmother”  herself  appears,  and  chides  her  grand- 
children for  their  unseemly  conduct.  She  then  with  a turn  of  a porcupine 
quill  opens  the  door  and  the)-  pass  through.  Downward  they  go  until  they 
come  to  a certain  projecting  rock,  somewhere  in  the  lower  skies,  where  they 
rest  awhile.  Dara  Inchin  Temaga,  in  wandering  about,  sees  the  human 
world,  the  land  and  sea  and  the  islands;  upon  which  she  describes  the  mouths 
of  the  various  rivers  of  Sarawak. 

The  following  may  be  given  as  specimens  : — 

Ute  ti  ludas  ludas, 

Nya  nonga  Tebas ; 

Ndor  kite  rari  ka  bias, 

glombang  nyadi. 

Ute  ti  renjong  renjong, 

Nya  pulau  Burong, 

Massin  di  tigong 

kapal  api. 

Ute  ti  ganjar  ganjar, 

Nya  nonga  Laiar, 

Di  pandang  pijar, 

mati  ari  mati. 

Ute  ti  linga  linga, 

Nya  nonga  Kalaka, 

Menoa  Malana 

ti  maio  bini. 


Which  may  be  rendered  as  follows  : — 

“ That  which  is  like  a widening  expanse 
“ Is  the  mouth  of  Tebas;  (Moratebas) 

“ Whither  we  run  to  escape  the  pattering  waves. 

“ That  which  is  high  peaked, 

“ Is  the  island  of  Burong  ; 

“ Ever  being  passed  by  the  fire  ships. 

“ That  which  glistens  white, 

“ Is  the  mouth  of  the  Laiar,  (Saribus) 

“ Lit  up  by  the  setting  sun. 


Perham's  Song  of  the  Head  Feast. 


183 


“ That  which  heaves  and  rolls, 

“ Is  the  mouth  of  Kalaka  ; 

“ The  country  of  Malana  with  many  wives.” 

Soon  after  this  they  come  to  the  path  which  leads  them  to  the  house  of 
Kling.  As  the  whole  of  the  performance  is  directed  to  the  fetching  and 
coming  of  Singalang  Burong,  naturally  great  effects  follow  upon  his  arrival, 
and  such  are  described.  As  soon  as  he  enters  the  house  the  paddy  chests 
suddenly  become  filled,  and  any  holes  in  wall  or  roof  close  themselves  up,  for 
he  brings  with  him  no  lack  of  medicines  and  charms.  His  power  over  the 
sick  and  old  is  miraculous.  “ Old  men  having  spoken  with  grandfather  Lang 
become  young  again  : — The  dumb  begin  to  stammer  out  speech.  The  blind 
see,  the  lame  walk  limpingly.  Women  with  child  are  delivered  of  children  as 
big  as  frogs.”  At  a certain  point  the  performer  goes  to  the  doorway  of  the 
house,  and  pretends  to  receive  him  with  great  honour,  waving  the  sacrificial 
fowl  over  him.  Singalang  Burong  is  said  to  have  the  white  hair  of  old  age, 
but  the  face  of  a youth. 

Now  follows  the  closing  scene  of  the  ceremony  called  “ hedenjang.”  The 
performer  goes  along  the  house,  beginning  with  the  head  man,  touches  each 
person  in  it,  and  pronounces  an  invocation  upon  him.  In  this  he  is  supposed 
to  personate  Singalang  Burong  and  his  sons-in-law,  who  are  believed  to  be  the 
real  actors.  Singalang  Burong  himself  “ nenjangs  ” the  headmen,  and  his 
sons-in-law,  the  birds,  bless  the  rest.  The  touch  of  the  human  performer,  and 
the  accompanying  invocation  are  thought  to  effect  a communication  between 
these  bird  spirits  from  the  skies,  and  each  individual  being.  The  great  bird- 
chief  and  his  dependants  come  from  above  to  give  men  their  charms  and  their 
blessings.  Upon  the  men  the  performer  invokes  physical  strength  and  bravery 
in  war;  and  upon  the  women,  luck  with  paddy,  cleverness  in  Dyak  feminine 
accomplishments,  and  beauty  in  form  and  complexion. 

This  ceremony  being  over,  the  women  go  to  Singalang  Burong  (in  the 
house  of  Kling,  according  to  the  Mengap)  with  “ tuak  ” and  make  him  drunk. 
When  in  a state  of  insensibility  his  turban  drops  off,  and  out  of  it  falls  the 
head  which  was  procured  as  above  related.  Its  appearance  creates  a great 
stir  in  the  house,  and  Lulong  and  Kumang  come  out  of  the  room  and  take  it. 
After  leaving  charms  and  medicines  behind  him,  and  asking  for  things  in 
return,  Singalang  Burong  and  his  company  go  back  to  the  skies. 

At  the  feast  they  make  certain  erections  at  regular  intervals  along  the 
verandah  of  the  house,  called  “ pandong ,”  on  which  are  hung  their  war-charms, 
and  swords,  and  spears,  &c.  In  singing  the  performer  goes  round  these  and 
along  the  “ ruai."  The  recitation  takes  a whole  night  to  complete ; it  begins 
about  6 p.m.  in  the  evening,  and  ends  about  9 or  10  a.m.  in  the  morning.  The 
killing  of  a pig  and  examining  the  liver  is  the  last  act  of  the  ceremony. 

In  Balau  Dyak  the  word  “Mengap”  is  equivalent  to  “Singing”  or  reciting 
in  any  distinctive  tone,  and  is  applied  to  Dyak  song  or  Christian  worship:  but 
in  Saribus  dialect  it  is  applied  to  certain  kinds  of  ceremonial  songs  only. 


CHAPTER 


XXII. 


THE  SUMPITAN  AND  OTHER  POISONS. 

THE  SUMPITAN.  Tube:  Description — Length — Spearhead — Sight — Remarkable  straightness — 
Primitive  boring  apparatus — Tediousness — Dusun  name.  Darts:  Variety — Length — Neatness — 
Barbed  with  fish  bones — Butt  of  pith — How  made  to  fit — War  and  sporting  arrows — Quivers — 
How  darts  are  held — Charms— Girdle  prong.  Shooting  : Range — Accuracy — Exaggeration. 
Poison  : Bakatan  preparation  a mixture — Appearance — Tasain  tree  and  akar  creeper — Antimony — 
Antiaris  toxicaria — Decaying  human  flesh — Dalton’s  account — Hatton’s  account — Pali  nikus  or 
Rat's  Upas — Punan  preparation — S.  Muller's  account  siren  tree  and  ratoes  creeper — Ingredients 
mixed.  Effects  : Dalton’s  account — Earl’s  opinion— Fatal  to  small  animals — Slow  effect  on 
orang  utans — Kayan  opinion — Weakened  by  exposure — Mortally  poisonous — Small  puncture — 
Somnolent  death — Feverishness — Thirty  men  wounded — Effect  on  ant  eater.  Dr.  Lewin’s 
Experiments:  Mixtures — Sinn  is  Antiaris  toxicaria:  Ipoh  is  Strychnos  tiute ; Aker  tuba  is  Denis 
elliptica — Effects — Difficulty  in  obtaining  poison — I The  pure  poison — Chemical  Tests — Frog — 
Pigeon — Rabbit — Strychnine — No  Brucin.  II  : Description — Rabbits — Frogs — Chemical  tests — 
Antiarin  obtained — Frogs — Pigeon — Rabbit — Fishes.  III.  : Strychnine.  IV.  : Description — 
Antiarin — Fishes.  Antidotes:  Earl’s  opinion — Crawfurd’s  opinion — Man  wounded — Sucking 
wound  — Brand}7  — Liquid  ammonia  — Ingo  — Wounds  aggravated.  Food:  Not  poisoned. 
Manufacturers  : Punans — Lugats — Pakatans — Other  tribes. 

OTHER  POISONS.  A white  powder — Mixed  with  sirih — Arsenic — Belief  in  poisoning — Poison 
plants — Kapuas  poisoning — Bambu  spiculae — Murut  poisonings. 

THE  SUMPITAN. 

Tubes,  Darts,  and  Quivers. 

“ The  sumpitan,  or  blow  pipe,  is  a wooden  tube  of  about  eight  feet  in  length 
and  an  inch  in  diameter,  through  which  small  poisoned  arrows  are  blown. 

. . . Sometimes  the  spear  and  the  sumpitan  are  combined,  a spear  head 
being  lashed  upon  the  tube  of  the  sumpitan,  thus  in  some  degree  affording  the 
advantage  of  a musket  and  bayonet.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  38.)  On  the  Mambakut 
River,  “ the  length  of  the  longest  sumpitan  I saw  was  between  seven  and 
eight  feet,  and  much  resembled  the  cherry-stick  pipes  of  Turkey.”  (Mundy 
ii.  226.)  The  Adang  Muruts  have  sumpits  “as  usual  of  dark  hard  red  wood, 
and  had  a spear-head,  lashed  on  very  neatly  with  rattans  on  one  side  of  the 
muzzle,  and  an  iron  sight  on  the  other.”  (St.  John  ii.  89.) 

In  “Sarawak”  (p.  330)  Sir  Hugh  Low  was  I think  the  first  traveller  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  little  iron  hook  fastened  at  the  outlet  end  of 
the  sumpit  is  a “ sight.”  Mr.  C.  A.  Bampfylde  writing  to  the  “ Field  ” 
newspaper  from  Fort  Kapit  on  the  Rejang,  Feb.,  1882,  says:  “Mr.  Hugh 
Low  is  certainly  correct  in  describing  the  small  iron  hook  on  the  end  of  the 
sumpitan,  or  dart  tube,  as  a sight  ; I have  also  seen  on  some  ‘ sumpitans  ’ a 
white  backsight,  made  of  bone  for  use  at  night.” 


The  Sumption. 


185 


n 


n 


“The  beauty  and  straightness  of  the  bore  is  remarkable.”  (Mundy  ii. 
226.)  “ The  boring  of  a sumpit  by  a skilful  hand  is  performed  in  a day. 

The  instrument  used  is  a cold  iron  rod,  one  end  of  which 
is  chisel-pointed  and  the  other  round.”  (Burns,  Jour.  Ind. 

Arch.  iii.  142.)  “ The  bore  of  these  blow-pipes  is  as  clean 

and  bright  as  that  of  a gun-barrel,  and 
is  about  six  feet  long,  and  drilled 
through  a log  of  hard  wood  ; the  log  is 
then  pared  down  and  rounded  to  less 
than  an  inch  in  diameter.”  (White- 
head,  p.  75.)  The  most  complete 
account  of  the  boring  process  is  that 
given  by  Mr.  Crocker,  who  saw  it  per- 
formed by  a Bakatan  : “ A hard  piece 
of  wood  had  been  selected  the  length 
required  and  reduced  to  the  size  of  a 
man's  wrist,  this  was  fastened  to  a post 
forming  a part  of  a raised  platform  to 
the  house.  The  operator  stood  under- 
neath and  bored  upwards  with  a long 
piece  of  round  iron  the  length  of  the 
sumpitan  and  sharpened  at  one  end  like 
a chisel.  Two  bits  of  round  wood, 
about  8 inches  long,  were  fastened  by 
rings  of  rattans  to  the  iron  forming  a 
movable  handle.  The  iron  was  beau- 
tifully round  and  made  out  of  native 
iron  like  the  Kayan  weapons;  the  rod  or 
chisel  in  question  had  been  in  the  tribe 
as  long  as  any  of  them  could  recollect. 

The  traveller  is  naturally  astonished  to 
find  the  holes  of  the  blow-pipe  so 
straight,  when  he  sees  the  simple  con- 
trivance employed  ; besides  a good  eye 
they  must  be  possessed  of  more  than 
ordinary  perseverance,  as  the  method 
of  boring  is  tedious  to  a degree.  After 
the  hole  is  bored  a piece  of  rattan 
is  worked  through  until  the  desired 
smoothness  is  obtained,  when  the  out- 
side is  reduced  to  the  usual  size  and 
polished  by  constant  rubbing.”  (S.G., 

No.  123,  p.  6.) 

Mr.  Witti  (Diary,  20  Nov.)  says  the  Dusuns  calls  the  blow-pipe  Sopok 
and  not  Sumpitan,  but  Sopok  also  means  a spear. 

“The  darts  are  of  various  sorts.”  (Dalton,  p.  51.)  “The  arrow  is  a 
small  splinter  of  nibong  about  as  thick  as  a stocking  wire,  stuck  into  a small 


Sumpitan. 

Pattern  inlaid  with  tin- 
foil.  Length,  8o|in.  ; 
bore,  -j^in.  ; weight, 
29  oz. 

(Oxford  Mus.) 


Sumpitan, 

with  concave  convex 
blade  bound  on  to  the 
ejector  end  by  two 
coils  of  brass  wire. 
Butt  end  of  the  pipe 
encased  in  brass  and 
encircled  by  a series 
of  shallow  grooves. 
Length,  6ft.  4^in  ; 
length  of  blade,  inclu- 
sive haft,  i6£in. ; diam. 
of  bore,  §in. ; weight, 
44  oz. 

(Oxford  Mus.) 


1 86 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


hemispherical  base  of  very  light  wood,  so  as  to  afford  a surface  for  the  breath 
to  act  upon.  The  point  is  cut  sharp.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  38.)  Mr.  Brooke 

Low  describes  the  darts  as  “ made 


of  the  palm  called  apieng,"  while 
Sir  Sp.  St.  John  describes  those  in 
use  by  the  Adang  Muruts  as  “slips 
of  wood,  tipped  with  spear-shaped 
heads  cut  out  of  bamboo.”  (ii.  89.) 


Sumpitan  Arrows  with  Pith  Butts. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


Wooden  Bodkin  with  Brass  Pin. 

Used  for  making  the  butts,  from  sago  palm  midribs,  for  blowpipe  arrows  (see  text). 

Length,  8Jin. 

(Edinbro'  Mus.) 


On  the  Mambakut  River  the 
“ arrows  are  nine  inches  long, 
of  tough  wood,  not  thicker 
than  moderate-sized  wire,  very 
neatly  made,  and  generally 
barbed  with  sharpened  fish 
bones  ....  and  in 
order  to  give  greater  velocity 
to  the  arrow,  the  head  of  it 
is  made  to  fit  exactly  to  the 
size  of  the  tube,  and  is 
formed  of  a sort  of  pith,  or  of 
very  soft  wood.”  (Mundy  ii. 
226.)  According  to  Mr. 
Whitehead  (p.  75)  the  “darts 
are  made  from  the  stem  of 
a palm-leaf — as  hard  as  the 
tough  nebong  fibre — which  is 
cut  into  slender  strips, 
tapering  into  a needle-like 
point  and  nearly  a foot  in 
length.  The  resistance  to  the 
air  is  obtained  by  piercing  a 
small  piece  of  dried  pith  (from 
a species  of  mountain  sago- 
palm)  on  a brass  needle,  which 
is  fixed  in  the  centre  of  a 
small  length  of  rattan,  pre- 
viously pared  to  fit  the  barrel ; then  by  paring 
the  pith  towards  the  needle  a neat  little  cone 
is  formed,  already  pierced  exactly  in  the 
centre,  the  base  of  which,  being  the  same 


Bambu  Quiver 
(S.E.  Coast). 
Bands  on  upper 
portion  are  dark 
brown  and  yellow 
rotan.  The  two 
ends  of  the  quiver 
painted  dark  crim- 
son. The  belt  hook 
is  of  iron. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


Bambu  Quiver. 


Cover  appears  to  have  been  inset  with 
gutta  at  one  time.  Length,  with  cover 
on,  13m. ; length,  without  cover,  iofin; 
weight,  complete  with  27  darts,  i3§oz. 
(Oxford  Mus ) 


The  Siimpitan. 


187 


size  as  the  rattan,  exactly  fits  the  barrel. 
In  this  cone  the  heavier  end  of  the  shaft 
is  fixed.  . . . War-arrows  differ  from 

sporting  arrows  by  having  a loose  barbed 
point  attached,  either  of  tin  or  bamboo; 
this  point  is  besmeared  with  poison,  and 
when  shot  home  would  remain  in  the 
wound  with  most  of  the  poison.” 

The  arrows  are  “ carried  in  very 
neatly  carved  bamboo  cases.”  (St.John 
ii.  89.)  When  the  Kyans  face  an  enemy 
the  quiver  at  the  side  is  open;  “and, 
whether  advancing  or  retreating,  they  fire 
the  poisoned  missiles  with  great  rapidity 
and  precision  : some  hold  four  spare 

arrows  between  the  fingers  of  the  hand 
which  grasps  the  sumpitan,  whilst  others 
take  their  side-case.”  (Sir  Jas.  Brooke; 
Mundy  i.  260.)  “The  quiver  for  these 
arrows  is  really  curious,  beautifully  made 
from  the  large  bamboo,  and  besides,  the 
darts  usually  contain  a variety  of  amulets 
or  charms,  in  the  shape  of  pebbles,  bones, 
and  odd  pieces  of  wood,  with  the  skins 
of  monkeys.”  (ibid,  ii.  227.)  Mr.  White- 
head  also  speaks  of  the  “ neatly  made 
bamboo  case,  with  a prong  at  the  side 
for  fixing  in  the  chawat,  and  ornamented 
with  rattan  plaits.”  (p.  76.) 

Shooting. 

“ In  advancing,  the  sumpitan  is  car- 
ried at  the  mouth  and  elevated,  and  they 
will  discharge  at  least  five  arrows  to  one 
compared  with  a musket.  Beyond  a 
distance  of  twenty  yards  they  [the 
Kayans  do  not  shoot  with  certainty, 
from  the  lightness  of  the  arrow,  but  I 
have  frequently  seen  them  practise  at  the 
above-named  range,  and  they  usually 
struck  near  the  centre  of  the  crown,  none 
of  the  arrows  being  more  than  an  inch  or 
two  from  each  other.  On  a calm  day  the 
utmost  range  may  be  a hundred  yards.” 
(Sir  Jas.  Brooke,  Mundy  i.  261.)  Capt. 
Mundy  says  : “At  twenty  yards  distance, 
the  barb  meeting  the  bare  skin,  would 


Bambu  Quiver. 


The  small  tassel  at  the  side  is  made  of 
strings  of  variously  coloured  glass  beads, 
with  a canine  tooth  in  the  middle.  On  the 
same  side  as  this  tassel,  that  is  opposite  the 
belt  attachment,  there  is  a thin  square  strip 
of  bambu  which  is  fastened  in  its  place  by 
all  the  bands  of  plaited  cane  passing  over 
it.  The  bottom  of  the  quiver  is  formed  by 
the  natural  joint.  The  cover  is  likewise 
formed  by  the  natural  joint ; on  the  top  is 
the  flattened  spiral  of  a shell  (conus)  em- 
bedded in  gutta,  surrounded  by  two  inches 
of  small  shells  (nassa).  Three  equi-distant 
thin  square  strips  of  bambu  are  found 
attached  between  the  two  bands  of  plaited 
rattan.  On  the  free  string  from  the  belt 
attachment  are  strung  a series  of  graduated 
opaque  turquoise  blue  beads,  and  at  the 
end  is  a small  gourd  with  a wooden  plug. 
In  the  midst  of  the  bead  tassel  on  the  plug 
is  a small  brass  hawk  bell.  Total  length, 
including  cover,  i5gin.;  length  of  quiver 
only,  13m.  ; weight,  including  gourd  and 
24  darts,  barely  14  oz. 

(Oxford  Mus.) 


i88 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Packet  containing 
Sumpitan  Poison. 


(Leiden  Mus.) 


Bambu  Box  containing 
Sumpitan  Poison. 

J real  size.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


bury  half  the  arrow  in  the  flesh,  but  would  not  penetrate  cloth  at  a 
distance  of  forty  yards ; the  extreme  range  may  be  eighty  or  ninety 
yards.”  (ii.  227.)  On  the  Koti  river  the  Kayans  “ will 
strike  an  object  at  40  yards,  and  will  kill  a monkey  or 
J real  size.  S.E.  Borneo,  bird  at  that  distance ; when  the  darts  are  poisoned, 
they  will  throw  them  60  yards,  as  in  war,  or  at  some 
large  ferocious  animal  which  they  seldom  eat.”  (Dalton, 
p.  51.)  Mr.  Horsburgh  gives  (p.  38)  the  wounding 
distance  as  30  yards.  The  Ukits  are  said  to  use  the 

tube  with  deadly  aim.  (S.G.  169,  p.  54.)  A corres- 

pondent at  Saratok  (Dutch  Borneo),  writing  to  the 
S.G.,  No.  95,  records  good  aim  at  30  paces  with  a 
six  feet  sumpitan,  at  a target  slightly  bigger  than  a 
man’s  head.1  See  also  Chapter  on  Hunting  and  Fish- 
ing; pp.  446,  462. 

Manufacture  of  the  Poison. 

The  Bakatans  told  Mr.  Crocker  that  they  manufactured  the  poison  thus: 
“They  made  incisions  in  the  Epo  tree  (Upas)  and  the  gutta,  which  exuded, 

they  cooked  over  a slow  fire  on  a leaf  until 
it  assumed  the  consistency  of  soft  wax  ; 
when  it  was  required  for  use  they  grated 
the  bark  of  a tree  and  mixed  with  it,  when 
it  became  a potent  and  deadly  poison.  Both 
of  those  trees  they  described  as  being  of 
large  growth.”  (S.G.,  No.  123,  p.  6.)  “ The 
poison  looks  like  a translucent  gum,  of  a 
rich  brown  colour  ; and  when  dipped  into 
water  of  a temperature  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  degrees,  it  began  to  melt  immediately ; 
but  on  being  withdrawn  and  placed  over 
the  flame  of  a lighted  candle,  it  instantly 
became  hard  again.  . . . The  natives 

say  also,  that  the  juice  from  one  kind  of 
creeper  is  even  more  virulent  than  that  of 
the  upas.”  (St.  John  ii.  89.)  Sir  Jas.  Brooke 
also  refers  to  the  sap  of  two  sorts  of  creepers 
being  used  to  mix  with  the  original  poison.” 
(Keppel  ii.  146.) 

Mr.  Brooke  Low  mentions  the  juice  of 
the  tasam  tree,  which  is  dried  over  the  fire 
until  it  becomes  a hard  paste,  and  is  then 
softened  with  the  juice  of  an  akar,  creeper.” 
Mr.  Crossland  informs  me  he  was  told 


Circular  Plate  of  hard  brown  wood  ; 
attached  rolling  pin  of  light  wood. 
Said  to  be  used  for  preparing  sumpitan 
poison.  Poonans  at  Long  Wai. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


1 But  “E  T.S.”  writes  to  the  “ Field  ” newspaper  (the  date  of  which  I have  unfortunately  mislaid), 
saying,  from  his  own  information  he  knew  Dyaks  to  blow  their  arrows  to  150  yards  to  a certainty, 
and  he  would  not  mind  betting  on  their  doing  200  yards  This  writer  makes  other  statements  which 
may  be  equally  well  doubted 


The  Sumpitan. 


189 


antimony  was  mixed  with  the  poison  by  the  Undups.  Mr.  Burbidge  writes  me 
(16th  Oct.,  1894) : “I  was  always  told  that  the  arrows  for  the  sumpitan  were 
first  steeped  in  juice  of  upas  ( antiaris  toxicaria),  and  then,  that  they  were  stuck 
into  a portion  of  a decaying  human  body,  in  full  sunshine,  for  a month  or  more.” 
According  to  Mr.  Dalton,  with  the  Kyans,  on  the  Koti  river,  “each  man 
carries  about  with  him  a small  box  of  lime  juice;  by  dipping  the  dart  into  this 
immediately  before  they  put  it  into  the  sumpit,  the  poison  becomes  active,  in 

which  state  they  blow  it And  darts  used  in  war  are  poisoned  by 

dipping  them  into  a liquid  taken  from  a young  tree,  called  by  the  Diaks  apo." 
(p.  51.)  Mr.  Hatton’s  account  is  very  curious;  on  31  March  (Diary)  he 
writes:  “To-day  some  men  came  in  from  collecting  upas  juice.  I asked 
how  it  was  obtained,  and  the}-  said  they  make  a long  bamboo  spear,  and, 
tying  a rattan  to  one  end,  throw  it  at  the  soft  bark  of  the  upas  tree,  then 
pulling  it  out  by  means  of  the  rattan,  a little  of  the  black  juice  will  have 
collected  in  the  bamboo,  and  the  experiment  is  repeated  until  sufficient  is 
collected.”  Mr.  Witti  remarks  on  a tree  which  made  itself  noticeable 
through  the  manner  in  which  its  bole  was  scarred.  The  Dyaks  call  that 
tree  Pali  Xikus,  or  “ Rat’s  Upas,”  although  in  individual  appearance  it  has 
nothing  in  common  with  the  upas  proper.  Its  sap  is  said  to  be  just  virulent 
enough  to  poison  rats.  The  tree  is  shaggy  topped,  and  has  a straight  stem, 
free  of  branches  up  to  60  feet.  The  simple  undivided  leaf  has  an  obtuse  apex 
and  an  obvate  form.  (Diary,  17  March.) 

The  Punans  prepared  poison  as  follows:  “They  had  a bundle  of  arrows 
by  their  side,  and  as  soon  as  the  poisonous  matter  was  hot  they  took  a small 
quantity  and  smeared  over  a wooden  plate  by  means  of  a wooden  instrument 
resembling  a pestle,  till  the  plate  was  covered  with  a thick  layer.  Then 
taking  an  arrow  they  rolled  the  head  across  the  plate,  so  that  it  became 
coated  with  the  pasty  matter.  Next  they  made  a spiral  incision  in  the 
arrow-head  and  again  rolled  it  over  the  plate.  The  arrow  was  then  ready  for 
use.”  (Bock,  p.  73.) 

Mr.  Bampfylde  (as  quoted  above)  says  the  two  juices  “are  mixed 
together  and  placed  over  a fire  until  they  congeal.  Different  tribes  vary  in 
some  of  the  ingredients  but  all  use  the  upas  juice.”  2 

“ The  Bakatan  and  Lugat  are  the  chief  manufacturers  of  the  sumpitan.” 
(Burns,  Jour.  Ind.  Arch.  iii.  142.)  The  Adang  Muruts,  although  large  users, 
cannot  manufacture  the  “ sumpitan  themselves,  but  purchase  them  from 
traders,  who  procure  them  at  Bintulu  and  Rejang  from  the  wild  Punans  and 
Pakatans  and  are  therefore  very  dear,  and  highly  prized,  and  no  price  offered 

2 The  varieties  of  the  poisons  are  thus  described  by  the  traveller  Mr.  S.  Muller:  "The 
substance  of  which  a coating  is  put  on  the  point  of  these  little  bambu  arrows  is  made  of  two 
different  poisons,  known  under  the  name  of  siren  and  of  ratoes  or  ipoe.  Both  are  prepared  with 
vegetable  matters,  although  they  are  furnished  by  quite  different  species  of  trees.  The  poison  is 
extracted  by  decoction  from  the  juice  of  the  bark,  twigs  and  leaves  of  these  trees,  and  after  it  has 
been  allowed  to  rest  and  to  ferment  properly  it  is  mixed  with  the  juice  of  other  trees  and  bushes ; 
it  is  then  preserved  for  uce  The  poison  extracted  from  the  siren  is  much  more  active,  violent  and 
dangerous  than  that  furnished  by  the  ipoe.  but  it  seems  its  preparation  is  more  difficult  than  that  of 
the  latter.  It  comes  from  a lofty  tree  which  might  well  be  the  Pohon  oepas  (poison  tree)  of  Java. 
The  ratoes  or  ipoe  on  the  contrary  is  a climbing  plant  which  appears  to  be  fairly  common  in  the 
interior  of  the  country.”  (ii.  355.) 


igo  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

will  induce  a man  to  part  with  a favourite  sumpitan.”  (St.  John  ii.  89.)  These 
two  last-named  people  (if  they  are  not  identical  with  the  Ukits)  seem  to  have 
a wide  range  in  Borneo,  and  hence  they  must  probably  be  numerous.  But  as 
almost  every  writer  mentions  the  sumpitan,  the  weapon  must  have  a still  wider 
range  than  the  people  who  alone  are  said  to  produce  it,  hence  we  may  yet 
expect  to  hear  that  there  exist  other  tribes  than  these  who  are  also  manufac- 
turers. 

Effect  of  the  Poison. 

It  may  be  that  on  the  Ivoti  river  in  Mr.  Dalton’s  time  an  exceptionally 
virulent  form  of  poison  was  in  use  by  the  Kayans  as  his  report  reads  very 
deadly  (p.  51):  “The  effects  are  almost  immediately  fatal.  I have  been  in 
Selgie’s  boat  when  a man  was  struck  in  the  hand  ; the  poison  ran  so  quickly 
up  the  arm,  that  by  the  time  the  elbow  was  green,  the  wrist  was  black  ; 
the  man  died  in  about  four  minutes ; the  smell  from  the  hand  was 
very  offensive.”  Mr.  Earl  writes  in  a more  moderate  spirit  (p.  265) : “ The 
arrows  are  steeped  in  the  most  subtle  poison,  which  destroys  birds  and 
smaller  animals,  when  struck  with  them,  almost  instantaneously,  a slight 
wound  from  an  arrow  on  which  the  poison  is  strong,  being  said  to  occasion 
inevitable  death,  even  to  man.  The  effects  of  weapons  of  this  description  are 
always  exaggerated  by  those  who  use  them  ; the  poison,  therefore,  is  not  in 
all  probability,  so  destructive  to  the  human  species  as  it  is  represented." 
Most  travellers  bear  out  Mr.  Earl’s  general  statement.  Thus  Mr.  Horsburgh 
says  “ the  arrows  are  dipped  again  into  the  poison  immediately  before  using 
and  are  used  in  hunting  as  well  as  in  war,  and  kill  not  only  birds  and 
squirrels,  but  also  large  animals  such  as  orang-utans.  To  animals  the  poison 
proves  fatal,  because  they  cannot  pull  the  arrow  out  of  the  wound  ; but  men 
suffer  little  inconvenience  from  it,  as  their  comrades  can  always  extract  the 
missile  before  the  poison  has  been  absorbed  by  the  system.  Squirrels  and 
small  animals  drop  a few  minutes  after  they  have  been  struck,  but  orang- 
utans frequently  clamber  about  among  the  trees  for  a whole  day  before  the 
poison  takes  such  effect  upon  them  as  to  bring  them  down."  (p.  58.) 

According  to  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  (Mundv  i.  262) : “ The  poison  is  considered 
deadly  by  the  Kyans,  but  the  Malays  do  not  agree  in  this  belief.  My  own 
impression  is,  that  the  consequences  resulting  from  a wound  are  greatly 
exaggerated,  though  if  the  poison  be  fresh,  death  may  occasionally  ensue  ; 
but  decidedly,  when  it  has  been  exposed  for  any  time  to  the  air  it  loses  its 
virulence.”  3 

Sir  Chas.  Brooke  refers  to  the  effects  of  the  poison  three  times  in  the 
course  of  his  expeditions.  On  the  first  occasion  he  writes  : “ Manx  men  had 
been  struck  by  sumpitan  arrows  which  were  most  mortally  poisonous.” 
(i.  353.)  These  were  Kanowit  arrows.  On  the  following  page  he  continues  : 
“ Before  one  hut  there  lay  a fine  strapping  fellow,  having  just  breathed  his 
last.  I waited  to  look  at  the  body,  as  he  seemed  only  to  sleep.  He  had  been 
struck  in  the  chest  by  an  arrow,  which  left  no  more  mark  than  the  probe  of  a 

:l  The  first  poisons  from  Malay  Peninsula  experimented  with  by  Prof.  Sydney  Ringer,  F.R.S. 
gave  negative  results.  (Kew  Bulletin,  No  50,  p.  26.) 


The  Sumpitan. 


191 

pin.  After  receiving  the  wound,  he  dosed  off  to  wake  no  more,  and  died 
half-an-hour  after  he  was  struck.” 

Finally,  when  fighting  the  Kyans,  he  writes  : “ Some  had  been  wounded 
by  poisonous  arrows,  but  the  only  effect  was  feverishness.”  (ii.  297.)  But 
he  appears  to  have  given  details  of  the  effects  of  this  Kanowit  poison  to 
Sir  Sp.  St.  John,  who  writes  as  follows:  “In  1859,  the  Kanowit  tribe, 
instigated  by  Sherif  Musahor,  murdered  two  English  gentlemen,  and  then 
fled  into  the  interior.  Mr.  Johnson  [now  Sir  Chas.  Brooke]  who  led  the 
attack  on  them,  tells  me  he  lost  thirty  men  by  wounds  from  the  poisoned 
arrows.  He  found  the  bodies  of  Dayaks  who  had  gone  out  as  skirmishers 
without  a mark,  beyond  the  simple  puncture  where  a drop  of  blood  rested  on 
the  wound.”  (i.  45.) 

Of  the  effect  of  the  poison  on  an  animal  we  have  an  eye-witness  in  Mr. 
Motley,  who,  having  in  his  possession  an  ant  eater  (manis  javanica),  but  being 
without  its  necessary  food,  “ he  determined  to  destroy  it  for  a specimen,  and 
he  accordingly  got  a native  to  administer  to  it  one  ot  his  little  poisoned  darts, 
from  the  sumpitan  or  blow-pipe ; the  dart,  which  had  apparently  been  dipped 
in  some  black  juice,  entered  the  skin  of  the  belly  about  a quarter  of  an  inch, 
and  in  a quarter  of  an  hour  the  creature  was  dead.  It  died  very  quietly, 
having  gradually  ceased  to  move  about,  and  then  lay  for  three  or  four  minutes 
in  a state  of  torpor;  after  which,  death  came  on  with  a very  slight  tremor, 
passing  of  the  foeces,  and  protrusion  of  the  tongue.  On  dissection,  the  aorta 
and  the  large  artery  leading  to  the  strong  muscular  tail  were  gorged  with  dark 
venous  blood,  as  was  also  the  left  ventricle  ; there  was  no  arterial  blood  to  be 
seen  anywhere,  and,  indeed,  very  little  in  any  other  part  of  the  body,  except 
in  the  air-cells  of  the  lungs,  where  a number  of  vessels  were  ruptured  ; all 
the  vessels  of  the  head  and  brain,  in  particular,  were  perfectly  empty  and 
collapsed  ; the  diaphragm  was  most  strangely  contracted  and  corrugated.” 
(Motley  and  Dillwyn,  p.  52.) 

In  the  Kew  Bulletins,  Nos.  50,  58-59,  102-103 ; Feb.,  1891,  Oct. -Nov., 
1891,  and  June-July,  1895,  there  are  described  the  experiments  made  with 
poison  from  the  Malay  Peninsula,  but  the  following  account,  which  I have 
translated  from  the  German,  I give  here,  as  the  experiments  were  made  with 
poison  obtained  from  Borneo. 

THE  ARROW-POISONS  OF  BORNEO. 

By  Dr.  L.  Lewin  (Pharmacological  Private  Laboratory,  in  Berlin.) 

Virchow’s  Archiv.,  fur  Pathol.  Anat.,  1894,  pp.  317-325. 

According  to  an  eye- witness,  the  outer  bark  of  the  stem  is  removed,  and 
the  rest  rasped  and  pressed,  and  the  juice  boiled  down  in  iron  saucers  to  the 
consistency  of  an  extract.  The  upper  lajer  of  this  extract  is  the  more  powerful 
poison,  and  is  kept  by  the  makers  for  their  own  use  ; the  lower  layer,  which  is 
weaker,  is  sold.  Before  being  covered  the  arrows  are  wetted  with  water  in  which 
akar  tuba  has  been  soaked,  and  are  then  dried  for  half-an-hour  in  the  sun.  . . Cuts 
are  made  in  the  siren  tree,  which  then  exudes  sap,  which  at  first  is  not  poisonous, 
but  which  is  said  to  become  so  when  allowed  to  lie  until  it  has  turned  black.  After 
being  allowed  to  lie  for  a few  days,  it  is  mixed  with  the  sap  of  aker  tuba  on  a stone 


192  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

or  board.  It  is  then  mixed  with  the  ash  or  charcoal  of  poetjoe  semamboe,  kaijes  sitik, 
kaijies  tjaboet,  moeho,  kaijes  sikap , rot  tan  boeloe,  koelit  kapoijan  and  koelit  doeko.  Before 
being  used  it  is  said  to  be  mixed  again  with  the  juice  of  aker  tuba.  Different 
substances  are  afterwards  added  to  the  preparation  ; thus  the  sap  of  moehon  or 
moeho , a water  plant  {Mai.  kladi),  is  added  to  the  siren  sap,  or  the  juice  of  the  gadung 
{dioscorea  hirsuta),  used  in  Malacca,  also  the  juice  of  the  tuba  root,  and  also  tobacco 
water,  and  the  mixture  is  boiled  up  (“  gekocht.”)1 

Ipoli  is  considered  to  be  a kind  of  strychnia,  probably  Strychnos  tieute,  and  Siren 
is  considered  to  be  Antiaris  toxicaria,  while  aker  tuba,  as  I have  already  stated  several 
times,  is  Derris  elliptica. 

There  is  also  stated  to  be  a sort  of  a sub-species  of  siren  poison  called  Mantalat 
poison,  probably  named  after  the  kampong  Mantalat,  which  is  characterized  by  the 
addition  of  the  wing  covers  of  Lytta  gigantea. 

In  Borneo  it  is  difficult  to  get  fair  quantities  of  the  poison  Small  bambu 
cylinders,  6 decimetres  long  by  \ decimetre  outside  diameter,  cost  17  shillings; 
and  much  circumspection  must  be  used,  as  on  discovery  of  a purchase  by  the 
natives,  the  lives  of  both  the  purchaser  and  the  salesman  are  put  in  danger.2 

The  few  experiments  made  with  Borneo  arrow  poison  (most  probably  siren 
poison)  on  animals,  resulted  in  disturbance  of  the  respiration,  and  final  death  through 
heart  failure. 

I have  received  fair  quantities  of  arrow  poison 

I.  Brought  by  Mr.  Grabowski,  originating  from  south-east  Borneo,  called 
ipoh,  is  a brown  mass,  partly  crumbling  and  partly  capable  of  being  cut,  mixed  with 
sand.  It  is  soluble  in  cold  water  with  a yellow  colour.  The  solution  had  a 
distinctly  alkaline  reaction.  After  acidifying  it  gave  the  following  reactions: 
with  potassium  - ferri -cyanide  a slight  turbidity,  and  after  a few  hours  a 
granular  deposit  ; with  phosphotungstic  acid  a white  precipitate  ; with 
phosphomolybdic  acid  and  picric  acid  a yellow  precipitate;  with  platinum 
chloride  it  gave  a crystalline  precipitate,  at  first  yellowish-white  but  afterwards 
became  a reddish  brown ; with  bi-chloride  of  mercury  a white  deposit ; and  with 
potassium  sulphocyanide  at  first  nothing,  then  a deposit  of  small  crystalline 
needles. 

The  test  for  strychnine  with  bi-chromate  of  potassium  and  sulphuric  acid 
gave  at  once  the  characteristic  violet  coloration.  The  experiment  on  animals 
had  at  first  led  to  the  supposition  that  we  had  here  to  deal  with  the  presence 
of  strychnine.  Frogs,  after  an  injection  with  a Pravaz  syringe,  of  an 
aqueous  solution  of  -002  grammes  of  poison,  showed,  after  6-7  minutes,  decided 
tetanus,  which  was  preceded  by  increased  reflex  excitability.  It  became  apparent 
that  an  extremity  (limb),  of  which  the  blood  supply  was  cut  off,  suffered  also  from 
convulsions,  but  that  the  limb  did  not  do  so  if  its  nervous  connection  with  the 
spinal  cord  was  cut  off.  Experiment  No.  5,  12  Dec.,  1889.  A solution  of  "002 
grammes  of  poison,  dissolved  in  water,  was  injected  into  a pigeon  subcutaneously. 
Two  minutes  after  there  was  strong  trembling  with  wing  clapping.  After  three 
minutes  it  fell  on  its  back,  opened  its  beak,  and  a few  tetanic  convulsions  followed. 
Every  muscle  trembled  at  the  same  time.  At  the  end  of  five  minutes  the  head  was 
raised  a little,  then  fell  back  and  death  supervened.  The  heart  stood  absolutely 
still  in  systole.  Experiment  No.  6,  12  Dec.,  1889.  A solution  of  ‘005  grammes  of 

1 From  a communication  by  Mr.  J.  D.  E.  Schmeltz,  of  Leiden.  [Dr.  L.] 

2 Mayer.  [Dr.  L.] 


The  Sumpitan. 


193 


the  poison,  dissolved  in  water,  was  injected  under  the  skin  of  a rabbit ; 4-30 
injection  ; 4-43,  sudden  trembling  of  the  whole  body,  in  its  attempts  to  get  away 
accompanied  by  the  well-known  tetanic  scratching  of  the  paws  on  the  table  ; 4-44, 
tetanus  and  the  standing  up  of  the  animal  ; 4-45,  it  fell  down,  tetanic  stretching 
out,  opisthotonus  ; 4-47,  a second  attack  after  a short  intermission  ; 4-48,  third 
tetanic  attack,  death. 

To  obtain  the  active  principle  the  weakly  alkaline  solution  was  shaken  up 
with  ether.  After  distilling  off  the  ether  light  yellow  coloured  sharp  pointed 
crystalline  needles  remained,  which  after  several  re-crystallisations  out  of  alcohol 
became  colourless.  They  gave  the  reaction  for  strychnine  and  had  the  following 
composition  : 


a The  elemental  analysis  '1749  grammes  dried  at  ioo°  C.  gave  '04832 
grammes  C O2  and  '1055  grammes  H2  O. 
h M454  grammes  at  748-5  mm.  Bar.  and  at  20°  C.  gave  ii'i  c.  cm.  N = 
8-59%  N. 

Found — Calculated — 

c 75'35°/o  c 75'45°/o 

H 670%  H 6-58% 

N 8-59  °/Q  N 8-38  % 


We  have  therefore  to  deal  with  strychnine  which  is  present  in  the  ipoh  poison. 
We  shall  not  err  if  we  consider  strychnos  tiente  as  the  source  of  this  poison,  as  in 
spite  of  many  endeavours  I did  not  succeed  in  discovering  even  a trace  of  bvucin  in 
the  poison. 

II.  Dyak  poison  {Siren)  received  in  2 samples  from  the  State  Museum  at 
Leiden. 

The  poison  consists  of  thick,  hard,  dry,  easily  powdered  pieces  which  form  a 
grey  black  powder  almost  completely  soluble  in  water.  When  hydrochloric  acid  is 
added  it  becomes  turbid  and  the  solution  after  long  boiling  with  this  acid  shows  the 
presence  of  a glucoside. 

Experiments  on  animals  showed  a very  decided  virulence.  With  a 
subcutaneous  injection  rabbits  died  in  10-12  minutes  with  the  following  symptoms  : 
restlessness,  trembling,  drooping  of  the  head,  then  sudden  tumbling  over,  dyspnoea 
and  apnoea.  The  heart  stood  absolutely  still.  The  character  of  a poison  belonging 
to  the  digitalis  group  was  still  better  brought  out  with  frogs  in  which  after 
subcutaneous  injection  the  ventricle  stops  in  systole. 

The  chemical  examination  of  the  poison  was  as  follows : The  poison  was 
entirely  extracted  in  a reflux  condenser  with  hot  96 % alcohol.  On  cooling  of  the 
alcohol  a white  mass  separated  out  which  after  filtering  and  drying  proved  to  be 
amorphous  and  free  from  ash.  The  alcohol  was  almost  completely  distilled  off 
from  the  residue  and  the  small  quantity  remaining  driven  off  in  the  water  bath. 
During  this  some  more  of  the  originally  white  but  now  yellowish  mass  separated 
out,  besides  which  a resin-like  substance  made  its  appearance  in  small  quantities, 
fluid  [sfc]  yellow  and  viscous  during  the  steaming  off  but  hard  as  stone  when  cold, 
and  lighter  than  the  white  mass ; this  substance  dissolved  more  easily  in  chloro- 
form and  was  therefore  the  more  easily  separated  off.  A solution  in  benzol  gave  a 
white  precipitate  with  alcohol. 

Of  these  white  masses  so  obtained  I purified  the  first  precipitate  several  times 
in  hot  diluted  alcohol.  It  proved  to  be  free  from  nitrogen  and  not  a glucoside. 
The  melting  point  was  57  to  58°  C.  Dr.  “ Privatdocent  ” Bistrzycki  was  kind 
O Vol.  2. 


194  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


enough  to  analyse  the  body  and  to  determine  its  formula  : ’1790  grammes  substance 
gave  ‘5358  grammes  C O'I 2  and  -1988  grammes  H2  O hence  : 

Found — Calculated — 

c 81-64%  c 81-82 % 

H 12-34%  H ia-12 % 

The  composition  is  similar  to  that  which  I found  in  the  antiaris  resin  which  I 
obtained  from  the  Batak  poison  and  more  similar  than  the  composition  which  De 
Vrij  and  Ludwig  obtained  from  this  resin  (C  83-9%;  H 11-9%). 


True  Upas  Tree  (Siren),  Antiaris  Toxicaria  Lesch. 
Botanically  it  belongs  to  the  Artocarpeas,  or  bread-fruit  order. 
(After  Rob.  Brown  : Plant®  Javanic*  Rariores,  pi.  13). 


I further  tried  to  purify  this  resin  : — i.  by  washing  with  boiling  water,  drying 
and  dissolving  in  hot  alcohol;  2.  by  treatment  with  chloroform  and  petroleum  ether. 
The  elemental  analyses  of  the  substances  obtained  were  : 

a -0971  grammes  of  substance  gave  -2886  grammes  CO2  and  -0989 
grammes  H20. 

b 0-265  grammes  of  substance  gave  ’7895  grammes  CO2  and  -2658 
grammes  H20. 

Therefore  : 

Found—  Calculated  to  C18H:,20. 

I.  II. 


C 8i-o6 
H 11-34 


8 1 "22 
11-16 


C 8 1 "22 
H 12-12 


195 


The  Sumpitan. 

According  to  this  the  values  have  turned  out  somewhat  lower,  and  with  regard 
to  the  carbon  quantities  deviate  still  more  from  that  of  the  above-mentioned  investi- 
gators. 

So  much  of  this  antiaris  resin  which  had  no  action  on  animals,  and  which  had 
not  been  used  up  in  experiments  on  animals,  was  extracted  for  a long  time  with  hot 
water  in  order  eventually  to  obtain  antiarin.  The  solution  was  dried  up,  and  the 
deposited  crystals  purified  as  much  as  possible  by  pressure  and  recrystallisation  out 
of  the  alcohol.  The  body  possessed  the  character  of  a glucoside.  The  melting-point 
was  ascertained  to  be  2i8-22o°C,  by  Dr.  Bistrzycki,  who  also  carried  out  the  elemental 
analysis.  As  regards  the  carbon  the  figures  came  out  too  high  for  antiarin,  while 
as  regards  hydrogen  they  agreed  approximately.  The  formula  C14  H20  0°  -+-  2H20 
requires  7-89  % H,  while  8-46  % H were  found.  In  spite  of  the  good  agreement 
of  melting-points  (220-6°  and  218°  to  220°C),  the  substance  was  still  contaminated 
with  small  quantities  of  the  antiarin  resin,  rich  in  carbon,  which  I was  unable  to 
remove  even  by  further  washing  of  the  substance.  A second  elemental  analysis 
gave  too  high  carbon  figures. 

Nevertheless,  we 
have  succeeded  in 
determining  the 
presence  of  antiarin, 
in  a real  Dyak  arrow 
poison  — siren  poison. 

The  experiments  on 
animals  also  indicated 
this.  In  frogs  it 
showed  stopping  of 
the  ventricle  in 
systole. 

Experiment  No. 

1 14,  14  May,  1894. 

A small  portion  of  the 
antiarin  obtained  was 
injected  subcuta- 
neously into  a pigeon. 

Vomiting  followed  in 
eight  minutes,  and 
this  was  repeated 
more  frequently,  then 
followed  dyspnoea, 
short  spasms,  and 
death  in  n minutes. 

The  heart  stopped 
beating.  Experiment 
No.  115,  15  May, 

1894.  About  '005  grammes  of  antiarin  was  subcutaneously  injected  into  a rabbit, 
at  1 1-5  a.m.;  at  n-8  the  head  sank  on  to  the  table,  at  n-n  clonic  spasms,  exoph- 
thalmos, and  death.  In  order  to  determine  whether  any  of  the  active  principle  of 
derris  elliptica  was  present  in  the  resinous  portions,  I did  not  omit  to  let  it  act  several 
times  on  fishes,  in  the  form  of  emulsion,  without,  however,  witnessing  any  change 
in  their  condition  of  health. 


Flowers  and  Leaves  of  Strychnos  (Ipoh),  Strychnos  tieute. 
Nat.  order : Loganacese. 

[Strychnia  and  Brucia  are  poisonous  alkaloids  affecting  the 
spinal  cord,  &c.] 

(Ex  Blume : Rumphise,  pi.  24). 


xg6 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Saraxcak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


III.  Dyak  arrow-poison,  from  south-east  Borneo,  from  the  State  Museum, 
Leiden.  (I.  Aft.  Ser.  901,  Nos.  9 and  10.)  I may  treat  the  two  preparations 
together,  although  they  were  sent  to  me  as  siren  (No.  10)  and  ipoh  (No.  9).  They 

both  contain  the  same  active  principle, 
namely,  strychnine.  The  Ipoh,  apparently 
very  old,  was  in  a bambu  box,  as  a brown 
friable  mass,  while  No.  10,  the  nominal 
siren,  was  wrapped  in  a palm  leaf. 

The  preliminary  toxicological  deter- 
mination on  a frog  and  rabbit  indicated 
strychnine  reaction  at  once  and  it  was 
besides  easily  determined  chemically.  But 
the  pure  preparation  of  the  active  prin- 
ciple was  a more  difficult  matter  than  with 
the  first  mentioned  preparation  from  the 
Berlin  Museum. 

I poured  a little  water  over  the  large 
quantity  at  my  disposal  and  this  weak 
alkaline  mass  I shook  up  with  ether. 
Chloroform  proved  itself  unsuitable  as  it 
extracted  more  coloured  constituents. 
After  distilling  off  the  ether  the  residue 
contained  crystals  embedded  in  a yellow 
mass  which  it  was  difficult  to  remove.  Purification  finally  resulted  only  after 
repeated  treatment  with  diluted  40%  alcohol  which  dissolved  the  coloured  matter 
but  not  the  strychnine.  Brucin  should  have  gone  over  into  the  alcohol,  but  I looked 
for  it  there  in  vain. 


Root  of  Tuba  (Denis  Elliptica). 

(Ex  Blume : Rumphiae,  pi.  24.) 

“Porcupines  (Hystrix  Crassispinis),  like  the  rhinoceros,  feed 
upon  the  poisonous  tuba  root,  which  is  almost  certain 
death  to  any  of  the  other  animals  in  the  Bornean  jungle.” 

(Hose,  Mammalia,  p.  60). 

The  elemental  analysis  of  the  substance  claimed  to  be  strychnine  was  as 
follows : 

a '2468  grammes  of  the  substance  dried  at  ioo°  C.  gave  ‘6788  grammes 
C O2  and  ‘1490  grammes  H2  O. 

b ‘2357  grammes  at  764  mm.  Bar.  and  19°  C.  gave  iS'i  c.  cm.  N = 
8-87%  N. 

It  was  therefore  really  strychnine  we  had  to  deal  with. 


Strychnos  finite  Fruit. 

The  poison  is  in  the  round  thick-edged 
halfpenny-like  seeds  (Nux  vomica)  ; the 
outer  covering  of  the  orange-like  fruit  is 
eaten  with  impunity  by  birds  and  other 
animals. 

(Ex  Blume:  Rumphiae,  pi.  24.) 


The  Sumpitan.  197 

IV.  Dusun-Dyak  arrow-poison  from  the  State  Museum  Leiden  (iii.  Ser.  913, 
No.  6 and  No.  8.) 

Both  preparations  consisted  of  black  pieces,  their  solutions  produced  the  same 
symptoms  in  warm  and  cold  blooded  animals,  that  is  the  same  symptoms  as  we 
have  already  reported  as  resulting  from  antiarin. 

The  isolation  of  the  chemical  component  parts  was  obtained  by  the  same 
methods  as  above  described,  the  antiaris  resin  was  extracted  by  96 0/o  alcohol  and 
the  antiarin  by  extraction  with  hot  water  from  the  resinous  mass.  The  products 
obtained  agreed  in  their  chemical  behaviour  with  the  antiaris  resin  and  antiarin. 
The  melting  point  of  the  latter  is  2190  C. 

On  this  opportunity  by  my  several  experiments  on  fishes  I endeavoured  to 
ascertain  whether  derrid  was  present  in  these  poisons,  but  I only  obtained  negative 
results.” 


The  Tuba  Plant  (Derris  Elliptica). 

A climbing  leguminous  plant. 

(After  Nath.  Wallish:  Plants  Asiatics  rariores,  pi.  237). 


198  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Antidotes. 

Although  according  to  Mr.  Earl  “the  Dyaks  assert  that  no  antidote  is 
known,  yet  the  preparation  of  the  poison  being  similar  to  that  practiced  by 
the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Celebes,  for  which  a remedy  has  been  discovered, 
the  people  of  Borneo  are  probably  acquainted  with  it.”  (p.  265.)  When  Sir 
Jas.  Brooke  asked  the  Sakarran  chief  Lingi,  whether  many  of  his  men  were 
lost  from  wounds  from  the  Kayan  sumpits  he  was  told,  “ No,  we  can  cure 
them.”  “ This  is  one  more  proof  in  favour  of  Mr.  Crawfurd’s  opinion  that 
this  poison  is  not  sufficiently  virulent  to  destroy  life  when  the  arrow  is  (as  it 
mostly  is)  plucked  instantly  from  the  wound.”  (ii.  126.)  A servant  who 
was  struck  by  a poison  arrow  had  sulphuric  acid  and  caustic  applied  and  the 
man  recovered,  and  on  another  occasion  when  several  men  were  hit  the 
wounds  were  sucked  by  a messmate  and  no  harm  resulted.  (Mundy  ii.  262, 
226.)  His  Highness  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  told  Sir  Spencer  St.  John  that 
during  the  Kanowit  troubles  in  1859,  “ One  man  was  struck  near  him  ; he 
instantly  had  the  arrow  extracted,  the  wound  sucked,  a glass  of  brandy 
administered,  and  the  patient  sent  off  to  the  boats  about  four  miles  distant. 
Two  companions  supported  him,  and  they  had  strict  orders  not  to  allow  him 
to  sleep  till  he  reached  the  landing-place  : they  made  him  keep  awake,  and  he 
recovered.”  (i.  45.) 

Mr.  Witti  states,  but  he  does  not  say  it  is  from  his  own  knowledge,  at 
Peluan  : “ Liquid  ammonia,  applied  externally  after  free  bleeding  of  the 
wound  and  internally  at  the  same  time,  is  a pretty  sure  antidote.  Each  of  our 
men  carries  a vial  of  that  drug  tied  round  his  neck.  The  natives  themselves, 
strange  to  say,  have  no  such  specific,  and,  consequently,  many  of  them 
succumb  to  both  dart  poison  and  snake  bites.  Some  Pagalan  Dyaks  used  to 
cut  out  the  part  hit  and  apply  Ingo,  the  Chinese  universal  medicine.  The 
fatal  termination  of  blowpipe  wounds  is  often  aggravated  by  internal  festering 
through  the  tips  of  the  arrow  breaking  off  after  penetrating  into,  say,  the 
abdomen.  The  arrow  is  purposely  formed  to  facilitate  this,  and  hereabouts 
does  not  end  in  a simple  point  as  with  our  Dusuns.”  (Footnote,  Diary, 
25th  March.) 

According  to  Mr.  Earl  “ the  Dyaks  shew  no  hesitation  in  eating  animals 
which  have  been  killed  by  their  arrows,  taking  the  precaution,  however,  of 
removing  the  flesh  immediately  adjacent  to  the  wounded  part.  The  poison, 
which  is  called  ippo  throughout  the  island,  consists  of  the  juice  of  a tree,  and 
its  mode  of  preparation  appears  to  be  perfectly  similar  to  that  practiced  in 
Java,  and  other  islands  where  it  is  employed.”  (p.  265.)  And  Mr.  Dalton 
writes  : “ I have  seen  them  eat  of  the  flesh  notwithstanding  it  was  killed  with 
a poisoned  dart ; in  such  cases  they  boil  it  before  roasting,  which  they  say, 
extracts  the  poison.”  (p.  51.) 

OTHER  POISONS. 

On  one  occasion,  when  on  the  Sekyan  river,  below  Sikong,  Mr.  Denison 
with  the  Dyak  tribes  was  discussing  Annum,  the  chief  of  the  Sikongs  and  his 
supposed  evil  propensities,  regarding  all  of  which  he  expressed  his  disbelief, 


Other  Poisons. 


199 


and  rated  them  as  fabrications.  “The  Orang  Kaya  replied  that  some  Landak 
Dyaks  once  sold  him  what  they  said  was  poison.  It  was  a powder,  white  in 
colour  ; and  he  laid  it  by  for  nearly  a year,  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  it. 
Having  a violent  quarrel  with  a Dyak  enemy,  who  had  threatened  to  kill  him, 
he  mixed  some  of  the  powder  in  his  enemy's  chalk,  which  he  used  with  his 
siri,  ‘ and  do  you  know,  tuan,’  said  this  solemn  savage  to  me,  ‘ he  was  taken 
ill,  and  in  four  days  he  was  dead.’  It  is  but  fair  to  add  that  the  Orang  Kaya 
at  once  threw  away  the  poison ; it  was  not  Dyak  akat,  he  said,  to  kill  an  enemy 
in  this  manner,  besides,  having  a wife  and  children,  he  dreaded  keeping  it  in 
his  possession.  This  story  was  told  so  naturally  and  coolly,  with  such  a grave 
and  earnest  countenance,  that  I do  not  hesitate  to  believe  it.”  (ch.  v.,  p.  48.) 

The  following  is  reported  by  Mr.  F.  R.  O.  Maxwell  from  the  Sadong.  A 
Mingrat  Dyak,  named  Suel,  poisoned  the  Pengara  of  Jenan,  and  nearly  killed 
some  other  men.  “After  the  Mingrats  had  eaten  sirih  with  the  Jenans,  the 
Mingrats  returned  the  civility,  and  gave  sirih  to  the  Jenans,  with  this  differ- 
ence, that,  instead  of  pushing  the  bag  over  to  the  Jenans,  as  the  latter  had 
done  to  them,  Suel  made  up  quids  from  the  bag  at  his  side,  and  handed  it  to 
the  Pengara  first,  and  then  one  to  each  of  the  four  men,  and  then  immediately 
got  up  to  go.  They  left  by  the  opposite  entrance  to  that  by  which  they  had 
arrived — Lanchang  road,  and  no  one  knows  where  they  went.  They  had  not 
gone  50  yards  when  the  Pengara,  who  was  still  sitting  down,  fell  forward  with 
his  arms  stretched  out  and  his  face  on  the  mat  ; he  then  straightened  himself 
up  and  fell  back.  He  said,  ‘ Suel  has  killed  me,  they  have  given  me  poison  in 
the  sirih,’  and  then  he  died.  The  other  men,  four  in  number,  were  then  taken 
the  same  way,  they  fell  down  one  after  another  and  were  very  ill,  and  are  still 
very  ill.  The  Pengara  turned  blue  in  the  body,  his  nails  were  yellow,  and  his 
eyes  red,  teeth  clenched.  The  Pengara  purged  very  much  but  was  not  sick, 
the  other  four  men  were  sick  as  well  (this  probably  saved  them).”  (S.G.,  1894, 
p.  103.) 

Mr.  Crossland  informs  me  he  had  a case  among  the  Undups  where  a 
woman  administered  arsenic  in  food  to  another,  having  obtained  the  poison 
from  the  Malays.  He  also  states  that  when  his  people  came  back  unwell  from 
up  country,  they  invariably  believe  they  have  been  poisoned  by  the  up  country 
people. 

In  August,  1874,  Mr.  Gueritz  reported  from  Simanggang  (Batang  Lupar) 
a serious  case  of  poison  by  which  five  persons  nearly  lost  their  lives.  The 
guilty  parties  were  two  women  (S.G.,  No.  85),  but  he  gives  no  details. 

In  the  S.G.,  1894,  p.  21,  I notice  the  following  in  the  Batang  Lupar 
notes  : “ Several  specimens  of  the  Kibang  upah,  one  of  the  supposed  Bugau 
poison  plants,  are  now  flourishing  in  the  fort  garden.  They  are  similar  to 
the  kladi  but  with  red  leaves  and  stalks.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  any 
known  use  in  this  district.  Another  variety  of  the  kibang  api  is  much  more 
red  than  these.  These  are,  however,  probably  plants  producing  poison  for 
the  sumpitans.” 

“ I may  mention  that  the  crime  of  poisoning  is  almost  unknown  on  the 
north-west  coast,  but  it  is  very  generally  believed  the  people  of  the  interior  of 
the  Kapuas,  a few  days’  walk  from  the  Batang  Lupar,  are  much  given  to  the 


200  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

practice.  Sherif  Sahib,  and  many  others  who  visited  that  country,  died 
suddenly,  and  the  Malays  assert  it  was  from  poison  ; but  of  this  I have  no 
proof.”  (St.  John  i.  30.) 

Referring  to  this  statement,  Mr.  Burbidge  remarks  (p.  66)  : “ The  nature 
of  the  poison  used  is  not  exactly  known,  but  it  is  very  generally  supposed  to 
be  a peculiarly  irritating  fibre  or  spiculoe  derived  from  some  species  of 
bamboo,  the  effect  of  which  is  to  cause  a chronic  state  of  sickness  and 
depression,  followed  by  death.  Whatever  it  may  be,  it  is  a mechanical  rather 
than  a chemical  irritant.” 

Referring  to  the  murder  of  a headman  in  1886  Mr.  F.  O.  Ricketts  writes  : 
“ Orang  Kaya  Abai  and  his  followers  are  what  are  known  as  main  Muruts. 

Abai  has  always  been  overbearing  and  defiant  and  consequently  has 
been  at  enmity  with  most  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  river,  he  also  bears 
the  character  of  being  a poisoner,  and  it  is  said  that  many  have  met  their 
death  at  his  hand  in  that  manner.” 

Eight  years  later  the  same  Resident  reports : “ There  is  one  tribe  of 
Muruts  which  originally  inhabited  a small  locality  near  the  source  of  the 
Trusan,  but  few  of  them  left;  there  are  one  or  two  houses  in  the  lower  river ; 
these  are  known  as  the  Main  Muruts  and  bear  a bad  character,  the  others 
being  afraid  of  them  ; they  have  the  reputation  of  being  adepts  in  the  art  of 
poisoning  and  one  of  their  ways  of  administering  it  is  in  arrack  in  the 
following  manner:  it  is  the  usual  custom  in  Muruts’  houses  for  the  hosts  to 
drink  first,  this  they  do,  but  in  handing  the  arrack  to  the  person  they  want  to 
poison  they  slide  the  thumb  into  the  liquor,  the  poison  being  secreted  under 
the  thumb  nail ; how  far  this  is  true  it  is  impossible  to  say — most  Muruts  are 
under  the  impression  that  it  is  done.  The  poison  acts  slowly,  as  the  victim  it 
is  said  does  not  die  for  some  days.  Many  believe  that  they  can  be  poisoned 
at  a distance  by  charms  at  the  hands  of  this  tribe  and  consequently  keep 
aloof — even  those  who  are  on  fairly  good  terms  with  them  avoid  having  much 
to  do  with  them.  Personal  experience  has  shown  that  there  is  something 
different  about  these  people,  who  seem  reserved  and  indisposed  to  become 
friendly.”  (S.G.,  No.  347,  p.  214.) 


Tools  used  in  the  preparation  of  Ipoh  Poison  in  the 
Malay  Peninsula. 


Spatulas  partially  covered  with  Ipoh  Poison. 

The  smallest  is  used  to  spread  the  poison  on  to  the  arrow  tip,  and  the  next  size  to  ladle 
the  sap  from  the  bambu  trough  and  spread  it  on  the  largest  spatulas.  Batang  Padang. 

(L.  Wray,  Kew  Mus.) 


Tools  used  in  the  Preparation  of  I poll  Poison. 


201 


Bambu  for  collecting  Ipoh  Sap. 

The  piece  of  wood  is  to  convey  the  sap  into  the  bambu.  Batang  Padang. 
(L.  Wray,  Kew  Mus.) 


Bambu  Trough 

in  which  the  ipoh  sap  is  dried  by  the  Sakais.  Batang  Padang. 
(L.  Wray,  Kew  Mus.) 


Bambu  for  holding  Ipoh  Aker  Poison 
(Stry  chnos). 

Near  S.  Maingayi,  Batang  Padang. 
(L.  Wray,  Kew  Mus.) 


Hollow  Bambu  Receptacle  for  Poison. 
From  Perak. 

(Sir  H.  Low,  Kew  Mus.) 


Bambu  for  holding  Lampong  Poison 
(Strychnos  ) . 

Maingayi,  Batang  Padang. 

(L.  Wray,  Kew  Mus.) 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


PEACE,  SLAVES  AND  CAPTIVES,  HUMAN  SACRIFICES, 

CANNIBALISM. 

PEACE.  Feasting — Symbol  of  good  understanding — Heads,  Dr.  and  Cr. — Peace  through  a third 
party — Banting  and  Sakaran — Peace  ceremonies — Fated  pigs — A sturdy  chief — Meeting  of 
enemies — Slaves  sacrificed  — Swearing  over  water  — Salt-eating — Fowl-waving — Exchange 
of  knives.  Blood-Brotherhoods  : Other  brotherhoods. 

SLAVES  AND  CAPTIVES.  Slave-debtors — Enemies’  children  adopted — Sea  Dvaks  kind  masters 
— Sales  of  relatives — Ransoms — Gifts  of  freedom — Kayans  brutal  masters — Murut  slaves — 
No  Dusun  slaves.  System  of  Indoor  and  Outdoor  Slaves  : Origin — Descent — Curious 
succession  — Marriage  of  slaves — Their  work  — Slave's  property  — Inheritance  — Freedom  — 
Introducing  slaves — Support  of  slaves — Debts  of  slaves — Fire  makes  slaves.  Slavery  in  North 
Borneo  : Two  classes — Marriage — Easy  life — No  slave  gangs — Punishments— Maltreatment — 
Brian — Adoption — Debts — Private  work — Infidel  slaves — Work  for  wages  degrading. 

HUMAN  SACRIFICES.  Peace-making  sacrifices  — Malanau  sacrifices  at  house-buildings  — 
Torture  — Heart-augury  — Kayan  house-building  victims — Kayan  sacrifices  for  prosperity  — 
Murut  women  not  present — Purchases  for  sacrifices. 

CANNIBALISM.  Originally  widespread — “To  get  brave" — Reported  Land  Dyak  cannibals  — 
Circumstantial  evidence — A German  missionary — The  Abbe  Langenhoff — Kayans  not  cannibals 
— Mr.  Bock’s  statements  concerning  the  Trings — Mr  Bampfylde’s  rejoinder — Mr.  Brooke  Low’s 
reply— Malay  charge  against  the  Dusun. 


PEACE. 

Among  the  Land  Dyaks : “When  peace  is  made  between  them,  one  tribe 
visits  the  other,  in  order  to  feast  together  ; and  on  these  occasions,  whatever 
the  number  of  visitors  may  be,  they  are  at  liberty  to  use  the  fruits  of  their 
hosts  without  hindrance.  At  their  pleasure  they  strip  the  cocoanuts  off  the 
trees,  and  devour,  and  carry  away  as  much  as  they  can,  without  offence.  Of 
course  the  hosts  in  turn  become  visitors,  and  pay  in  the  same  coin.  All  the 
Dvaks  are  remarkably  tenacious  of  their  fruit  trees  ; but  on  the  occasion  of 
the  feast,  beside  taking  the  fruit,  the  visitors  fell  one  tree,  as  a symbol  of  good 
understanding:  of  course  it  is  only  once  that  such  liberties  are  taken  or 
allowed  ; at  other  times  it  would  be  an  affront  sufficient  to  occasion  a war." 
(Sir  Jas.  Brooke,  Mundy  i.  210.)  This  custom  existed  among  the  Sadong 
people,  the  Engkrohs  and  Engrats,  but  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  put  a stop  to  it. 

(i.  367-) 

Among  the  Sea  Dyaks  peace  is  brought  about  by  balancing  the  head 
accounts1  and  paying  the  difference  in  goods  to  the  other  tribe.  “ In  this 
computation  the  value  of  males  is  estimated  at  about  twenty-five  dollars, 
£5  4s.  2d.,  and  females  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dollars  each ; when  the 


1 See  supra  ii.  98  : the  Peluan  feud. 


Peace. 


20  3 


difference  is  thus  adjusted  the  two  contracting  tribes  feast  and  dance 
together,  and  are  friends  until  some  new  occasion  of  quarrel  happens,  and 
disturbs  their  amity.”  (Low,  p.  213.)  “ When  one  party  is  weaker,  or  less 

active,  or  less  warlike  than  the  other,  they  solicit  a peace  through  some  tribe 
friendly  to  both,  and  pay  for  the  lives  they  have  taken  : the  price  is  about 
two  gongs,  value  33J  reals,  for  each  life  : thus  peace  is  concluded.  This  is 
the  custom  with  these  Dyaks  universally ; but  it  is  otherwise  with  the 
Sarebus  and  Sakarran.  But  Sarebus  and  Sakarran  are  not  fair  examples 
of  Dyak  life,  as  they  are  pirates  as  well  as  head-hunters.”  (Sir  Jas.  Brooke, 
Keppel  i.  302.) 

On  the  expedition  against  Pa  Dendang  in  the  Sakaran  district,  “the 
meeting  of  the  Banting  and  Sakarang,  who  had  been  on  terms  of  deadly  feud 
for  generations  past,  was  far  from  amicable  : the  former,  to  whom  I was  then 
attached,  denying  the  Sakarangs  to  have  a single  virtuous  quality.  They 
were  cowardly  traitors — crafty,  false,  and  never  to  be  trusted.  The  Bantings 
drew  their  boats  quietly  under  the  banks  of  the  river,  or  advanced  at  a 
distance,  when  the  Sakarang  party  were  being  noticed.”  (Brooke  i.  in.) 
Sir  Charles  Brooke’s  “ arrival  at  Sakarang  had  the  effect  of  bringing  the 
Lingga  and  Sakarang  Dyaks  together  ; but  there  was  anything  but  love 
existing  between  them,  and  when  apart,  they  abused  each  other  most 
spitefully.”  (ibid,  i.  137.)  In  these  and  many  other  cases  it  was  the  present 
Rajah’s  mere  presence  that  kept  the  peace.  One  of  his  many  triumphs  was 
the  establishment  of  peace  between  the  Undups  (?)  and  the  Kantu  Dyaks  of 
the  Kapuas  river  in  Dutch  Borneo.  He  says  : “ An  assembly  of  about  three 
hundred  people  was  present.  Sheds  had  been  run  up,  and  people  had  been 
waiting  on  the  ground  for  days.  At  length,  when  all  were  assembled,  the 
spokesman  of  each  division  made  an  oration,  and  the  settlement  was  finally 
concluded.  The  first  to  draw  a sword  upon  another  on  any  future  day,  was 
to  pa}-  the  established  fine  of  eight  jars.  This  was  agreed  to  by  all  parties, 
and  then  two  pigs  were  killed,  the  blood  sprinkled  about,  and  some  was  even 
taken  home  to  touch  the  house,  to  wash  away  any  evil  tendencies  there  might 
be  hanging  in  the  atmosphere,  and  to  appease  the  spirits.  After  this 
ceremony,  they  all  mixed  in  the  same  circle,  and  told  their  different 
relationships,  handed  down  through  many  generations,  and  over  a large 
extent  of  country,  on  which  were  situated  their  many  farming  lands  and  fruit 
trees,  some  of  them  long  since  abandoned.  This  is  the  common  practice  of 
Dyaks,  and  their  eyes  sparkle  with  delight  on  finding  a new  Scotch  cousin, 
several  times  removed,  although  they  may  have  been  at  feud  for  years,  and 
only  an  hour  before  would  have  gladly  carried  each  other’s  head  in  a bag.” 
(ibid,  ii.  79.) 

The  peace  made  by  the  late  Rajah  Muda  between  the  Balaus  and 
Sakarans  is  described  by  Sir  Spencer  St.  John:  “After  orations  on  both 
sides,  for  they  all  appear  to  have  a natural  gift  of  uttering  their  sentiments 
freely  without  the  slightest  hesitation,  the  ceremony  of  killing  a pig  for 
each  tribe  followed  ; it  is  thought  more  fortunate  if  the  animal  be  severed  in 
two  by  one  stroke  of  the  parang,  half  sword,  half  chopper.  Unluckily,  the 
Balau  champion  struck  inartistically,  and  but  reached  half  through  the 


204  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

animal.  The  Sakarangs  carefully  selected  a parang  of  approved  sharpness,  a 
superior  one  belonging  to  Mr.  Crookshank,  and  choosing  a Malay  skilled  in 
the  use  of  weapons  placed  the  half-grown  pig  before  him.  The  whole 
assembly  watched  him  with  the  greatest  interest,  and  when  he  not  only  cut 
the  pig  through,  but  buried  the  weapon  to  the  hilt  in  the  mud,  a slight  shout 
of  derision  arose  among  the  Sakarangs  at  the  superior  prowess  of  their 
champion.  The  Balaus,  however,  took  it  in  good  part  and  joined  in  the 
noise,  till  about  two  thousand  men  were  yelling  together  with  all  the  power  of 
their  lungs.  The  sacred  jar,  the  spear,  and  flag  were  now  presented  to  each 
tribe,  and  the  assembly,  no  longer  divided,  mixed  freely  together.”  (i.  26.) 

Whether  Bishop  McDougall  is  referring  to  this  special  peace  making  is  not 
clear,  but  he  says  : “ One  of  the  fellows  at  a stroke  cut  the  animal  right  across, 
but  on  one  of  the  parts  left  a little  bit  of  skin.  This,  it  was  disputed,  would 
break  the  treaty,  and  the  parties  would  have  fought  then  and  there  but  for 
the  strongest  persuasion  ; which  fortunately  prevailed.”  (T.E.S.  ii.  30.) 

Among  Kanowits  when  peace  was  made,  “ a pig  was  placed  between  the 
representatives  of  two  tribes,  who,  after  calling  down  the  vengeance  of  the 
spirits  on  those  who  broke  the  treaty,  plunged  their  spears  into  the  animal, 
and  then  exchanged  weapons.  Drawing  their  krises,  they  each  bit  the  blade 
of  the  other’s,  and  so  completed  the  affair.  The  sturdy  chief  of  Kajulo 
declared  he  considered  his  word  as  more  binding  than  any  such  ceremony.” 
(St.  John  i.  45.)  “ It  is  a very  curious  custom  also,  that  if  two  men  who 
have  been  at  deadly  feud,  meet  in  a house,  they  refuse  to  cast  their  eyes  upon 
each  other  till  a fowl  has  been  killed  and  the  blood  sprinkled  over  them.” 
{ibid,  i.  65.)  Sir  J.  Brooke  relates  at  Simpoke  “ that  enemies  can  neither 
eat  nor  drink  in  company,  without  desiring  a reconciliation.”  (Keppel  i.  309.) 

“ The  following  are  the  customs  observed  on  the  conclusion  of  peace 
between  two  hostile  tribes.  Each  provides  a slave  to  be  murdered  by  the 
other,  and  the  principal  person  present  gives  the  first  wound,  which  is 
inflicted  on  the  lower  part  and  in  the  centre  of  the  breast  bone.  The  other 
persons  of  the  tribe  who  may  be  present  immediately  follow  the  example,  and 
fathers  encourage  their  children  to  mutilate  the  body  with  their  knives  or 
whatever  weapon  they  can  acquire.  The  slaves  sacrificed  to  peace  are  not 
criminals,  but  generally  purchased  for  this  purpose.2  Besides  this,  presents 
are  interchanged  : these  are  provisions,  gold  dust  to  the  value  of  a few 
rupees,  and  Siamese  earthen  jars,  which  are  highly  valued,  as  the  priests 
use  them  as  oracles,  striking  them  and  predicting  according  to  the  sound 
which  may  be  elicited.  Peace  is  generally  concluded  at  the  chief  village  or 
town  of  the  most  powerful  tribe.  It  was  thus  that  a feud  which  had  existed 
for  5 years  between  the  Sintang  and  Sakadayo  Daya  was  terminated  in  1826, 
since  when  they  have  been  on  amicable  terms.”  (Dalton,  p.  9.) 

Something  similar  used  to  occur  on  the  Trusan,  among  the  Muruts. 
“ One  party  claimed  a bangun  of  two  slaves,  one  old  jar,  one  kabok,  and  three 
tetawaks,  to  stop  a blood  feud  ; and  the  lives  taken  were  even,  and  according 
to  Murut  custom,  the  party  last  killing  is  required  to  pay  a slave  and  a gong 
as  a preliminary  to  making  peace.  It  is  usual  with  Muruts  to  kill  the  slave 

1 See  supra  ii.  163  and  infra  ii.  216. 


Peace. 


205 


when  received  as  part  of  a bangun.  (O.  F.  Ricketts,  S.G.,  No.  242,  p.  46.) 
The  same  resident  writes  later  : “ Occasionally  feuds  have  been  settled 
between  two  tribes,  the  aggressors  having  made  full  compensation  in  payment 
of  jars,  brassware,  and  two  slaves;  it  was  the  custom  to  kill  one  of  these 
slaves  to  make  up  for  the  relative  lost ; on  these  occasions  the  same  festivities 
as  previously  described  would  take  place,  as  also  when  reprisals  had  been 
made,  although  no  one  had  been  killed,  but  in  the  latter  case  they  would  be  on 
a much  smaller  scale,  and  the  clay  alligator  or  snake  would  be  absent ; these 
are  only  present  when  a head  has  been  taken. 

“ A feud  is  not  actually  settled  until  peace  has  been  made  by  swearing  an 
oath,  which  with  Muruts  is  binding.  The  ceremony  is  undertaken  by  the 
chiefs  of  the  two  tribes,  and  is  generally  conducted  over  a stream,  there  being 
suspended,  above  the  log  they  stand  on,  a bamboo  filled  with  hair  charms  and 
tiger-cat’s  teeth,  the  latter  are  set  great  store  by  and  must  be  used ; then  each 
chief,  as  he  goes  through  his  oath,  holds  on  to  the  bamboo.  There  is, 
however,  one  more  test,  after  which  the  two  parties  feel  themselves  perfectly 
secure  against  any  renewal  of  hostilities  from  each  other,  and  that  is 
when  they  have  eaten  each  other’s  salt ; it  is  the  place  of  the  aggrieved 
side  to  ask  the  other’s  first,  and  this  is  not  done  usually  until  they 
have  shifted  their  houses  three  times ; this  may  mean  4 or  5 years,  as 
they  do  not  move  oftener  than  once  a year  and  sometimes  once  in  two.” 
(S.G.  No.  328,  p.  18.) 

The  custom  of  waving  fowls  over  the  heads  of  guests,  as  has  been 
referred  in  the  description  of  the  festivals,  “ is  supposed  to  conduce  to  good 
and  friendly  feeling,  and  to  prevent  either  party  from  quarrelling  and  fighting.” 
(Brooke  i.  in.) 

At  Muka,  a feud  during  which  three  lives  had  been  lost  on  both  sides,  was 
arranged  by  a promise  to  exchange  knives.  . . . Boling  and  Tama  Nideng 

the  two  principals^  put  an  end  to  their  feud.  Boling  stroked  the  breast  of 
each  Penan  present  with  a naked  parang,  repeating  some  formula  in  the 
Penan  language;  he  then  presented  Tama  Nideng  with  the  sword.  The 
latter  then  performed  the  same  rite  on  Boling  with  a spear,  and  afterwards 
presented  him  with  it.”  (De  Crespigny,  S.G.  No.  188,  pp.  42,  44.) 

The  curious  custom  of  making  brothers  was  first  described  by  Mr.  Dalton. 
“ Selgie  requested  I would  make  sobat  with  him  ; on  my  gladly  consenting,  he 
went  in  person  and  stuck  a spear  into  the  ground  above  his  father’s  grave. 
This  being  the  signal  for  a general  assembly,  each  of  the  chiefs  sent  a person 
to  know  the  Rajah’s  pleasure ; it  was  that  every  warrior  should  assemble 
around  the  grave  by  twelve  o’clock  the  next  day.  Some  thousands  were 
present  : a platform  of  bamboo  was  raised  about  twelve  feet  above  the  grave, 
and  on  this  Selgie  and  I mounted,  accompanied  by  an  Agi,  his  high  priest. 
After  some  previous  ceremony,  the  Agi  produced  a small  silver  cup,  which 
might  hold  about  two  wine  glasses,  and  then  with  a piece  of  bamboo  made 
very  sharp,  drew  blood  from  the  Rajah’s  right  arm  : the  blood  ran  into  the 
cup  until  it  was  nearly  full  ; he  then  produced  another  cup,  of  a similar  size, 
and  made  an  incision  in  my  arm,  a little  above  the  elbow,  and  filled  it  with 
blood.  The  two  cups  were  then  held  up  to  the  view  of  the  surrounding  people, 


2o6 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


who  greeted  them  with  loud  cheers.'1  The  Agi  now  presented  me  with  the 
cup  of  Selgie’s  blood,  giving  him  the  other  one  with  mine  ; upon  a signal,  we 
drank  off  the  contents  amidst  the  deafening  noise  of  the  warriors  and  others. 
The  Agi  then  half-filled  one  of  the  cups  again  from  Selgie’s  arm,  and  with  my 
blood  made  it  a bumper;  this  was  stirred  up  with  a piece  of  bamboo  and  given 
to  Selgie,  who  drank  about  half ; he  then  presented  the  cup  to  me,  when  I 
finished  it.  The  noise  was  tremendous  ; thus  the  great  Rajah  Selgie  and  I 
became  brothers.  After  this  ceremony  I was  perfectly  safe,  and  from  that 
moment  felt  myself  so  during  my  stay  amongst  his  people.  Drinking  the 
blood,  however,  made  me  ill  for  two  days,  as  I could  not  throw  it  off  my 
stomach.  The  Rajah  took  his  share  with  great  gusto,  as  this  is  considered 
one  of  the  greatest  ceremonies,  particularly  on  this  occasion,  between  the 
great  Rajah  and  the  first  European  who  had  been  seen  in  his  country.  Great 
festivities  followed,  and  abundance  of  heads  were  brought  in,  for  nothing  can 
be  done  without  them.  Three  days  and  nights  all  ranks  of  people  danced 
round  these  heads,  after  being,  as  usual,  smoked  and  the  brains  taken  out, 
drinking  a kind  of  toddy  which  soon  intoxicates  them;  they  are  then  taken  care 
of  by  the  women  who  do  not  drink,  at  least,  I never  observed  them.”  (Dalton, 
P-  52-) 

“ The  following  was  observed  on  my  initiation  into  the  brotherhood  with 
Lasa  Kulan,  the  chief  of  Balaga  on  the  Rajang,  and  of  Tubow  on  the  Bintulu 
river.  Two  days  previous  to  that  on  which  the  bloody  affair  came  off,  the 
great  hall  of  the  chief  was  garnished  with  the  weapons  and  gaudy  skin  war 
dresses  of  the  men,  and  dashed  with  a fair  sprinkling  of  the  finery  of  the 
women  kept  more  for  show  than  use.  On  the  day  appointed,  a number  of  the 
neighbouring  chiefs  having  arrived,  several  of  them  commenced  proceedings 
by  haranguing  on  the  greatness  and  power  of  their  own  selves,  and  of  all  the 
wonders  they  had  heard  of  the  white  people,  and  of  their  satisfaction  in  being 
visited  by  one  of  them,  of  whom  their  fathers  had  heard  so  much  but  had 
never  seen.  Next  a large  pig,  provided  for  the  occasion,  was  killed,  the  throat 
cutting  part  of  the  business  being  performed  by  one  of  the  fair  sex,  seemingly 
with  great  satisfaction  to  the  attendant  crowd  of  men.  Next  were  brought 
three  jars  full  of  arrack  of  three  sorts,  severally  made  from  rice,  sugar-cane,  and 
the  fruit  tampui.  In  pieces  of  bambu  it  was  dealt  out  in  profusion  to  all 
present,  the  ladies  excepted.  On  the  chief  taking  a bambu  filled  with  arrack, 
we  repaired  to  the  balcony  in  front  of  the  house,  and  stood  side  by  side  with 
our  faces  towards  the  river.  The  chief  then  announced  his  intention  of 
becoming  the  friend  or  brother  of  a son  of  the  white  man,  on  which  one  of  the 
attending  chiefs  gave  me  a small  sharp-pointed  piece  of  bambu,  with  which  I 
made  a slight  incision  in  the  right  fore-arm  of  the  chief,  and  the  blood  drawn 
was  put  on  a leaf.  The  chief  then,  with  a similar  instrument,  drew  blood 
from  my  left  fore-arm,  which  was  put  on  the  same  leaf  and  mingled  with  the 
other.  The  blood  was  then  mixed  with  tobacco  and  made  up  into  a large 
cigar  which  we  puffed  alternately  until  it  was  finished,  when  my  new  friend 
delivered  himself  of  a long  and  eloquent  speech,  invoking  their  god  Tanangan, 

3 Two  wine  glasses  full  would  mean  about  8 oz.  of  blood.  In  the  days  of  cupping  about 
10-16  oz.  used  to  be  the  limit. 


Peace. 


20  7 


the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  and  rivers,  the  woods  and  mountains  to  witness  his 
sincerity.  Three  times  during  this  declamation  he  sprinkled  the  arrack  on  the 
ground  towards  the  river.  My  speech  being  delivered,  several  of  the  principal 
chiefs  present  held  forth  both  long  and  loud  enough.  We  afterwards  returned 
to  the  hall,  and  the  cheering  beverage  went  round  more  merrily  than  before, 
calling  forth  their  good  nature  and  social  disposition.  Although  no  toasts 
were  given,  still  each  successive  bumper  was  accompanied  by  a merry  and 
noisy  chorus.  1 he  feast  came  afterwards,  and  the  whole  affair  was  wound 
up  by  music  and  dancing  which  lasted  until  about  midnight.”  (R.  Burns, 
pp.  146-7.  Mr.  Hose  says  of  this  ceremony,  “the  smoke  is  inhaled  into 
the  lungs  in  some  cases,  to  show  the  sincerity  of  the  bond.”  (J.A.I., 
xxiii.  166.) 

Sir  Chas.  Brooke  refers  to  the  custom,  and  adds:  “.  . . . After  this 

matter  is  consummated,  the  stranger  is  designated  ‘ Nian,’  or  friend  ; but  it  is 
not  desirable  to  attempt  such  experiments,  as  they  require  a number  of 
presents,  and  unless  one  has  some  ulterior  object,  it  is  needless,  as  no  one 
could  ever  trust  a Kayan’s  faith  or  word.  They  are  false  in  the  extreme, 
neither  proving  true  friends  nor  steady  enemies,  and  always  committing  some 
acts  of  treachery  upon  a weaker  tribe.  Their  names  have  been  extolled 
preposterously.”  (ii.  224.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  was  made  blood  brother  of  Singauding,  a Kayan  chief. 
The  ceremony  is  called  berbiang.  The  ceremony  seemed  to  be  similar  to  that 
Mr.  Burns  underwent,  but  instead  of  a sharp  piece  of  bambu  being  used  for 
the  blood-letting,  there  was  used  “a  small  piece  of  wood,  shaped  like  a knife- 
blade,  and  slightly  piercing  the  skin,  brought  blood  to  the  surface.”  Among 
the  Kiniahs  “ a pig  is  brought  and  placed  between  the  two  who  are  to  be 
joined  in  brotherhood.  A chief  offers  an  invocation  to  the  gods,  and  marks 
with  a lighted  brand  the  pig’s  shoulder.  The  beast  is  then  killed,  and  after 
an  exchange  of  jackets,  a sword  is  thrust  into  the  wound,  and  the  two  are 

marked  with  the  blood  of  the  pig As  the  Kayans  believed  some 

misfortune  would  happen  to  us  if  I went  anywhere  but  straight  on  board  the 
ship,  or  if  Singauding  left  his  house  during  the  day,  I remained  quiet,  and 
talked  over  affairs  with  the  Malays.”  (i.  107,  no.) 

The  brotherhoods  mentioned  by  Mr.  Frank  Hatton  are  very  different,  and 
more  like  the  welcome  ceremony  described  above  by  Sir  Chas.  Brooke.  “At 
about  12  o’clock  the  Dusuns  commenced  arriving,  boat  load  after  boat  load, 
until  some  hundred  men  had  collected,  all  armed  with  spears  and  swords.  The 
chief  now  came  up,  and  we  at  once  proceeded  with  the  ceremonv.  First  the 
chief  cut  two  long  sticks,  and  then  sitting  down,  he  had  a space  of  ground 
cleared  before  him,  and  began  a discourse.  When  he  came  to  any  special 
point  in  his  discourse  he  thrust  a stick  into  the  ground  and  cut  it  off  at  a 
height  of  half-a-foot  from  the  earth,  leaving  the  piece  sticking  in.4  This  went 
on  until  he  had  made  two  little  armies  of  sticks,  half-a-foot  high,  with  a stick 
in  the  middle  of  each  army  much  higher  than  the  rest,  and  representing  the 
two  leaders.  These  two  armies  were  himself  and  his  followers,  and  myself  and 
my  men.  Having  called  in  a loud  voice  to  his  god,  or  Kinarringan,  to  be 

4 See  supra  i.  77,  efforts  of  memory,  and  i.  356,  sticking  fowls’  tail  feathers  in  the  ground. 


208  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

present,  he  and  I took  hold  of  the  head  and  legs  of  the  fowl,  while  a third 
person  cut  its  head  off  with  a knife.  We  then  dropped  our  respective  parts, 
and  the  movements  of  the  dying  fowl  were  watched.  If  it  jumps  towards  the 
chief  his  heart  is  not  true,  if  towards  the  person  to  be  sworn  in  his  heart  is 
not  true  ; it  must,  to  be  satisfactory,  go  in  some  other  direction.  Luckily,  in 
my  case,  the  fowl  hopped  away  into  the  jungle  and  died.  All  my  men  fired 
three  volleys  at  the  request  of  the  chief,  and  I gave  some  little  presents  all 
round,  and  sent  the  people  away  pleased  and  delighted.  . . . The  Dusun 

headman,  Degadong,  was  very  kind.  He  presented  me  with  a spear,  and  I 
gave  him  a long  knife.  This  exchange  of  weapons  is  customary  after  the  fowl 
ceremony.”  (Diary,  27,  28  March.)  “ To-day  I was  initiated  into  the  brother- 
hood of  the  Bendowen  Dusuns.  The  old  men  and  all  the  tribe  having  assem- 
bled, the  ceremonies  began.  First  the  jungle  was  cleared  for  about  twenty 
yards,  and  then  a hole  dug  about  a foot  deep,  in  which  was  placed  a large  water- 
jar.  In  this  country  these  jars  are  of  enormous  value  : $30,  $40,  and  even 
$100  worth  of  gutta  being  given  for  a single  jar.  The  bottom  of  the  jar  in 
question  was  knocked  out,  so  as  to  render  it  useless  in  future.  The  clay  taken 
out  to  make  the  hole  was  thrown  into  the  jar,  and  now  the  old  men  com- 
menced declaiming,  ‘Oh,  Kinarringan,  hear  us ! ’ — a loud  shout  to  Kinarringan. 
The  sound  echoed  away  down  the  valleys,  and  as  it  died  a stone  was  placed 
near  the  jar.  Then,  for  half-an-hour,  the  old  man  declared  that  by  fire  (which 
was  represented  by  a burning  stick),  by  water  (which  was  brought  in  a bamboo 
and  poured  into  the  jar),  and  earth,  that  they  would  be  true  to  all  white  men. 
A sumpitan  was  then  fetched,  and  an  arrow  shot  into  the  air  to  summon 
Kinarringan.  We  now  placed  our  four  guns,  which  were  all  the  arms  my 
party  of  eight  mustered,  on  the  mouth  of  the  jar,  and  each  put  a hand  in  and 
took  a little  clay  out  and  put  it  away.  Finally  several  volleys  were  shot  over 
the  place  and  the  ceremony  terminated.”  (Diary,  4th  April.)  Two  days  later 
on  he  had  to  submit  to  a similar  ceremony.  On  the  banks  of  the  Lilompatie, 
“ No  water-jars  were  buried,  but  three  stones  were  placed  in  a triangular 
fashion,  and  two  fowls  were  slaughtered.  The  spot  selected  was  close 
to  the  woodland  path  ; this  is  an  important  point.  We  fired  three  volleys, 
and  I held  the  feet  of  the  two  fowls,  whose  bodies  were  allowed  to  rot.” 
(Diary,  8th  April.) 

Mr.  Whitehead  also  mentions  the  ceremony.  “The  Melangkaps  are 
anxious  to  make  brothers  of  our  party,  and  are  going  to  sacrifice  a cow  to 
celebrate  this  occasion.  Their  object  in  doing  this  is  to  make  us,  by  accepting 
their  gifts  of  food  and  returning  other  like  presents,  vow  always  to  be  friendly 
with  the  tribe,  and  in  our  absence  never  to  do  them  any  harm.  Strange  as  it 
may  seem,  the  aborigines  of  Borneo  believe  that  people  have  power  over  each 
other  though  separated  by  many  miles.”  (p.  123.) 

“ The  Ida’an  are  very  strict  keepers  of  their  oath,  which  they  take  by 
pronouncing  in  their  language  some  execrations  against  perfidy,  and  then  cut 
a rattan  : you  do  the  like  in  yours  ; the  friendship  is  then  cemented  with  all 
the  district  with  whose  oranky  this  oath  was  exchanged.  They  then  con- 
sider you  as  a brother,  and  also  everybody  related  to  you  ; if  anyone  knows  of 
such  an  engagement,  and  pretends  to  be  a relation  of  the  person  they  will 


Slaves  and  Captives. 


209 


take  his  word  for  it,  and  behave  to  him  in  the  same  manner  as  if  they  were 
under  an  oath  to  himself.”  (Dalrymple,  p.  43.) 

SLAVES  AND  CAPTIVES. 

Among  the  Land  Dyaks  “though  slavery,  in  its  degrading  form  of  trading 
in  the  liberties  of  our  fellow  creatures,  is  not  practised  by  them,  the  system  of 
slave-debtors  is  carried  on,  though  to  a very  small  extent.  In  scarce  seasons, 
poor  families  are  compelled  to  borrow  of  the  rich,  and  it  sometimes  happens, 
that  being  unable  to  repay  the  debt,  they  live  in  the  houses  of  their  creditors, 
and  work  on  their  farms.  They  are  just  as  happy,  however,  in  this  state,  as 
if  perfectly  free,  enjoying  all  the  liberty  of  their  masters,  who  never  think  of 
ill-using  them.”  (Low,  p.  301.) 

“ The  slaves  of  the  Sea-Dyaks  do  not  in  general  appear  to  be  hardly 
treated,  as  in  their  wars  only  such  as  are  young  are  taken  captive  ; these, 
after  living  with  their  captors  for  some  years,  lose  the  remembrance  of  their 
families,  or,  perhaps,  only  recollect  that  they  were  destroyed,  and  conse- 
quently fall  into  the  customs  and  practices  of  the  people  amongst  whom  they 
live,  and  from  whose  power  they  soon  lose  all  hope  of  deliverance.  In  many 
instances  children,  who  have  been  taken  from  the  Land-Dyaks,  become  so 
endeared  to  their  conquerors,  that  these  latter  adopt  them  as  their  own,  and 
they  are  then  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of  the  free-born  of  the  tribe,  and 
inter-marry  with  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the 
village.  Instances  are  not  uncommon  when  children  thus  treated  have 
forgotten  their  parents,  and  expressed,  when  the  opportunity  of  returning  to 
their  tribe  has  presented  itself  to  them,  an  unwillingness  to  avail  themselves 
of  it,  thus  causing  to  the  parents  who  had  so  tenderly  cherished  the 
remembrance  of  them,  infinite  agony  ; but,  when  they  have  once  arrived  at 
their  native  village,  and  experienced  all  the  kindness  of  parental  affection, 
these  impressions  soon  wear  away,  and  they  are  always  finally  glad  that  they 
had  been  restored.  In  the  villages  the  slaves  are  not  distinguishable  from 
their  masters  and  mistresses,  as  they  live  all  together,  and  fare  precisely  the 
same,  eating  from  the  same  dish,  and  of  the  same  food.”  (ibid,  p.  200.) 

Sir  Spencer  St.  John  says  “though  it  is  contrary  to  ancient  custom  for 
the  Sea  Dyaks  to  keep  slaves  they  have  the  habit  of  keeping  a few  slaves,  and 
are  generally  kind  masters  ; but  the  system  has  been  a very  bad  one,  as  many 
unfortunate  people  have  become  so  in  consequence  of  the  debts  or  the  crimes 
of  their  parents  or  grand-parents.  It  is  scarcely  right  to  give  the  name  of 
slaves  to  these  people,  as  on  the  payment  of  the  original  debt  or  fine  they 
become  free.”  (i.  72.)  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  refers  to  “the  sale  of  relations  and 
even  of  children,  though  not  common  among  some  of  the  less  settled  Milanau 
tribes,  when  pressed  for  food  ” (i.  75) ; much  as  the  Muruts  used  to  do  to  the 
nobles  of  Brunei  (St.  John  ii.  30),  but  such  sales  cannot  be  regarded  as 
customs. 

“ The  Sea  Dyak  captives  are  generally  ransomed  after  peace  has  been 
concluded  between  the  tribes,  and  instead  of  exchanging  prisoners  according 
to  civilised  modes,  they  exchange  captives  for  jars,  each  of  which  is  supposed 
to  represent  the  value  of  a man’s  life.”  (Brooke  i.  245.) 

P 


VOL.  2. 


2ro  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  oj  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“The  Sea  Dyaks  too  often  spare  neither  man  nor  woman  nor  child,  but 
sometimes,  when  more  humanely  inclined,  or  when  the  opportunity  offers, 
they  carry  the  women  and  children  away  with  them  into  captivity.  But  it  is 
a remarkable  fact  that  there  are  so  few  slaves,  or  persons  of  servile  descent, 
among  the  Dyaks.  Other  tribes  keep  their  slaves  in  a condition  of  perpetual 
servitude,  but  the  Sea  Dyaks  allow  their  friends  to  ransom  them,  and  if  they 
still  remain  on  their  hands  they  adopt  them  into  the  tribe  and  enfranchise 
them.  The  ceremony  is  usually  performed  at  a great  feast,  the  owner 
announcing  that  he  has  freed  so  and  so  and  adopted  him  as  a brother,  and 
he  is  presented  by  the  chief  with  a spear,  with  which  he  is  told  to  slay  the 
man  who  dares  hereafter  call  him  a slave.  They  are  not  cruel  to  their 
captives,  but  humane.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

A writer  on  the  Kayans  in  the  S.G.  (No.  130,  p.  28)  says:  “The 
difference  in  appearance  between  the  master  and  slave  is  so  marked  as  to  be 
noticeable  by  the  most  careless  observer.  The  slave  is  but  little  removed 
from  the  animal  either  mentally  or  physically,  while  the  master  is  a well-to-do 
looking  warrior  who  rolls  about  and  looks  as  if  the  earth  is  too  small  for  him.” 

“ The  Muruts  have  slaves  and  will  sell  their  children  to  pay  their  debts. 
They  follow  a fixed  custom  in  not  selling  a slave  to  another  person,  unless 
with  the  slave’s  consent.  Dusuns  will  not  have  slaves,  nor  will  they  sell  their 
children,  nor  will  they  give  up  runaway  slaves.”  (Denison  Jour.  Straits 
Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  p.  185.) 

Mr.  Brooke  Low  has  summarised  the  laws  or  rules  relating  to  the 
position  of  the  slave  on  the  Rejang  river  as  follows  : “ Outdoor  slaves  become  so 
either  by  descent,  by  purchase,  or  by  an  amelioration  of  condition  from 
having  been  zzzdoor  slaves,  /zzdoor  slaves  become  so  by  purchase  or  descent. 
In  cases  where  both  parents  have  been  outdoor  slaves  the  tabusan  (purchase  or 
freedom  mone\-)  is  40  reals  (=  S28’8o),  or  one  picul  of  guns,  unless  the  child 
is  of  tender  years,  when  the  tabusan  is  80  catties  (=  $2i'6o).  In  cases  where 
one  or  both  parents  have  been  zzzdoor  slaves,  but  have  become  ozz/door  slaves 
at  marriage,  the  children  are  outdoor  slaves. 

“ When  one  parent  is  an  zzzdoor  slave  and  the  other  an  ozztdoor  slave,  the 
children  are  divided  between  the  owners  of  the  parents,  the  first  child 
following  the  condition  of  the  father,  supposing  there  be  more  than  one  child, 
e.g. : the  father  is  zzzdoor  slave  of  A,  and  the  mother  is  ozz/door  slave  of  B ; a 
child  is  born  and  sex  being  immaterial  to  the  question,  it  becomes  half  zzzdoor 
slave  of  A and  half  outdoor  slave  of  B.  The  tabusan  of  an  indoor  slave  having 
been  fixed  by  the  practice  of  the  courts  at  60  reals  (=  $43'2o),  and  that  of  an 
ozzfdoor  slave  by  descent  at  40  reals,  it  will  be  clear  that  the  tabusan  on 
account  of  this  first  child  to  A is  in  this  case  30  reals,  and  to  B 20  reals, 
should  the  parents  decide  on  purchasing  the  freedom  of  their  child,  subject, 
however,  if  very  young  to  reductions  as  above.  But  when  two  children  are 
born,  the  first  becomes  zzzdoor  slave  of  A and  the  second  ozzfiioor  slave  of  B, 
the  tabusan  to  A being  60  reals  or  ii  piculs,  and  that  to  B 40  reals  or  1 picul. 

“ Where  the  parent  is  free  on  one  side,  and  the  other  parent  either  an  in 
or  ozz/door  slave,  the  first  child  follows  the  fortunes  of  the  father,  the  second 
that  of  the  mother,  and  so  on  in  succession,  and  this  rule  is  unalterable.  For 


Slaves  and  Captives. 


211 


example,  a claim  was  lately  made  upon  a boy,  whose  father  was  an  outdoor 
slave,  and  whose  mother  was  a free  woman.  The  boy  was  third  of  a family 
of  five  and  both  parents  were  dead.  The  owner  of  the  late  father  claimed 
this  the  third  child,  but  the  friends  of  the  boy  said  that  before  the  father  died 
he  had  declared  that  the  second  child  should  be  slave,  and  that  the  third 
child  should  be  free,  the  second  child  being  also  dead.  The  court  decided 
that  the  father  had  no  right  to  alter  the  succession,  and  decided  in  favour  of 
the  plaintiff.®  In  cases  where  both  parents  are  originally  slaves,  and  after 
children  are  born  one  parent  frees  him  or  herself,  the  children  born  after  the 
event  follow  the  above  rule. 

“ In  cases  where  an  indoor  slave,  man  or  woman,  has  become  an  outdoor 
one  upon  marriage,  and  has  sought  his  or  her  own  living,  the  children,  so  far 
as  he  or  she  is  concerned,  become  outdoor  slaves,  but  he  or  she  is  still  liable 
to  pay  his  or  her  full  tabusan  to  the  master,  no  reduction  being  made  unless 
the  slave  has  become  aged. 

“ The  owners  of  outdoor  slaves  have  a right  to  demand  the  services  of 
one  child  to  work  as  indoor  slave  until  marriage,  when  he  or  she  quits  the 
master’s  house  and  returns  to  his  or  her  position  as  an  outdoor  slave  ; if  a 
girl  the  master  is  on  no  account  to  receive  barian  (purchase-money)5 6  from  the 
husband,  and  if  a boy  the  master  must  provide  barian,  or  at  least  assist  in  the 
matter  for  the  reason  that  the  boy  has  hitherto  worked  for  his  master  and  has 
had  no  opportunity  of  acquiring  property  for  himself.  The  above  rule  is 
seldom  enforced  by  the  owners.  The  owner  of  an  indoor  slave,  if  the  slave 
be  a man,  is  expected  to  provide  barian  when  the  slave  marries,  and  in  such 
a case  he  becomes  co-heir  in  the  slave’s  property  at  death  : if  the  slave  be  a 
woman,  the  owner  receives  the  barian,  and  is  still  co-heir  in  case  of  death. 
In  this  case  the  husband  generally  prefers  to  pay  the  tabusan  and  to  make  his 
wife  free.  In  no  case  whatever  may  an  outdoor  slave  become  an  indoor  one 
except  in  the  case  of  a child  for  a time  as  above. 

“ It  having  come  to  the  notice  of  the  courts  that  in  certain  cases  masters 
exacted  as  much  work  from  an  outdoor  slave  as  from  an  indoor  slave,  and 
that  in  other  cases  outdoor  slaves  could  not  be  induced  to  do  any  work  at  all, 
a rule  was  made  by  which  outdoor  slaves  became  liable  to  be  called  twice  a 
year  to  work  for  their  masters,  twelve  days  on  each  occasion,  failing  which 
they  would  be  subject  to  a month’s  hard  labour  on  the  roads.  No  outdoor 
slave  is  to  be  called  upon  to  work  out  of  his  river’s  district. 

“ The  property  of  slaves  is  now  strictly  protected,  it  having  been  found 
that  masters  sometimes  helped  themselves  as  a right  to  their  slaves’  property. 
In  a case  lately  settled  at  Ova,  a widow,  indoor  slave  of  a pangeran  (high 
Malay  official),  possessed  three  sago  plantations,  and  complained  that  her 
master  had  felled  six  trees,  he  having  no  land  of  his  own.  The  pangeran 


5 Among  the  Punans  the  law  seems  a little  different,  the  sex  being  of  consequence ; thus  there 
was  the  case  of  a freeman  who  had  married  an  indoor  slave  and  a son  and  daughter  were  born.  The 
son  is  free,  following  the  condition  of  the  father,  the  daughter  is  bond,  following  the  condition  of  the 
mother.  (B.L.) 

6 This  is  rather  the  price  for  the  virginity  of  a bride,  and  appears  to  be  a Malay  custom  of  late 
introduction. 


212  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

pleaded  that  he  only  did  what  was  customary  ; it  was  held,  however,  that  he 
was  wrong,  and  he  was  ordered  to  pay  $9 — the  value  of  the  trees  and  the 
costs  of  the  suit. 

“ The  master  of  an  indoor  slave  becomes  as  above-stated  co-heir  with  the 
slave’s  other  relations  in  case  of  death  if  he  has  provided  barian;  if  not,  his 
position  on  this  point  is  as  the  master  of  an  ozzidoor  slave.  The  master  of  an 
outdoor  slave  may  become  co-heir  only  when  the  slave  has  no  children.  No 
master  can  refuse  permission  to  his  slave  to  free  him  or  herself,  or  his  or  her 
children,  whether  in  door  or  outdoor,  nor  can  he  refuse  permission  to  a slave 
to  seek  a new  master,  but  he  can  complain  to  the  courts  if  he  has  reason  to 
think  anyone  has  endeavoured  to  entice  away  his  slave,  and  the  person,  if 
found  guilty,  would  be  heavily  fined. 

If  a master  seduces  a slave  she  at  once  becomes  free.  There  was  a case 
in  court  where  it  was  found  that  a master  and  his  slave  girl  had  lived  as 
husband  and  wife  for  many  years,  and  he  had  had  children  by  her.  The  man 
died  and  his  relations  brought  a case  against  the  woman  and  her  children  to 
exclude  them  from  the  succession  to  the  property  of  the  deceased ; but 
judgment  was  given  in  favour  of  the  defendants  on  the  ground  that,  though 
no  marriage  ceremony  had  ever  been  performed,  the  man  and  woman  had 
been  recognised  by  all  their  relations  as  husband  and  wife  during  the  lifetime 
of  deceased. 

“ The  fine  for  bringing  a slave  into  the  country  from  foreign  parts  and 
selling  him  or  her  is  $100,  and  the  slave  is  to  become  free.  There  was  a case 
where  a man  brought  a family  slave  into  the  country,  whose  tabusan  was  three 
piculs,  and  as  no  permission  had  been  given  to  the  man  to  bring  him  here  the 
slave  was  allowed  to  seek  another  master  who  had  to  pay  one  picul  only  to 
the  previous  master.  There  was  another  case  where  a man  was  allowed  to 
bring  a family  slave  from  Brunei,  he  having  first  asked  permission,  and  the 
slave  himself  having  been  questioned  by  me  at  Brunei  as  to  whether  he  liked 
to  come  here,  and  permission  being  obtained  at  the  same  time  from  the 
authorities  at  Brunei. 

“ Where  it  can  be  proved  that  a master  has  not  supported  an  nzdoor 
slave,  nor  called  upon  him  or  her  to  work  for  five  years,  the  slave  is  entitled 
to  become  free.  The  court  would,  however,  be  very  careful  about  giving 
judgment  in  the  case  of  oiddoor  slaves,  they  being  very  nearly  independent. 
On  one  occasion,  one  family  brought  a case  into  court  against  another  and 
very  numerous  family,  to  compel  the  latter  to  pay  the  tabusan  and  become 
free,  as  the  latter  positively  would  not  work  when  called  upon,  the  defence 
being  that  they  were  already  free,  having  been  P.  Dipa’s  slaves,  who  had 
been  declared  free.  After  a long  investigation  into  their  antecedents  and 
genealogy,  the  case  was  given  against  the  defendants,  it  having  been  found 
that  since  P.  Dipa  had  left  Maka  none  of  the  family  had  really  worked  for  the 
plaintiffs,  and  that  one  of  them  had  freed  himself.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the 
then  resident  of  the  Third  Division,  but  the  previous  judgment  was  confirmed, 
notwithstanding  a letter  from  P.  Dipa  himself  in  favour  of  the  defendants. 

“ When  zzzdoor  slaves  contract  debts,  if  such  debts  be  trifling,  amounting 
to  only  a few  dollars,  the  masters  are  expected  to  pay  ; when  the  debt  is 


Slaves  and  Captives. 


213 


considerable,  should  the  master  pay  it,  the  amount  is  added  to  the  tabusan, 
for  which  the  slave  is  already  responsible.  Should  the  master  be  unable  or 
unwilling  to  pay,  the  slave  is  assigned  to  work  for  him  until  the  debt  is  paid 
off  at  the  rate  of  $2’5o  a month.  Slave  debtors  are  unknown.  When  a 
freeman  becomes  hopelessly  in  debt,  he  is  either  imprisoned  or  assigned  to 
his  creditor  to  work  off  the  debt  as  above,  the  creditor  providing  food  and 
clothing;  or  the  terms  of  the  assignment  may  be  that  he  sail  in  his  creditor’s 
prahu  (boat)  during  the  whole  season — f 7‘oo  a voyage  being  allowed  to  and 
from  Kuching,  or  $i2,oo  a voyage  to  and  from  Singapore.  During  the  close 
season  the  debtor  must  work  in  his  creditor’s  house,  and  have  such  reductions 
made  off  his  debt  as  may  be  agreed  upon  by  the  court.  It  has  happened 
in  a few  cases  that  a relation  has  paid  a man’s  debt  and  the  man  has  been 
assigned  to  work  for  his  relation  until  the  debt  is  cleared  off;  no  monthly 
diminution  being  allowed,  but  even  in  this  case  the  term  slave-debtors  has 
not  been  used.”  “ Every  transfer  of  slaves  must  be  made  before  the  court.” 
(Brooke  Low.) 

“ In  the  old  days,  according  to  the  old  Dyak  laws,  people  who  were 
careless  enough  to  set  a house  on  fire  rendered  themselves  liable  to  become 
slaves  to  those  who  had  been  burnt  out,  and  this  may  have  gone  on  for  two 
or  three  generations,  so  that  the  grandchildren  were  slaves  by  birth.  On  one 
occasion  the  son  of  an  old  woman,  whilst  smoke-drying  some  fish,  fell  asleep 
through  weariness.  The  fire  caught  the  thatch  and  spread  rapidly  through 
the  long  Dyak  house,  melting  the  people’s  guns  and  cracking  jars.  A neigh- 
bour told  the  woman  what  had  occurred,  and  she,  forgetful  of  the  altered 
state  of  things,  at  once  gathered  her  children  and  said  to  them  “ Death  is 
better  than  slaver)’,-’  paddled  with  them  to  the  Dyak  graveyard,  where  she  ate 
and  gave  the  children  to  eat  tuba  root,  and  only  one  child  survived  to  tell  the 
story.”  (Crossland.) 

This  account  may  be  well  supplemented  by  that  of  Mr.  Witti,  as 
published  by  Mr.  Treacher:  “The  late  Mr.  Witti,  one  of  the  first  officers 
of  the  Association,  at  my  request,  drew  up,  in  1881,  an  interesting  report  on 
the  system  of  slavery,  in  force  in  the  Tampassuk  district,  on  the  west  coast, 
of  which  the  following  is  a brief  summary.  Slaves  in  this  district  are  divided 
into  two  classes — those  who  are  slaves  in  a strict  and  rigorous  sense,  and 
those  whose  servitude  is  of  a light  description.  The  latter  are  known  as  anak 
mas,  and  are  the  children  of  a slave  mother  by  a free  man  other  than  her 
master.  If  a female,  she  is  the  slave,  or  anak  mas,  of  her  mother’s  master, 
but  cannot  be  sold  by  him  ; if  a boy,  he  is  practically  free,  cannot  be  sold,  and 
if  he  does  not  care  to  stay  with  his  master,  can  move  about  and  earn  his  own 
living,  not  sharing  his  earnings  with  his  master,  as  is  the  case  in  some  other 
districts.  In  case  of  actual  need,  however,  his  master  can  call  upon  him  for 
his  services. 

“ If  an  anak  mas  girl  marries  a freeman,  she  at  once  becomes  a free 
woman,  but  a brihan,  or  marriage  gift,  of  from  two  to  two  and  a half  pikuls  of 
brass  gun — valued  at  $20  to  $25  a pikul — is  payable  by  the  bridegroom  to  the 
master. 

“ If  she  marry  a slave,  she  remains  an  anak  mas,  but  such  cases  are  very 


2I4 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


rare,  and  only  take  place  when  the  husband  is  in  a condition  to  pay  a suitable 
brihan  to  the  owner. 

“ If  an  ordinary  slave  woman  becomes  enceinte  by  her  owner,  she  and  her 
offspring  are  henceforth  free,  and  she  may  remain  as  one  of  her  late  master's 
wives.  But  the  jealousy  of  the  inmates  of  the  harem  often  causes  abortion  to 
be  procured. 

“ The  slaves,  as  a rule,  have  quite  an  easy  time  of  it,  living  with  and  as 
their  masters,  sharing  the  food  of  the  family,  and  being  supplied  with  tobacco, 
betel-nut,  and  other  native  luxuries.  There  is  no  difference  between  them 
and  free  men  in  the  matter  of  dress,  and  in  the  arms  which  they  carry,  and 
the  mere  fact  that  they  are  allowed  to  wear  arms  is  pretty  conclusive  evidence 
of  their  not  being  bullied  or  oppressed. 

“ They  assist  in  domestic  duties  and  in  the  operations  of  harvest  and 
trading  and  so  forth,  but  there  is  no  such  institution  as  a slave-gang,  working 
under  task-masters,  a picture  which  is  generally  present  to  the  Englishman’s 
mind  when  he  hears  of  the  existence  of  slavery.  The  slave-gang  was  an 
institution  of  the  white  slave-owner.  Slave  couples,  provided  they  support 
themselves,  are  allowed  to  set  up  house  and  cultivate  a patch  of  land. 

“ For  such  minor  offences  as  laziness  and  attempting  to  escape,  the 
master  can  punish  his  slaves  with  strokes  of  the  rattan,  but  if  an  owner 
receives  grave  provocation  and  kills  his  slave,  the  matter  will  probably  not  be 
taken  notice  of  by  the  elders  of  the  village. 

“An  incorrigible  slave  is  sometimes  punished  by  being  sold  out  of  the 
district. 

“ If  a slave  is  badly  treated  and  insufficiently  provided  with  food,  his 
offence  in  endeavouring  to  escape  is  generally  condoned  by  public  opinion. 
If  a slave  is,  without  sufficient  cause,  maltreated  by  a freeman,  his  master  can 
demand  compensation  from  the  aggressor.  Slaves  of  one  master  can,  with 
their  owner’s  consent,  marry,  and  no  brihan  is  demanded,  but  if  they  belong 
to  different  masters,  the  woman’s  master  is  entitled  to  a brihan  of  one  pikul, 
equal  to  $20  or  $25.  They  continue  to  be  the  slaves  of  their  respective 
masters,  but  are  allowed  to  live  together,  and  in  case  of  a subsequent  separa- 
tion they  return  to  the  houses  of  their  masters.  Should  a freeman,  other  than 
her  master,  wish  to  marry  a slave,  he  practically  buys  her  from  her  owner 
with  a brihan  of  $60  or  $75. 

“ Sometimes  a favourite  slave  is  raised  to  a position  intermediate  between 
that  of  an  ordinary  slave  and  an  anak  mas,  and  is  regarded  as  a brother,  or 
sister,  father,  mother,  or  child  ; but  if  he  or  she  attempt  to  escape,  a reversion 
to  the  condition  of  an  ordinary  slave  is  the  result.  Occasionally  slaves  are 
given  their  freedom  in  fulfilment  of  a vow  to  that  effect  made  by  the  master  in 
circumstances  of  extreme  danger,  experienced  in  company  with  the  slave. 

“ A slave  once  declared  free  can  never  be  claimed  again  by  his  former 
master. 

“ Debts  contracted  by  a slave,  either  in  his  own  name  or  in  that  of  his 
master,  are  not  recoverable. 

“ By  their  own  extra  work,  after  performing  their  service  to  their  owners, 
slaves  can  acquire  private  property  and  even  themselves  purchase  and  own  slaves. 


Human  Sacrifices. 


215 


“ Infidel  slaves,  of  both  sexes,  are  compulsorily  converted  to  Muhammad- 
anism, and  circumsized,  and  even  though  they  should  recover  their  freedom, 
they  seldom  relapse.”  (Treacher,  Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Society,  No.  21,  p.  88.) 

“ Mr.  W.  B.  Fryer,  speaking  for  the  East  Coast,  informed  me  that  there 
were  only  a few  slaves  in  the  interior,  mostly  Sulus  who  had  been  kidnapped 
and  sold  up  the  rivers.  Among  the  Sulus  of  the  coast,  the  relation  was  rather 
that  of  follower  and  lord  than  of  slave  and  master.  When  he  first  settled  at 
Sandakan,  he  could  not  get  men  to  work  for  him  for  wages,  they  deemed  it 
degrading  to  do  so,  but  they  said  they  would  work  for  him  if  he  would  buy 
them  ! Sulu,  under  Spanish  influence,  and  Bulungan,  in  Dutch  Borneo,  were 
the  chief  slave  markets,  but  the  Spanish  and  Dutch  are  gradually  suppressing 
this  traffic,  {ibid,  p.  90.) 

HUMAN  SACRIFICES. 

We  have  seen  above  that  human  sacrifices  used  to  take  place  at  the 
burials,  peace  makings  of  the  different  tribes,  and  that  captives  and  slaves 
were  killed  for  the  sake  of  their  heads.  (See  i.  157,  163,  204.) 

“ Human  sacrifices  were  common  among  the  Milanos  previous  to  the 
cession  of  the  country  to  Sir  James  Brooke.  At  Rejang  village,  a young 
virgin  was  buried  alive  under  the  main  post  of  a house.”  (Denison,  Jour. 
Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  p.  182.)  They  are  described  as  a cruelly  disposed 
people,  and  are  in  the  habit  of  putting  their  enemies  to  death  by  horrible 
and  barbarous  tortures.  (Brooke  i.  74.) 

Of  these  people  it  is  more  circumstantially  “ stated  that  at  the  erection 
of  the  largest  house,  a deep  hole  was  dug  to  receive  the  first  post,  which  was 
then  suspended  over  it ; a slave  girl  was  placed  in  the  excavation,  and  at  a 
signal  the  lashings  were  cut,  and  the  enormous  timber  descended,  crushing 
the  girl  to  death.  It  was  a sacrifice  to  the  spirits.  I once  saw  a more  quiet 
imitation  of  the  same  ceremony.  The  chief  of  the  Quop  Dayaks  was  about 
to  erect  a flag-staff  near  his  house  : the  excavation  was  made,  and  the  timber 
secured,  but  a chicken  only  was  thrown  in  and  crushed  by  the  descending 
flag-staff.”  (St.  John  i.  35  ) The  same  writer  says  : “ Not  many  years  ago, 
Rentap,  the  pirate  chief,  who  formerly  resided  in  a stronghold  on  the  summit 
of  the  Sadok  mountain,  took  a Sakarang  lad  prisoner.  Although  one  of  his 
own  race,  he  determined  on  putting  him  to  death,  remarking — ‘ It  has  been 
our  custom  heretofore  to  examine  the  heart  of  a pig,  but  now  we  will 
examine  a human  one.’  The  unfortunate  boy  was  dragged  about  for  some 
time  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  then  put  to  death  and  his  heart  examined.” 
(Brooke  i.  64.)  According  to  His  Highness,  the  Kayans  used  to  treat  their 
captives  very  badly.  “ On  one  occasion  seven  captives  were  tortured  by 
slow  degrees  to  death.”  {ibid,  ii.  271.)  “ On  another  occasion  eleven 

captives  were  divided  out  among  Yonghang’s  followers,  and  were  carried,  on 
their  way  up  the  river,  into  every  house,  where  they  were  received  with 
delight,  and  tortured  by  the  women.  On  arriving  at  Yonghang’s  abode,  one 
of  them  named  Boyong  was  singled  out  to  be  a victim  in  the  sacrifice  for 
Yonghang’s  son,  who  had  lately  departed  this  life.  Boyong  was  to  be  buried 


216  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

alive  under  a Salong  (a  large  wooden  pillar)  early  the  succeeding  morning. 
Boyong,  however,  and  one  of  the  others,  managed  to  effect  their  escape  that 
night,  ran  into  the  jungle,  and  found  their  way,  after  twenty  days’  wandering, 
to  the  foot  of  the  first  rapids.  . . . Boyong  is  now  living,  and  shows  the 

marks  about  his  body  where  he  was  tortured  by  the  Kayans.  . . . The 

remaining  men  were  all  strangled  by  the  Kayans.”  {ibid,  ii.  272.) 

“ The  Kayans  strenuously  deny  the  practice  of  human  sacrifice  at  the 
present  day,  but  it  would  seem  to  have  been  prevalent  amongst  them 
formerly,  especially  on  the  occasion  of  the  King  or  principal  chief  taking 
possession  of  a newly-built  house,  and  also  on  the  occasion  of  his  death. 
They  acknowledge  that  an  instance  of  this  most  revolting  custom  took  place 
about  two  years  ago  [1847]  on  the  occasion  of  the  chief  Batu  Dian  taking 
possession  of  his  new  house.  The  victim  was  a Malay  slave  girl  brought 
from  the  coast  for  the  avowed  purpose,  and  sold  to  the  chief  by  a man  who 
was  also  a Malay.  It  is  said  to  be  contrary  to  the  Kayan  custom  to  sell  or 
sacrifice  one  of  their  own  nation.  In  the  case  alluded  to  the  unfortunate 
victim  was  bled  to  death,  the  blood  was  taken  and  sprinkled  on  the  pillars 
and  under  the  house,  but  the  body  was  thrown  into  the  river.”  (Burns, 
Jour.  Ind.  Arch.  iii.  145.) 

Sir  Chas.  Brooke  tells  us:  ‘"It  is  a Kayan  custom,  named  ‘Jahum,’ 
when  captives  are  brought  to  any  enemy’s  country,  that  one  should  suffer 
death,  to  bring  prosperity  and  abolish  the  curse  of  the  enemy  in  their  lands. 
The  deed  is  generally  performed  by  women,  who  torture  with  sticks,  &c.” 
(ii.  304.) 

“ As  for  the  presence  of  women  at  religious  ceremonies,  here  at  the 
swinging  ceremonies  they  are  always  present,  and  also  when  feasts  are  held 
in  honour  of  the  padi  spirits.  So  far  as  I had  power  of  observing,  women 
do  not  become  spectators  of  human  sacrifices,  even  though  the  victim  be  a 
woman.  The  Muruts  never  sacrifice  one  of  their  own  people,  but  either 
capture  an  individual  of  a hostile  tribe,  or  send  to  a friendly  tribe  to  purchase 
a slave  for  the  purpose.  The  Dusuns  do  not  sacrifice  human  beings,  even 
when  they  build  their  houses.”7  (Denison,  Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc., 
No.  10,  p.  184.) 

Capt.  Forrest,  however,  writing  in  1780,  says  (p.  368)  : “ In  this  north 
part  of  Borneo,  is  the  high  mountain  of  Keeneebaloo,  near  which,  and  upon 

7 Mr.  Hupe  writes  the  following  (pp.  330-331  footnote)  referring  to  the  still  (though  secretly) 
practiced  human  offerings  : “ The  missionary  Huperts  writing  on  26  October,  1842  (see  Barm. 

Missionsblatt,  No.  7,  1848)  about  this,  says : ‘ A clandestine  sort  of  murder  still  exists  here  amongst 
the  Dyaks  [sir]  in  the  interior,  and  still  many  sacrifices  are  offered  to  the  devil,  but  secretly,  and 
excepting  the  Dyaks  hardly  anyone  knows  anything  about  them.  They  still  slaughter  the  fairly- 
aged  slaves,  whom  they  take  into  the  interior  without  their  knowing  what  is  to  come;  they  dig  a 
deep  hole,  and  place  the  poor  man  bound  in  it,  when  they  chop  off  his  head  and  hang  up  the  skull 
in  their  huts.  I have  this  information  from  the  mouth  of  two  Dyaks,  especially  from  the  mouth  of 
a 35  year  old  Dyak  who  now  works  at  the  mission  station  here  ; his  name  is  Andang  and  he  fled  to 
us,  with  which  fact  his  master  must  need  out  of  fear  be  satisfied,  for  the  masters  are  much  afraid 
especially  as  regards  the  Dutch  Government  when  such  shameful  deeds  become  known.  A widow 
slaughters  one  or  more  slaves  in  order  that  her  husband  should  have  servants  in  the  spirit  world. 
Only  a short  time  ago  a Dyak  named  Tondau  killed  twenty  such  slaves.’  " See  supra,  ii.  163 
and  204. 


Cannibalism. 


21 7 


the  skirts  of  it,  live  the  people  called  Oran  Idaan  or  Idahah,  and  sometimes 
Maroots.  . . . An  Idaan  or  Maroot  must,  for  once  at  least  in  his  life, 

have  imbrued  his  hands  in  a fellow  creature’s  blood  ; the  rich  are  said  to  do 
it  often,  adorning  their  houses  with  sculls  and  teeth,  to  show  how  much  they 
have  honoured  their  author,  and  laboured  to  avert  his  chastisement.  Several 
in  low  circumstances  will  club  to  buy  a Bisayan  Christian  slave,  or  any  one 
that  is  to  be  sold  cheap  ; that  all  may  partake  the  benefit  of  the 
execution.” 

CANNIBALISM. 

As  yet  no  European  excepting  Mr.  Dalton  appears  to  have  actually  seen 
any  traces  of  cannibalism.  Nevertheless  there  is  plenty  of  circumstantial 
evidence  that  the  custom  must  at  one  time  have  been  fairly  wide-spread  in 
Borneo. 

Of  the  Hill  Dyaks  in  general  Sir  Hugh  Low  writes  (p.  304)  : “ So  much 
have  these  people  been  maligned,  when  called  cannibals,  that  if  told  such  a 
race  of  people  do  exist,  they  cannot  credit  it,  and  do  not  believe  such 
enormities  possible.”  Mr.  Denison  states:  “Among  Dayak  and  Milano  tribes, 
in  many  parts  of  the  country,  it  is  the  practice  still  to  cut  up  and  consume  the 
raw  heart  of  “a  brave,”  killed  in  battle,  under  the  idea  that  the  partakers  will 
in  time  become  braver.  (Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  p.  182.)  Later 
on  he  repeats : “ I have  never  met  with  cannibals  in  Borneo,  although  I am 
sure,  from  all  I have  heard,  that  the  practice  of  eating  human  beings  has  not 
long  died  out,  and  I think  it  very  likely  it  may  still  exist  in  obscure  and  little- 
known  places  in  the  far  interior.”  (ibid,  p.  185.)  In  his  earlier  jottings  he 
states  : “ I was  assured  by  the  Orang  Kaya,  that  when  he  visited  the  Meribun 
and  Tincang  or  Jincang  Dyaks,  he  found  them  to  be  cannibals.  These  Dyaks 
live  on  the  Batang  Munkiyang,  near  Muntong  and  Muntu,  not  far  from  the 
head-waters  of  the  Sadong  river,  near  Senankan  Kujan.  The  Sekyam  is 
descended  as  far  as  Tanjong  Prin,  whence  you  ascend  Sungei  Meribun,  where 
these  monsters  are  to  be  met  with.  When  in  their  village,  the  Orang  Kaya 
himself  saw  them  eating  a body.  The  custom  is  to  take  only  the  heads  of  the 
enemies,  but,  when  an  individual  of  the  tribe  dies,  the  body  is  sold,  and  even 
women  and  children  partake  of  the  flesh.  The  man  in  question  was  not  old, 
and  his  corpse  was  exchanged  for  a tajow,  the  Dyaks  seeming  to  relish  most  the 
soles  of  the  feet  and  palms  of  the  hands.  These  Dyaks  who  are  credited  with 
making  and  using  poisons,  treated  the  Orang  Kaya  well  while  he  was  in  their 
village  ; they  are  great  cowards,  and  ten  of  these  Dyaks  will  run  from  one  of 
another  tribe.  The  Malay,  Abang,  confirming  this  story,  said  that  when  he  was 
collecting  revenue  at  Muntang  and  Muntu,  which  belong  to  Sarawak,  the 
party  he  was  with  were  always  on  their  guard  against  the  Meribun  and 
Tincang  Dyaks,  and  at  night  erected  fences  studded  with  ranjows,  as  a 
protection  against  these  brutes.  Malays  and  others  who  frequented  these 
Dyak  villages  were  well  received,  and  their  presence  was  in  fact  sought  after. 
Draham,  my  Malay  cooly,  said  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes,  palms  of  hands 
and  soles  of  feet  over  the  fire-place,  when  he  was  in  one  of  their  villages.  I 
have  made  some  enquiries  into  the  truth  of  the  above  statement,  and  I am 


2l8 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


assured,  by  the  Resident  of  Sadong,  that  they  are  untrue.  ‘ Whatever  may 
have  been  the  propensities  of  these  Dyaks,’  says  he,  ‘there  is  no  foundation  in 
the  report  that  they  now  indulge  in  this  inhuman  practice.’  Abang  Pandak, 
pembakal  of  the  Sultan  of  Sangouw,  told  me,  when  I met  him  in  Sarawak,  that 
the  story  was  a fabrication,  but  his  denial  carried  no  conviction,  as  it  appeared 
made  from  motives  of  contradiction,  and  in  defence  of  the  Raj  under  which  he 
served ; he  confessed  to  having  heard  the  stories,  but  had  never  visited  the 
Dyaks  in  question.  I have  since  learnt  from  Mr.  Crocker,  the  President  of 
Sarawak,  that  when  he  was  on  a journey  from  the  head-waters  of  the  Sadong, 
to  Silanteh,  he  put  up  one  night  at  a Dyak  house.  Entering  into  conversa- 
tion with  the  inmates,  he  discovered  an  old  Malau  Dyak  from  the  Kapuas 
district.  This  man,  called  Jamon,  who  had  led  a roving  life,  told  him  that 
the  Mualangs,  of  Jincang,  who  inhabit  the  head-waters  of  the  Kapuas  river,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Sekyam,  are  or  were  cannibals.  Jamon  went  on  a head 
hunting  expedition  against  these  Jincangs,  and  killed  four  of  them,  losing 
two  of  his  friends.  The  Jincangs  ate  his  friends,  leaving  only  their  entrails. 
These  Dyaks  have  not  only  given  up  this  practice,  but  are  so  ashamed  of  it, 
that  the  mere  mention  of  the  former  custom  is  a grave  offence.”8  (Denison, 
ch.  v.,  p.  49.) 

Mr.  Earl  was  of  opinion  (p.  270)  that  there  is  very  little  doubt  that  some 
of  the  tribes  are  cannibals,  but  the  system  does  not  obtain  among  those  in  the 
vicinity  of  Sambas,  although  these  latter  assert  that  the  people  immediately 
beyond  them  are  greatly  addicted  to  it.  But  he  adds  that  such  statements 
must  be  accepted  with  caution. 

Writing  of  the  Singhi  Dyaks,  Sir  Henry  Keppel  informs  us  : “ They  seem 
to  have  no  idea  of  cannibalism  or  human  sacrifice,  nor  did  they  accuse  their 
enemies  of  these  practices.”  (i.  230.)  In  his  second  work,  however,  he  gives 
the  following  account  received  from  others  by  Sir  James  Brooke,  the  first 
Rajah  of  Sarawak  : — 

“ The  following  is  the  testimony  of  three  intelligent  Dyaks  from  the 
interior,  given  during  several  months’  residence  with  us,  in  the  most  frank 
manner  to  be  conceived, — as  direct  and  unimpeachable  evidence  as  I ever  heard 
offered,  sometimes  when  they  were  altogether,  sometimes  by  individuals  apart, 
in  conversation  with  numerous  persons.  I examined  them  myself,  and 
entertain  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  these  statements,  as  far  as  their 
personal  knowledge  is  concerned.  The  witnesses  themselves  stated  over  and 

8 " In  the  district  of  Sangau,  extending  several  days  in  every  direction,  there  are  three  tribes 
of  Dyaks,  numbering  500  lawangs,  and  probably  3,000  souls.  Two  of  these  tribes  are  several  days  in 
the  interior,  on  the  banks  of  the  Skiam.  One  of  these,  the  Janakang,  is  addicted  to  the  horrible 
practice  of  cannibalism.  Except  this,  and  a single  tribe  on  the  eastern  coast,  we  have  not  heard  of 
any  other  portion  of  the  people  who  eat  human  flesh.  That  the  practice  prevails  to  no  inconsiderable 
extent  among  this  tribe  there  is  no  longer  in  our  minds  the  shadow  of  a doubt.  One  man  with  whom 
we  conversed  had  seen  them  making  their  meal  on  the  human  frame.  They  themselves  confess  it 
with  boasting,  and  give  as  a reason  for  the  horrid  custom  that  it  makes  them  courageous.  How 
could  we  be  brave,  said  one  man,  if  we  had  never  tasted  human  flesh.  They  do  not  eat  indiscrimin- 
ately all  parts  of  the  body,  but  with  a most  horrid  kind  of  epicurism,  feast  with  the  greatest  relish 
upon  the  tongue,  brain,  and  muscles  of  the  leg.  The  men  of  this  tribe  file  down  their  front  teeth  to 
a point  like  the  teeth  of  a saw.”  (Journal  of  a tour  on  the  Kapuas  in  1840.  — Jour.  Ind.  Arch.  I New 
Ser.,  No.  1,  104.)  [Noel  Denison.] 


Cannibalism. 


219 


over  again,  with  the  utmost  clearness,  how  much  they  had  seen,  and  how  much 
heard.  There  was  such  perfect  good  faith  and  simplicity  in  their  stories  as 
to  carry  conviction  of  their  truth. 

“ The  three  men  were  named  Kusu,  Gajah,  and  Rinong  ; and  stated  as 
follows:  “‘We  are  of  the  tribe  of  Sibaru;  which  is  likewise  the  name  of  a branch 
of  the  Kapuas  River.  The  tribe  of  Sibaru  contains  2,000  (or  even  more) 
fighting  men  (tikaman)  and  is  under  the  government  of  Pangeran  Kuning, 
who  resides  at  Santang,  a Malay  town  on  the  Kapuas.  We  have  none  of  us 
been  up  to  the  interior  of  the  Kapuas,  where  the  Kayans  live,  but  they  often 
come  down  to  Santang  where  we  meet  them.  The  Kayans  are  quite 
independent,  very  numerous  and  powerful : they  are  governed  by  their  own 
Rajahs,  whom  they  call  Takuan.  Some  of  these  Kayan  tribes  are  cannibals 
(makan  manusia)  ; it  is  generally  reported,  and  we  know  it  to  be  true. 

“ ‘ Pangeran  Kuning  of  Santang  was  at  war  a few  years  ago  with 
Pangeran  Mahomed  of  Suwite  (Suwight),  a Malay  town  situated  on  the 
Kapuas,  between  Santang  and  Salimbow.  A large  force  was  collected  to 
attack  Suwite.  There  were  Malays  (Laut)  of  Santang  and  Sakadow,  and  the 
Dyaks  of  Sibaru,  Samaruang,  Dassar,  and  of  other  tribes  ; and  besides  all 
these,  was  a party  of  about  fifty  Kayans.  We  never  heard  the  particular 
name  of  this  Kayan  tribe,  for  we  did  not  mix  with  them,  nor  did  we  under- 
stand their  language.  Suwite  was  not  taken,  but  a few  detached  houses  were 
captured,  and  one  man  of  the  enemy  was  killed  in  the  assault. 

“ ‘ Kusu  saw  these  Kayans  run  small  spits  of  iron,  from  eight  inches  to  a 
foot  long,  into  the  fleshy  parts  of  the  dead  men’s  legs  and  arms,  from  the 
elbow  to  the  shoulder,  and  from  above  the  ankle  beneath  the  calf  to  the 
knee-joint ; and  they  sliced  off  the  flesh  with  their  swords,  and  put  it  into 
baskets.  They  carry  these  spits,  as  we  all  saw,  in  a case  under  the  scabbard 
of  their  swords.  They  prize  heads  in  the  same  way  as  the  Dyaks.  They 
took  all  the  flesh  off  the  body,  leaving  only  the  big  bones,  and  carried  it  to 
their  boats,  and  we  all  saw  them  broil  (panggang)  and  afterwards  eat  it. 
They  ate  it  with  great  relish,  and  it  smelt,  while  cooking,  like  hog’s  flesh. 
It  was  not  we  alone  that  saw  them  eat  this,  but  the  whole  force  (balla)  saw  it. 

“ ‘ Men  say  that  many  of  these  interior  tribes  of  Kayans  eat  human  flesh — 
that  of  their  enemies;  most,  however,  they  say,  do  not,  and  all  of  them  are 
represented  to  be  good  people  and  very  hospitable  ; and  we  never  heard  that 
they  ate  any  other  than  the  flesh  of  their  enemies.  It  made  us  sick  to  see 
them,  and  we  were  afraid  (takut),  horrified. 

“ ‘ This  was  not  the  only  time  we  have  seen  men  eat  human  flesh.  The 
Dyaks  of  Jangkang  are  likewise  cannibals.  They  live  somewhere  between 
Sangow  and  Sadong,  on  a branch  of  the  Sangow  River,  called  Sakiam.  The 
Jangkangs  had  been  out  attacking  the  Ungkias  tribe  ; and  after  the  excursion 
they  came  to  our  village  with  several  baskets  of  human  flesh,  for  the}'  had 
killed  two  men.  They  cooked  and  ate  this  outside  our  house,  but  it  had  been 
broiled  (panggang)  before.  I knew  it  to  be  human  flesh,  for  I saw  one  of 
them  turning  the  hand  (with  the  fingers)  of  a dead  man  at  the  fire  ; and  we 
saw  them  eat  this  hand  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  close  to  our  house.  We 
talked  to  them  about  it,  and  they  did  not  make  any  secret  of  it. 


220  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“‘The  Jangkang  people,  according  to  report,  eat  Malays  or  Dvaks,  or 
anyone  else  they  kill  in  war  ; and  they  kill  their  own  sick,  if  near  unto 
death,  and  eat  them.  There  was  an  instance  of  this  at  Santang.  Whilst  a 
party  of  this  people  were  staying  there,  one  of  them  fell  out  of  a mango  tree 
and  broke  his  arm,  besides  being  otherwise  much  hurt ; and  his  companions 
cut  his  throat  (sambilih),  and  ate  him  up.  None  of  us,  however,  saw  this 
happen,  but  we  heard  it  from  the  Santang  people.  It  is  likewise  said,  but  we 
do  not  know  it  for  a truth,  that,  when  they  give  their  yearly  feast  (makantaun), 
a man  will  borrow  a plump  child,  for  eating,  from  his  neighbour,  and  repay 
in  kind  with  a child  of  his  own,  when  wanted.  We  do  not,  however,  know 
personally  anything  beyond  having  seen  them  once  eating  human  flesh  ; but 
we  have  heard  these  things,  and  believe  them  ; they  are  well  known.' 

“ Sheriff  Moksain  corroborated  this  latter  statement  generally,  as  he 
declared  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  Jangkang  tribe  being  cannibals ; but  he 
had  never  seen  them  eat  human  flesh  : and  Brereton  likewise  heard  of  a tribe 
in  the  interior  of  the  Sadong  being  cannibals.  There  is  clue  enough,  however, 
to  settle  the  point ; and,  without  being  positive  in  an  opinion,  1 can  only  say 
that  the  evidence  I have  put  down  was  as  straightforward  as  any  I ever  heard 
in  my  life,  and  such  as  I cannot  doubt,  until  it  be  disproved.”  (Meander  ii. 
pp.  111-115.) 

Referring  to  the  above  charge,  at  the  making  of  which  he  was  present, 
Sir  Spencer  St.  John  remarks:  “ I do  not  remember  having  heard  any  other 
persons  actually  affirm  that  they  had  seen  the  Kayans  eat  human  flesh,  till 
the  subject  was  brought  up  last  year  before  the  present  Sultan  of  Borneo  and 
his  court,  when  Usup,  one  of  the  young  nobles  present,  said  that  in  1855 
some  Muka  men  were  executed  at  Bintulu,  and  that  a few  of  the  Kayans,  who 
had  assisted  in  their  capture,  took  portions  of  the  bodies  of  the  criminals, 
roasted  and  ate  them.  This  was  witnessed  by  himself  and  many  others  who 
were  then  present.  The  Kayans  had  not,  as  a body,  joined  in  this  disgusting 
feast  ; but,  perhaps,  some  of  the  more  ferocious  may  practise  it  to  strike 
terror  into  their  enemies.”  (i.  124.) 

In  the  Basel  Evangelisch  Missions  Magazin  for  April,  1889,  the  editor  in 
his  review  ( Rundschau ) states  of  the  Dyaks,  p.  167  : “ In  some  districts  the 
skin  of  the  forehead  and  the  heart  of  the  killed  are  cooked  and  given  to  the 
bovs  to  eat  in  order  to  make  them  plucky  and  brave.”  This  may  be  true.  But 
when  the  same  writer  makes  the  following  gross  misstatement  regarding 
Sir  Jas  Brooke  his  sayings  must  betaken  with  every  reserve  : “ The  romantic 
story  of  the  white  rajah  is  to  put  it  shortly  this  : In  1829  he  bought  a small 
piece  of  land  on  the  north-west  coast  from  the  Malay  rajah  and  then  married 
the  daughter  of  the  neighbouring  Sultan  of  Bruni  and  received  from  the 
latter  an  important  gift  of  land  as  dowry.”  ! ! ! {ibid,  p.  172.) 

The  Abbe  Langenhoff  (as  to  his  credibility,  see  Bibliography)  says  : 
“ In  1836  two  Americans  had  undertaken  the  journey  he  made,  and  had 
been  gone  two  or  three  weeks  when  the  guide  who  had  accompanied  them 
returned  and  told  the  Dutch  authorities  that  they  had  been  killed  and  eaten 
by  the  natives.”  . . . “These  latter,"  he  continues  (p.  512),  “are  cannibals; 
they  eat  certain  portions  of  the  bodies  of  their  enemies,  especially  the  palm  of 


Cannibalism. 


221 


the  hand.”  Later  on  (p.  515)  he  says:  “I  knew  I was  risking  myself 
among  cannibal  peoples.”  It  may  be  true  that  the  Abbe  got  amongst 
cannibals,  but  he  brings  forward  no  evidence  whatsoever,  and,  under  the 
circumstances,  his  statements  cannot  be  accepted. 

Then  we  have  Mr.  Dalton’s  statement  about  the  Kayans : “Many  of 
Selgie’s  tribe  are  cannibals;  some  will  not  eat  human  flesh,  whilst  others 
refuse  to  do  so  except  on  particular  occasions,  as  a birth,  a marriage,  or 
funeral.”  (p.  49.)  He  also  states  that  on  war  expeditions,  when  food  was 
wanted,  a follower  was  killed  and  eaten.  See  supra,  foot  note,  i.  127. 

Sir  Hugh  Low,  writing  in  the  forties,  says  of  the  Kayans:  “They  are  not, 
as  they  have  been  hastily  stigmatised,  cannibals;  nor  does  any  race  practicing 
the  horrid  custom  of  feeding  on  the  bodies  of  their  own  species,  exist  on  the 
island.”  (p.  336.)  Of  these  Kayans  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  writes:  “This  tribe  are 
cowardly,  untruthful,  and  treacherous,  and  are  capable  of  committing  many 
horrors,  but  the  gravest  attached  to  the  Kayans,  I feel  confident,  is  without 
foundation,  namely,  that  of  cannibalism.  For,  during  the  expedition  of  1863, 
there  was  no  sign  of  it,  and  I had  abundant  opportunities  of  making  strict 
enquiries  in  the  very  heart  of  the  country.  Many  reports  of  this  description 
are  spread  by  the  enemies  of  a people  to  degrade  them  in  the  estimation  of 
Europeans.  . . . Such  reports  are  purely  fabulous,  and  I do  not  believe 

any  tribes  are  cannibals  in  this  part  of  Borneo,  although  stories  go  far  to  lead 
one  to  a contrary  belief.  For  instance,  some  Malays  told  me,  only  a short 
while  ago,  that  on  an  expedition  against  the  Engkayas,  who  live  on  a tributary 
of  the  Kapuas,  and  are  under  the  Dutch  jurisdiction,  they  met  with  pieces  of 
bamboo,  which  these  people  had  thrown  away  in  alarm  ; these  hollow  canes 
were  filled  with  human  flesh,  used  as  provisions.  I regret  that  I am  unable, 
positively,  to  contradict  such  statements  ; but  it  is  my  firm  conviction  canni- 
balism is  not  practised  on  any  part  of  the  island  of  Borneo.”  (i.  pp.  74,  55.) 

Captain  Mundy,  in  reply  to  enquiries  made  of  the  Malays,  was  told  that 
only  the  Pakatans  were  suspected  of  being  cannibals,  (i.  209.) 

Mr.  Carl  Bock,  in  Eastern  Borneo,  “ noticed  that  the  other  Dyak  tribes 
did  not  go  near  the  Trings  during  their  stay  at  Moeara  Pahou,  not  disguising 
their  fear  of  them,  and  their  disgust  at  their  cannibal  practices. 

Among  the  visitors  was  an  old  priestess,  who  gave  full  details  concerning  the 
religious  beliefs,  &c.,  of  the  tribe.  This  information  was  elicited  by  the 
Boegis]  kapitan,  and  interpreted  by  him  to  a Malay  writer,  who  took  down 
the  statements  on  the  spot.  These  statements  have  since  been  translated  for 
me.  . . . This  priestess,  in  the  course  of  conversation,  told  me — holding 

out  her  hand — that  the  palms  were  considered  the  best  eating.  Then  she 
pointed  to  the  knee,  and  again  to  the  forehead,  using  the  Malay  word  bai, 
bai  (good,  good),  each  time  to  indicate  that  the  brains,  and  the  flesh  on 
the  knees  of  a human  being,  are  also  considered  delicacies  by  the  members 
of  her  tribe.  ...  At  that  very  time,  as  he  [i.e.,  a cannibal  chief]  sat 
conversing  with  me  through  my  interpreter,  and  I sketched  his  portrait,  he 
had  fresh  upon  his  head  the  blood  of  no  less  than  seventy  victims,  men, 
women,  and  children,  whom  he  and  his  followers  had  just  slaughtered,  and 
whose  hands  and  brains  he  had  eaten.  . . . The  Bahou  Trings,  again, 


222 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

are  the  only  cannibals  in  Koetei.  According  to  Dr.  Hollander’s  work, 

‘ Land  en  Volkenkiinde,’  there  is  another  cannibal  tribe  in  Borneo,  the 
Djangkangs,  in  Sanggouw,  in  the  Sintang  district. 

“ Other  tribes  have  human  sacrifices  on  the  occasion  of  their  Tiwa  feast  ; 
not  from  bloodthirstyness,  but  from  the  superstition  that  the  sacrificed  serve 
the  departed  as  slaves  in  their  future  abode.  . . . To  the  ordinary  horrors 

of  head-hunting — the  simple  murder  of  their  victims  for  the  sake  of  their 
heads  as  trophies,  practised  by  all  the  Dyaks — the  Bahou  Tring  tribe  add  the 
tenfold  worse  practices  of  cannibalism  and  offering  of  human  sacrifices ; not 
only  killing  their  enemies  according  to  the  Dyak  reading  of  the  maxim,  ‘ Live 
and  let  live,’ — ‘ Kill  or  be  killed,’ — but  taking  captive  those  that  they  do  not 
put  to  death  and  eat  on  the  spot,  and  reserving  them  for  slavery  and  ultimate 
death  by  torture.”  (Bock,  pp.  133,  134,  135,  210,  218.) 

It  must  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Bock  saw  no  evidences  himself,  and  also 
that  all  that  was  told  to  him  was  translated  from  the  native  tongue  through  a 
Malay  into  Dutch;  i.e.,  it  came  to  him  quite  second  hand.  It  may  be  true 
what  he  was  told,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  savages  usually  reply  according 
to  the  way  in  which  they  believe  their  interrogator  wishes  them  to  answer. 
Mr.  Bock’s  statement  brought  forth  the  following  letters  from  Mr.  C.  A. 
Bampfylde  (Kapit  Fort,  Rejang  River,  February,  1882)  and  Mr.  Brooke  Low 
(Sarawak,  20th  September,  1887)  : — 

“All  exaggerations  undoubtedly  contain  portions  of  the  truth,  more  or  less, 
this  particular  exaggeration  being  no  exception.  Among  nearly  all  head 
hunters  there  is  a custom,  which,  loathsome  enough  in  itself,  falls  far  short  of 
cannibalism,  as  understood  by  the  term;  and,  moreover,  the  Tring  people  do 
not  stand  alone  in  the  practice  of  this  custom.  After  a successful  raid,  or  on 
any  occasion  on  which  a head  has  been  obtained,  it  is  a custom  of  warriors 
to  take  a portion  (the  minutest  will  suffice)  of  the  skin  or  flesh  from  the  head 
and  swallow  it,  on  the  supposition  that  it  inspires  bravery,  and  also  because 
it  is  a traditional  Penalli ; but  the  women  and  children  do  not  indulge  in  the 
practice.  This  is  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth  concerning  cannibalism,  as 
far  as  this  tribe  is  concerned.  C.  A.  Bampfylde.” 

“I  have  just  been  reading  a second  time  in  ‘ Head-hunters  of 
Borneo,’  and  in  connection  with  it,  Mr.  Bampfylde’s  remarks,  together  with 
Bock’s  rejoinder.  I have  been  asked  by  the  former  gentleman  to  testify  to 
his  credibility,  and  shall  therefore  feel  obliged  if  you  will  be  good  enough  to 
insert  these  few  lines  for  the  information  of  the  public. 

“ I have  been  400  miles  up  the  Rejang  River  since  the  publication  of  the 
above  volume,  and  though  I had  not  yet  read  the  book,  I took  it  with  me  and 
showed  the  plates  to  the  natives  of  the  interior  ; so  true  were  they  to  life  that 
resemblances  were  found  in  the  portraiture  to  their  own  friends,  and  every 
detail  provoked  roars  of  laughter. 

“ Mr.  Bampfylde  has,  however,  been  over  six  years  in  Rajah  Brooke’s 
service,  therefore  his  testimony,  I feel  sure,  is  preferable  to  that  of  a mere 
traveller. 

“ I fully  believe,  with  Mr.  Bampfylde,  that  the  natives  were  poking  fun 
at  Mr.  Bock  when  they  declared  the  Trings  to  be  cannibals.  I do  not  believe 


Cannibalism. 


223 


them  to  be  such,  for  if  the}’  were  I should  have  heard  of  their  propensity  long 
before  Mr.  Bock  ever  set  his  foot  in  Borneo,  for  we  have  occasional 
intercourse  with  some  of  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Mahakan,  among  whom  Mr. 
Bock  should  have  travelled  instead  of  stopping  short  at  Mount  Pehau,  which 
can  be  reached  from  the  sea  by  steamers,  and  which  feels  the  influence  of  the 
spring  tides.  Had  he  accomplished  the  ascent  from  this  point  upwards,  he 
would  have  endangered  his  neck,  it  is  true,  but  he  would  have  travelled  over 
new  ground,  and  added  to  our  knowledge.  A few  months  ago  I received  a 
visit  from  a Long  Gelat,  named  Bau  Dias,  who  lives  at  the  foot  of  the  Mokan 
ranges,  and  I put  the  question  relative  to  the  alleged  cannibalism  of  his 
neighbours,  the  Trings.  He  seemed  surprised  at  my  asking  such  a question, 
and  said,  ‘Of  course  it  is  not  true,  such  a practice  is  unknown  to  us  at 
Mokan.’ 

“ I do  not  accuse  Mr.  Bock  of  wilfully  publishing  an  untruth,  but  I fully 
believe  his  credulity  was  practised  upon  by  his  companions  to  discourage  in 
him  any  desire  to  penetrate  further  into  the  interior. 

“ I do  not  think  Mr.  Bock  will  require  to  return  any  answer  to  what  I 
have  written.  I,  for  my  part,  do  not  wish  to  engage  in  any  controversy,  and 
disclaim  any  obligation  to  make  further  reply.  Brooke  Low.” 

Mr.  Brooke  Low  elsewhere  (see  supra,  p.  145)  confirms  Mr.  Bampfylde’s 
statement,  that  to  make  them  fearless  the  conquerors  will  eat  a piece  of  the 
flesh  of  the  vanquished.  See  foot  note  p.  218. 

Mr.  De  Crespigny  was  told  by  the  Malays  that  the  Dusuns  were  cannibals 
(Zeit.  Berl.  N.F.,  p.  330) ; that  traveller  makes  no  further  mention  of  the 
subject.  Mr.  Alex.  Dalrymple  (p.  46)  practically  says  he  never  heard  of 
cannibalism  among  the  Dusuns. 


Mat  Pattern.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


GOVERNMENT,  TRADE,  MINING,  MENSURATION, 
NATURAL  PRODUCTIONS. 


GOVERNMENT.  General  Government:  Grades  of  chiefs — Their  duties — No  arbitrary  power — 
Assistance  given  to  chiefs — Power  by  general  consent — Decision  in  capital  crimes — Nature’s 
gentlemen — Independence  of  people — Tualis  hard  worked — Good  chief  means  general  prosperity — 
Unpopular  chiefs — Prerogatives  overworked — Abuse  of  power — Malay  interference — Five  chiefs 
— A goose  of  a chief — No  chief — Election — Village  councils — Long  discussions — Just  administra- 
tion appreciated — Punishments — Fines — Neighbours  must  not  be  molested — Decisions  sound 
and  sensible — Fines — Retort  in  kind— Barbarous  punishments.  Inheritance  : Grandchildren — 
Curious  Malanau  case.  Malay  Misgovernment.  Law  of  Defiance. 

TRADE.  Primitive  ideas — Currencies  unknown — Quick  in  trade — Extension  of  currency — Trading 
with  Kayans — Tamils—  Frauds — Kiaus  v.  Bajus — Malay  cheats — Wealth — Hidden  treasures— 
Change  of  fashion. 

MINING.  Iron  : Blacksmith — Sea  Dyak  forges — Iron  ore — Kayan  forges  and  metal.  Gold:  From 
river  beds — The  Malaus— Natives  not  gold  seekers.  Diamonds  : Method  of  digging. 
MENSURATION  Time:  No  count — Harvest  seasons — Pleiades — Sun-dials — Vague  measurement 
of  time — And  of  length — A pig’s  measurement — Dusun  cloth  measurement.  Counting  : Dusun — 
Fair  knowledge  of  counting.  Distances  : Curious  methods — " So  many  boilings.” 

NATURAL  PRODUCTIONS.  Gutta  — Rubber  — Nipa  Palm  — Rotan  — Bambu  — Dammar- 
Tapang  Tree — Oils. 

GOVERNMENT. 

General  Government. 

“ Each  Land  Dyak  tribe  has  an  Orang  Kaya  (literally,  ‘rich  man’),  who 
is  chief;  under  him  is  a Pangara  (or  ‘superior’),  who  wears  a white  jacket, 
and  a Paiiglima  (or  ‘military  chief’),  who  wears  a red  jacket.  Every  long 
house  has  a T uah  (or  ‘elder’),  who  lives  in  the  centre  room,  settles  squabbles, 
and  does  the  hospitality.”  (Grant,  p.  5.) 

The  Orang  Kaya  and  Pengara,  who  in  external  affairs  is  the  mouth  of 
the  tribe,  “are  selected  by  the  suffrages  of  the  laki  bini,  or  married  men, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Rajah’s  Government,  one  of  whose  officers 
publicly  invests  them,  by  giving  them  a jacket  and  head  handkerchief,  to  be 
worn  on  state  occasions;  moreover  each  long  house  in  a village  is  under  the 
charge  of  a tuah  or  old  man,  and  all  the  tuahs  act  as  a council  to  the  Orang 
Kaya.  The  Orang  Kaya  and  this  council  are  the  magistrates;  try  and  punish 
offences  (chiefly  by  fines),  and  settle  where  the  ladangs  or  farms  for  the  year 
are  to  be  made.  It  is  the  Pengara' s duty  to  look  after  offenders  and  to  bring 
them  to  justice.  As  regards  its  own  internal  affairs  and  minor  offences,  every 
tribe  is  perfectly  independent  of  the  Rajah's  rule.”  (Chalmers,  O.  C.,  p.  1 ; 
Miss.  Field,  1859,  p.  80;  Low,  p.  187.) 


Government. 


225 


“ The  Orang  Kaya  does  not  appear  to  possess  the  slightest  arbitrary 
power;  the  office  is  not  hereditary,  and  the  person  filling  it  is  generally  chosen 
on  account  of  the  wisdom  and  ability  he  displays  in  the  councils  of  the  tribe, 
and  which  appear  to  fit  him  for  the  duties  of  their  representative,  in  all  their 
relations  with  their  Malayan  masters,  or  with  the  neighbouring  villages.  The 
only  real  advantage  which  accrues  to  the  chief  of  a tribe,  besides  the  standing 
and  consideration  his  title  gives  him  amongst  his  people,  is  the  assistance 
he  receives  in  his  agricultural  operations,  the  whole  people  combining  to 
construct  and  take  care  of  one  large  farm  yearly  for  his  benefit,  the  produce 
of  which  he  receives.  But  in  many  tribes,  this  institution  is  neglected,  and 
has  dwindled  into  occasional  assistance,  when  the  chief  chooses  to  demand  it, 
on  the  land  cultivated  by  his  family.”  (Low,  p.  228.) 

“ The  Government  of  the  Dyaks  seems  to  be  administered  more  by 
general  consent  than  from  anv  authoritv  lodged  in  the  chief.  His  power, 
indeed,  is  one  of  persuasion,  and  depends  upon  his  personal  ability,  nor  can 
he  in  any  way  coerce  his  people  to  obedience.  Amongst  the  Hill  Dyaks  the 
laws  are  based  on  the  same  principle.”  (Sir  Jas.  Brooke  i.  211.)  “The  chief 
never  decides  himself  in  capital  crimes,  but  calls  a council  of  the  elders,  and 
consults  them  as  to  the  judgment  or  punishment  to  be  inflicted.”  (Bishop 
McDougall,  T.E.S.  ii.  26.)  So  also  among  the  Kayans,  as  related  by  the 
Rajah,  when  a chief  allowed  his  people  to  commit  some  murders.  His  words 
are  : “ I felt  very  angry  with  Balang,  who  had  been  so  true  a friend  to  us  in 
other  ways,  and  imposed  a fine  of  twelve  rusa  jars  (£120)  on  him  as  an 
example,  to  prevent  such  an  abominable  practice  getting  foot  among  Dyak 
tribes.  This  was  the  heaviest  fine  that  could  be  imposed.  He  paid  it  down  ; 
and  on  my  meeting  him  a short  time  after,  he  said,  ‘ Tuah,  you  know  it  was 
not  my  heart  that  was  in  fault ; but  I could  not  govern  my  people,  who  did 
this  deed  when  I was  away.”  (ii.  305.)  Otherwise  the  “ Kayan  and  Kenniah 
chiefs  are  much  looked  up  to  by  their  followers,  and  have  great  power  over 
the  people ; they  are  usually  very  intelligent  and  well-behaved  men,  and 
have  the  manners  of  gentlemen  rather  than  of  savages.”1  (Hose,  J.A.I., 
xxviii.  171.) 

Some  of  the  Dusuns  visited  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  paid  no  “tribute,  though 
many  chiefs  on  the  coast  call  them  their  people ; but  it  is  merely  nominal,  no 
one  daring  to  oppress  them.  Each  village  is  a separate  government,  and 
almost  each  house  independent.  They  have  no  established  chiefs,  but  follow 
the  councils  of  the  old  men  to  whom  they  are  related.”  (i.  375.) 

“This  chief  of  a house  Tuah  is  usually  much  harder  worked  than  his 
followers,  as  he  has  his  judicial  and  political  duties  to  attend,  over  and  above 

1 “ The  Rajah  of  the  country  of  Waagoo  has  seventy  chiefs  under  him,  all  of  whom  are  likewise 
called  Rajahs.  Sedgen  has  fifty,  whilst  Selgie  has  more  than  one  hundred  and  forty.  The  latter 
chief  is  by  far  the  most  powerful  in  this  part  of  Borneo ; he  possesses  an  immense  extent  of  country, 
over  which  he  exercises  the  most  despotic  control.  Selgie  calculates  the  people  under  his  sway  at 
150,000 ; they  are  under  strict  command,  and  divided  into  three  classes,  one  of  which  does  nothing 
but  fabricate  arms,  such  as  mandows,  spears,  shields,  summits,  and  darts : another  attends  to  the 
culture  of  paddy,  making  war-dresses,  and  articles  of  ornament  for  the  women  ; the  third  is  composed 
of  the  finest  men,  selected  for  war ; these  are  marked  in  a particular  manner,  and  have  great  privi- 
leges over  all  other."  (Dalton,  p.  48.) 

Q 


VOL  2. 


226 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  ami  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


the  ordinary  daily  labour,  in  which  he  rarely  has  slaves  to  relieve  him  of  his 
manual  work,  as  among  the  Kayans.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Serebas  and  Sakarrans,  whose  large  houses  or  villages  are  often 
placed  widely  apart,  follow  different  customs.  With  them,  the  head  of  a 
house  is  in  himself  a sort  of  Orang  Kaya,  who,  adopting  the  name  of  his  eldest 
child,  assumes  the  prefix  of  Apai  (Father)— thus,  Apai  Bakar,  the  Father  of 
Bakar.”  (Grant,  p.  5.)  “ Upon  the  conduct  of  this  chief  depends  the 

number  of  families  a house  contains.  If  he  be  brave  and  upright  in  his 
dealings,  numbers  will  settle  under  him  ; if  otherwise,  he  will  quickly  lose  his 
friends,  who  will  migrate  to  other  houses,  and  he  will  sink  to  the  level  of  an 
ordinary  man.”  (Gosp.  Miss.,  i860,  p 37.) 

And  unpopular  chiefs  are  to  lie  met  with.  “ The  ground  of  complaint 
appeared  to  emanate  from  the  Orang  Kaya,  who  loudly  stated,  evidently 
meant  to  reach  my  ear,  that  his  tribe  paid  him  little  or  none  of  the  respect 
and  deference  due  him  as  chief  of  the  tribe,  and  that  the  ringleader  was  the 
Pengara.  In  collecting  the  birds’  nests,  for  instance,  the  first  gathering  went 
to  the  people,  the  second  to  the  Government,  200  nests  of  which  were  his 
perquisite,  of  these  he  had  as  yet  only  received  100  nests.  The  Dyaks  also, 
according  to  custom,  were  bound  to  work  five  days  for  him  in  the  year  on  his 
farm  ; this  they  refused  to  do,  and  led  on  by  the  Pengara  the}-  disobeyed  his 
orders,  and  cared  little  for  him  or  his  authority.  The  Pengara,  in  an  excited 
but  sarcastic  tone  of  voice  replied,  that  Murung  knew  how  to  manage  his 
people  if  he  liked,  but  that  instead  of  looking  after  his  tribe  he  preferred 
running  about  the  country,  and  when  the  Dyaks  wished  to  work  for  him  he 
grew  angry  and  abused  them,  saying  he  could  carry  on  his  own  farm  without 
their  help.”  (Denison,  ch.  iv.  p.  37.) 

As  mentioned  above  the  Land  Dyak  tribes  “ assist  the  Orang  Kaya  in 
making  his  farms  ; in  fact,  it  is  one  of  the  most  lucrative  of  his  perquisites. 
Mita  of  Sirambau  had  pushed  his  prerogative  too  far,  and  had  forced  his 
people  to  make  him  three  farms,  and  from  this  and  many  other  reasons,  he 
had  ruined  his  popularity.”  (St.  John  i.  157.) 

If,  however,  the  chiefs  generally  are  unable  to  abuse  their  power  and 
position,  as  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  found,  there  must  be  exceptions  to  the  rule.  “ I 
have  noticed  that  Bindarri  Sumpsu  is  the  hereditary  lord  of  Sabuyow,  all  of 
whose  relations  share  in  his  privileges.  This  claim  to  authoritv  over  the 
tribe  arose  from  the  payment  of  some  debts  by  the  Bindarri's  ancestors,  long 
beyond  the  memory  of  the  present  generation,  being  since  a broken  tribe, 
part  only  are  at  Lundu,  the  rest  dispersed  in  different  places  at  Sadong.  The 
Lundu  people  have  always  resisted  any  undue  exactions  or  claims  ; but  those 
at  Sadong,  less  strong,  have  been  subjected  to  them.  These  claims  have 
gradually  risen  in  proportion  to  the  distance  of  time,  the  weakness  of  the 
Dyaks,  and  the  increased  want  of  principle  in  the  chiefs.  At  first  the  Dyaks 
paid  a small  stated  sum  as  an  acknowledgment  of  vassalage  ; by  degrees, 
this  became  an  arbitrary  and  unlimited  taxation,  and  now,  to  consummate 
the  iniquity,  the  entire  tribes  are  pronounced  slaves,  and  liable  to  be  disposed  of. 
This  fate  has  attended  them  in  many  instances,  upwards  of  thirty  having 
already  been  sold  by  the  rapacious  relations  of  Bindarri.  Not  so  the  Orang 


Government. 


227 


Kaya  Tumangong,  who  has  maintained  his  liberty,  and  openly  asserts  it,  with 
great  vehemence  declaring  that  whoever  wishes  to  make  his  tribe  at  Lundu 
slaves,  must  first  fight  with  them.”  (Mundy  i.  301.) 

Where  the  Malay  influence  is  strong  they  have  not  in  their  election  of 
chief  always  been  able  to  hold  their  own,  thus:  “ A few  years  ago  an  Orang 
Kaya  and  a Pangdra  were  installed  by  the  Rajah,  and  soon  afterwards  a 
Malay,  who  was  sent  to  collect  the  revenue,  had,  aftei  the  custom  of  his 
predecessors,  appointed  a second  Orang  Kaya  and  a second  Pahgara  at  (he 
said)  their  own  request.  In  addition  to  these,  there  was  an  old  Orang  Kaya, 
and  as  these  five  chiefs  did  not  act  together,  it  was  a case  of  ‘ too  many 
cooks,’  and  there  were  complaints  of  too  many  Bccharas,  and  much  lack  of 
unity.”  (Grant,  pp.  61,  62.) 

The  same  administrator  on  another  occasion  speaking  of  a village  chief 
says  : “ I was  at  a loss  to  understand  why  the  people  had  chosen  such  a 
goose  of  a fellow  for  their  chief.  He  had  not  a word  to  say  for  himself,  wore 
the  most  common  of  chau'ats,  or  waist-cloths,  and  a turban  of  bark,  and  he 
looked  so  much  more  up  to  the  art  of  hewing  timber  than  of  holding  sway 
over  his  fellow-men,  that  I began  to  question  the  policy  of  appointing  him  ; 
but  beyond  his  being  the  son-in-law  of  the  old  man,  and  ‘ very  clever  in 
holding  his  tongue,’  no  reason  was  assigned,  so  we  installed  him.”  (ibid, 
p.  54.)  Mr.  Denison  once  finding  himself  in  a village  which  had  no  head  says  : 
“ The  men  seem  wanting  in  energy,  and  the  sooner  an  Orang  Kaya  is 
appointed  the  better.”  (Ch.  vii.  p.  77.) 

In  the  chapter  on  Character  the  difficulties  Mr.  Grant  had  to  contend 
with  in  getting  a chief  elected  were  set  forth,  but  perhaps  Mr.  Chalmers’ 
account  will  be  also  found  interesting  : “ Before  investing,  however,  on  one 
occasion  Mr.  Grant  tried  to  see  if  the  person  elected  was  universally 
acceptable,  by  calling  on  all  present,  who  were  content,  to  hold  up  their  right 
hand.  This  was  a step  too  far  in  advance,  and  failed  utterly  to  our  great 
amusement,  and  that  of  the  Dyaks  also.  A verbal  assent  was  then 
demanded,  and  given  by  a thundering  burst  of  ‘ Suka.’  The  new  officer  then 
had  his  * robes  of  office  ’ given  him  and  he  was  exhorted  to  govern  justly.” 
(O.P.,  p.  vi.) 

“All  Hill  Dyak  affairs  connected  with  the  prosperity  or  welfare  of  the 
village,  are  discussed  by  a council  of  the  men  of  the  tribe,  which  is  always 
held  in  the  pangah,  and  at  which  every  male  of  the  hamlet  may  be  present, 
though  seldom  any  but  the  opinions  of  the  old  men  are  advanced — the 
younger  people  paying  great  respect  to  the  advice  of  the  elders  at  this  council. 
If  the  chief  be  a man  of  known  and  reputed  ability,  his  opinion — which  is 
generally  given  in  a long  and  forcible  oration  while  the  speaker  is  seated, 
and  without  much  gesticulation,  excepting  the  waving  of  the  head — is  of  very 
great  weight,  and  his  arguments  most  frequently  convince  the  assembly, 
unless  some  other  opinion  be  advanced  and  supported  with  equal  ability, 
when  the  approvers  of  each,  in  succession,  address  the  members  of  this  little 
parliament — a fair  and  impartial  hearing  being  given  to  all — though  the 
discussions  are  often  protracted  till  near  morning  from  the  preceding  dusk, 
when  one  party  either  yields  its  opinion  to  the  other,  or  the  minority  is 


228 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


compelled  to  give  way — these  assemblies  are  never  riotous,  but  always 
conducted  in  a quiet,  grave,  and  business-like  manner."  (Low,  p.  289.) 

Another  account  is  given  bv  Mr.  Chalmers  of  these  people  : “ I was  much 
amused  at  a Bcckaer,  or  council,  this  morning  in  noticing  the  same  different 
kinds  of  character  among  the  Dyaks  as  among  their  more  civilised  brethren. 
At  the  Bcckaer  all  was  done  in  due  order,  one  man  speaking  after  another, 
and  each  allowed  to  have  his  say  uninterrupted.  There  was  the  Pengara 
speaking  with  all  the  gravity  of  age  and  office  ; another  old  graybeard  [sfc] 
illustrating  and  enforcing  his  arguments  with  pieces  of  pinang  placed  on  the 
floor,  each  signifying  some  person  discussed  of : one  man  loud  and 
opinionative,  evidently  a Dyak  Radical ; another  grave  and  earnest  ; and  the 
Orang  Kaya  dignified  and  thoughtful,  only  putting  in  a word  here  and  there, 
but  that  weighty  and  conclusive.  It  was  truly  pleasing  to  witness  their 
childlike  confidence  in  the  government  of  the  Rajah."  (Miss.  Field,  1859, 
P-  85.) 

“ The  Sea  Dyak  administration  of  law  among  themselves  supplies  many 
admirable  precedents.  Unfortunately,  their  ties  of  relationship  and  want  of 
substantial  principle,  are  impediments  to  the  carrying  out  of  justice ; at  the 
same  time,  they  are  peculiarly  alive  to  the  advantages  of  a just  administration, 
which  never  fails  to  secure  the  aid  and  support  of  the  majority.  In  the  event 
of  one  tribe  commencing  war  upon  another,  by  killing  without  provocation, 
the  aggressor  would  incur  a hukum  mungkal,  or  fine  of  £75,  according  to 
custom.  In  cases  of  adultery,  the  husband  or  wife  in  fault  is  liable  to  be  beaten 
with  sticks  by  the  aggrieved  parties,  on  the  open  ground,  as  their  houses  are 
held  sacred.  Their  system  of  justice  in  this  case  is  of  a very  beneficial 
character,  as  the  female  suffers  alike  with  the  male.  Petty  cases  of  theft  are 
punished  lightly,  as  well  as  all  other  trivial  cases,  but  nobody  is  allowed  to 
molest  his  neighbour  without  incurring  a fine.  For  instance,  if  a party  of 
people  should  ever  damage  the  drinking  or  bathing  well  of  another  house,  or 
hack  at  the  sticks  on  the  landing  place,  they  would  be  mulcted.  In  quarrels 
about  land,  they  are  supposed  only  to  use  sticks,  and  they  fall  to  in  earnest  : 
the  most  pugnacious  keep  very  barbarous  spiked  and  thorny  ones  for  the 
express  purpose,  and  many  use  bark  hats  and  jackets  to  ward  off  the  blows 
of  these  implements.  Cases  of  premeditated  murder  are  very  unusual  among 
them,  although  at  one  time  the  attack  of  one  party  on  another  was  often 
attended  by  death.  A few  examples  of  heavy  fines,  inflicted  with  a strong 
hand,  have  greatly  decreased  this  evil.  A chief  leading  such  a party  is,  in 
most  cases,  a man  of  property,  and  in  the  event  of  one  of  his  followers  being 
killed,  he  pays  a jar  worth  £9  to  the  deceased’s  parents,  or  nearest  relations." 
(Brooke  i.  60.) 

“ There  is  no  doubt,  when  uninfluenced  by  prejudice  and  relationship,  the 
decisions  of  natives  are  very  sound  and  sensible.  . . . Nothing  artificial 

or  extraneous,  in  the  shape  of  gilt  or  tinsel,  will  help  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
the  natives.  They  are  too  matter  of  fact,  and  only  admire  and  respect 
strength  in  its  entiret)'.”  (Rajah  Brooke’s  Hints,  pp.  6 and  7.) 

“ Punishment  is  usually  by  fine,  imposed  by  a council  of  old  men.  In 
cases  of  murder,  retort  in  kind  is  allowed  and  justified  ; but,  unlike  the  law  of 


Government. 


229 


the  Arabs,  the  retaliation  must  be  confined  to  the  individual  murderer.  If  one 
man  kills  another,  a brother  or  friend  of  the  deceased  kills  him  in  return,  and 
the  business  ends;  but  they  can  likewise  settle  the  matter  by  paying  a fine, 
provided  both  parties  give  their  consent.  In  all  other  cases  fines  prevail;  and 
as  far  as  I have  yet  heard,  no  severer  punishment  is  ever  inflicted  for  crime.” 
(Sir  Jas.  Brooke,  Mundy  i.  211.) 

“ Some  of  their  punishments  are  very  barbarous  and  cruel : I have  seen  a 
woman  with  both  her  hands  half-severed  at  the  wrists,  and  a man  with  both 
his  ears  cut  off.”  (Marryat,  p.  77.) 

“ The  Idahan  punish  murder,  theft,  and  adultery  with  death.”  (Forrest, 
P-  37 !•) 

Inheritance. 

Property  in  land  and  trees  has  been  described  in  Ch.  xiv.,  418  et  seq. 

Among  the  Sakaran  Dyaks  the  law  is  as  follows : “ Property  is  divided 
equally  between  all  the  children,  irrespective  of  sex,  but  if  these  children  die 
before  their  parents  the  grandchildren  inherit  equally  with  their  uncles  and 
aunts;  thus  a man,  A,  has  four  children  C,  D,  E and  F,  these  all  have 
children,  but  C dies  before  A,  leaving,  say,  three  children,  then  these  three 
children  will  inherit  equally  with  D,  E and  F,  so  that  instead  of  the  property 
being  divided  up  into  4 equal  portions  only,  it  is  divided  up  into  six  equal 
portions.  Adopted  children  share  equally  with  the  other  children.”  (F.  W. 
Leggatt.) 

A very  curious  case  of  inheritance  is  given  by  Mr.  de  Crespigny  (S.G., 
No.  42)  as  customary  among  the  Milanaus  : “ Balang  and  Biam  lived  happily 
together  for  many  years  in  a long  house,  relic  of  old  times,  of  which  they  were 
possessors  of  half  a sirang.  Before  marriage  Balang  had  taken  as  adopted 
children  twro  young  girls;  and,  after  marriage,  Biam  had  taken  as  an  adopted 
child  one  young  girl.  Balang  became  thus  the  pro-father  of  the  last  girl,  and 
Biam  the  pro-mother  of  the  two  first  ; all  three  having  thus  equal  rights. 
There  were  no  children  born  to  Balang  and  Biam,  and  about  20  days  ago 
Biam  died.  Nipiak,  the  sister  of  Biam,  sent  to  Balang  for  her  share  in  Biam’s 
estate.  Balang  did  not  deny  her  right,  but  proposed  that  the  matter  should 
be  settled  in  Court ; and  the  Court  decided  thus,  after  carefully  taking  the 
opinion  of  sundry  Tuahs  who  were  present,  the  defendant,  Balang,  acknow- 
ledging that  the  arrangement  was  according  to  adat  (custom). 

“ The  whole  estate,  consisting  of  guns,  plantations,  share  of  a house, 
share  of  a slave,  ornaments,  and  even  cooking  utensils,  to  be  sold,  and  the 
husband  to  take  his  one-half.  With  regard  to  the  share  of  deceased,  the 
defendant,  her  husband,  got  nothing.  Had  there  been  children  born  to  them, 
two-thirds  of  Biam’s  share  would  have  been  theirs,  and  one-third  the  inheri- 
tance of  the  adopted  children  had  they  been  foster  children  ( anak  meninsu)  ; 
but  as  they  were  not,  so  they  were  only  entitled  to  a tanda,  although  the 
Court  gave  them,  in  this  case,  one-ninth  each,  making  one-third  to  be  divided 
between  them,  and  gave  the  other  two-thirds  to  Nipiak,  the  sister  of  deceased, 
who  would  have  had  no  claim  at  all  had  there  been  a child  to  inherit. 

“ That  which  appeared  so  curious  to  me,  was  the  fact  that  the  husband 
was  entitled  to  nothing  at  all,  and  only  got  his  half  of  all  the  property  which 


230 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


belonged  in  common  to  him  and  his  wife  during  the  lifetime  of  the  latter.  I 
found  upon  inquiry  that  she  might  have  made  a will  in  favour  of  her  husband 
or  others,  either  in  writing  or  verbally  before  witnesses,  but  this  not  having 
been  done,  had  there  been  no  relatives  at  all  to  claim  inheritance  of  her  share 
of  the  property,  it  would  have  gone  to  the  state,  and  the  husband,  even  under 
such  circumstances,  could  claim  nothing.  The  Tuahs  say  that  this  has  been 
the  custom  from  time  immemorial.” 

The  natives,  in  spite  of  their  wars  and  feuds  and  disputes,  governed 
themselves  better  than  the  Malays  governed  them.  In  1850,  the  nephew  of 
the  then  Sultan,  with  his  whole  party,  was  killed  by  some  Bisayas  when 
dunning  them  for  an  imaginary  debt.  There  was  in  the  time  of  the  Bruni 
nominal  control  “ a system  in  this  country  called  serra,  or  serra  dagang,  or 
forced  trade,  but  it  is  carried  on  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital 
to  an  extent  unknown  elsewhere.  Even'  noble  of  any  influence  that  thinks 
proper  goes  to  a tribe  with  some  cloth,  and  calling  the  chief,  orders  him 
to  divide  it  among  his  tribe ; he  then  demands  as  its  price  from  twenty 
to  a hundred  times  its  value.  He  does  not  expect  to  get  the  whole  at 
once,  but  it  enables  him  to  dun  the  tribe  for  years  after.  Not  content  with 
taking  their  goods  for  these  imaginary  debts,  they  constantly  seize  their 
young  children  and  carry  them  off  as  slaves.  The  tribe  who  killed  the 
Sultan’s  nephew  had  actually  paid  their  serra  to  thirty-three  different 
nobles  that  year,  and  had  been  literally  stripped  of  all  their  food,  before, 
giving  way  to  passion,  they  destroyed  the  whole  party  above  referred  to.” 
(St.  John  ii.  46.) 

Mr.  Denison  relates  a very  similar  story  of  Malay  misgovernment. 
“ Whilst  Pangeran  Anak  Chuchu  (whose  property  the  Meri  district  is)  was 
proceeding  from  Sarawak  to  Brunei  in  his  schooner,  he  met  with  head-winds, 
and  brought  up  in  the  Meri  river;  and,  finding  this  a good  opportunity  for 
replenishing  his  exchequer,  levied  a tax  of  20  pikuls.  The  people  had  to 
borrow  these,  and  in  borrowing  had  to  pay  for  them  60  pikuls  of  gutta,  or  in 
other  words  had  to  pay  $2,400  for  a forced  loan  of  $1,500.  The  Pangeran 
carried  away  plunder  from  the  unfortunate  natives  to  the  extent  of  $9,000, 
leaving  the  population  so  deeply  in  debt  that  it  will  take  them  years  to 
recover  themselves.”  (Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  177.) 

Babukid  is  a Land  Dyak  mode  of  defiance,  and  appears  to  have  been  first 
mentioned  by  Sir  Jas.  Brooke.  “ I find  it  is  appealed  to  as  a final  judgment 
in  disputes  about  property,  and  usually  occurs  in  families  when  the  right  to 
land  and  fruit  trees  comes  to  be  discussed.  Each  party  then  sallies  forth  in 
search  of  a head ; if  one  only  succeed,  his  claim  is  acknowledged  ; if  both 
succeed,  the  property  continues  common  to  both.  It  is  on  these  occasions 
that  the  Dyaks  are  dangerous,  and  perhaps  an  European,  w hose  inheritance 
depended  on  the  issue,  would  not  be  very  scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of 
success.  It  must  be  understood,  however,  that  the  individuals  do  not  go 
alone,  but  a party  accompanies  each,  or  they  may  send  a party  without  being 
present.  The  loss  of  life  is  not  heavy  from  this  cause,  and  it  is  chiefly 
resorted  to  bv  the  Singe  and  the  Sows,  and  is  about  as  rational  as  our  trials 
by  combat.”  (Mundy  i.  331.)  It  would  seem  to  have  more  the  character  of 


T rade. 


231 


an  ordeal.  At  the  village  of  Lanchang,  on  the  Samaharan  river,  there  were, 
owing  to  Malay  intrigues,  five  Orang  Kayas,  and,  in  consequence,  there  was 
much  quarrelling.  “ One  proposed  that,  to  settle  the  matter,  they  should 
sally  out  into  the  neighbouring  countries,  and  the  first  who  should  bring  home 
a head  should  be  declared  victor,  and  have  the  case  decided  in  his  favour.  It 
was  their  ancient  custom.”  (St.  John  i.  223.)  Compare  bunkit,  i.  70. 

TRADE. 

The  natives'  ideas  of  trade  are  primitive.  “ Two  old  Dyaks  were  heard 
discussing  the  advantages  of  sago  planting,  ‘ Ah,’  said  the  one  Apai,  ‘ but 
supposing  the  whole  country  were  planted  how  cheap  sago  would  be,  the  sale 
would  hardly  repay  us  for  working  and  filling  it.’  ‘ Yes,’  replied  the  other, 
‘ then  how  cheaply  we  could  live  and  so  we  would  eat  the  sago  and  sell  all 
our  rice.’  ” (S.G.,  No.  183,  p.  109.) 

When  His  Highness  presented  Sandown,  a Sakaran  chief,  with  a rupee 
the  man  asked  him  the  use  of  it  and  whether  it  would  purchase  padi.  A very 
few  years  later  this  man  was  an  active  trader,  and  gained  considerable 
riches.  . . . But  generally  speaking  “ a Dyak  has  no  conception  of  the 

use  of  a circulating  medium.  He  may  be  seen  wandering  in  the  Bazaar  with 
a ball  of  beeswax  in  his  hand  for  days  together,  because  he  can’t  find 
anybody  willing  to  take  it  for  the  exact  article  he  requires.  This  article  may 
be  not  more  than  a tenth  the  value  of  the  beeswax,  but  he  would  not  sell  it 
for  money,  and  then  buy  what  he  wants.  From  the  first,  he  had  the 
particular  article  in  his  mind's  eye,  and  worked  for  the  identical  ball  of 
beeswax  with  which  and  nothing  else  to  purchase  it.”  (Brooke  i.  140,  156.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  found  the  Sea  Dyaks  “exceedingly  quick  in  commercial 
transactions  ; 2 and  most  of  them  who  did  not  know  the  value  of  a piece  of 
money  six  years  ago  circa  1856  are  now  active  traders.”  (i.  71.)  The  Sibuyaus 
are  keener  traders  than  the  Land  Dyaks  (ibid,  i.  208),  and  Lieut.  Marryat  found 
the  Lundu  Dyaks  always  ready  for  barter,  (p.  78.)  The  proximity  to,  and 
the  influence  exercised  by,  Brunei  where  a debased  iron  medium  of  exchange 
was  in  use  (ibid,  p.  113)  would  have  made  it  likely  that  the  natives  might 
have  known  something  of  a currency,  but  they  do  not  appear  to  have 
understood  or  appreciated  it.  The  Chinese,  too,  must  have  handled  cash,  and 
the  coast  nations  at  least  might  be  supposed  to  have  seen  this  medium. 

“ Prior  to  the  cession  of  the  Barain  district  to  Sarawak  by  the  Sultan  of 
Brunei,  money  was  not  used,  and  the  trade  consisted  of  merely  an  exchange 
of  jungle  produce  for  cotton  goods,  grey  shirting,  turkey  red  and  yellow  cloth. 
The  district  has  now  been  under  Sarawak  rule  for  ten  years,  and  in 
consequence  of  the  enormous  increase  of  trade,  the  current  dollars  and  cents 
have  found  their  way  far  into  the  interior,  so  that  even  the  Punans  know  the 
purchasing  power  of  dollars,  and  it  is  common  now  to  see  the  dollar  coin  on 
necklaces  worn  by  children.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  161.) 

The  method  of  trading  with  the  Kayans  seems  to  have  been  peculiar  but 
it  must  probably  be  considered  Malay  rather  than  native  Bornean.  It  is  thus 

2 Mr.  Earl  long  since  pointed  out  that  freedom  of  commerce  would  soon  improve  the  Dyaks  for, 
said  he,  “ they  are  greatly  addicted  to  commerce,  and  spare  no  pains  to  procure  articles  of  foreign 
manufacture  for  which  they  have  acquired  a taste.”  (p  272.) 


232 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


spoken  of  by  Sir  Jas.  Brooke:  “A  trader  from  the  coast,  whether  Malay  or 
Dyak,  when  he  ascends  the  river  with  his  small  boats,  stops  at  an  assigned 
place,  and  sends  word  of  his  arrival,  with  a description  of  his  tribe,  object, 
and  cargo,  to  the  chief,  who  orders  a party  of  his  people  to  bring  the  goods  to 
the  village;  and  though  this  may  be  four  or  five  days’  journey  in  the  interior, 
it  is  done  without  the  slightest  article  being  pilfered.  The  merchant  entirely 
loses  sight  of  his  wares,  which  are  carried  off  by  the  Kyans,  and  he  is  himself 
guided  by  a body  of  the  superior  members  of  the  tribe.  On  arriving  at  the 
village,  a house  is  allotted  for  his  use,  his  merchandise  is  placed  carefully  in 
the  same  habitation,  every  civility  is  shown  him,  and  he  incurs  no  expense. 
After  a few  days’  residence,  he  moves  his  goods  to  the  mansion  of  the  chief, 
the  tribe  assemble,  and  all  the  packages  are  opened.  Presents  are  made  to 
the  head  men,  who  likewise  have  the  right  according  to  their  precedence  of 
choosing  what  they  please  to  purchase  ; the  price  is  afterwards  fixed,  and 
engagements  made  for  pavment  in  bees’  wax,  camphor,  or  birds'  nests.  The 
purchasers  then  scatter  themselves  in  the  woods  to  seek  for  these  articles,  and 
the  merchant  remains  in  his  house  feeding  on  the  fat  of  the  land  for  a month 
or  six  weeks,  when,  the  engagements  being  fulfilled,  he  departs  a richer  man 
than  he  came  ; his  acquired  property  being  safely  carried  to  his  boats  by  the 
same  people.  If  he  has  a large  cargo  and  proposes  going  farther  into  the 
interior,  they  carry  his  goods  to  the  boundary  of  the  next  tribe,  and  lie 
returns  at  the  period  agreed  upon  to  receive  the  price  of  his  commodities.” 
(Mundy  i.  263.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John’s  account  is  very  similar,  but  the  Kayans  “ were  seldom 
very  welcome  guests  at  a small  village,  helping  themselves  freely  to  every- 
thing that  took  their  fancy  ; but  this  only  occurred,  as  a Malay  shrewdly 
observed,  in  places  where  they  were  feared.”  !i  (i.  124.) 

“ Many  Dusuns  go  three  or  four  times  a month  to  the  tamels,  which  are 
generally  held  in  dried-up  river-beds.  To  the  tamel  they  will  often  make  a 
two  da5’s’  journey,  with  a few  articles  of  their  own  manufacture — such  as 
bamboo  baskets  and  hats,  bark  ropes,  and,  where  they  grow  it,  tobacco. 
The  women  are  the  beasts  of  burden  and  on  these  occasions  the  men  often 
get  drunk  and  fight.”  (Whitehead,  p.  107.) 

On  the  other  hand  the  Dusuns  complained  to  Mr.  Hatton  of  the  Dampas 
men  very  much,  saying  that  they  stole  their  goods  and  swindled  them.  “The 
headman  showed  me  a common  pinfire  revolver,  worth  about  $5,  for  which  he 
paid  40  pounds  of  gutta  ; also  a string  of  beads,  worth  about  20  cents,  which 
he  had  purchased  for  8 pounds  of  gutta.  He  complained  also  of  the  Dampas 
men’s  scales  and  weights,  saying  that  one  pikul  of  gutta  in  the  Labuk  country 
on  arriving  at  Sandakan  weighed  two  pikuls.”  (Hatton’s  Diary,  9 Mar.) 
Mr.  Burbidge  mentions  incidentally  (p.  75)  that  the  natives  adulterate  the 
gutta.  In  Sir  Sp.  St.  John's  time  the  Bajus  used  to  visit  the  Kiaus.  The 

3 “ It  is  very  important  for  all  travellers  to  note  that  the  Dyaks  as  they  are  at  present  know 
nothing  as  to  payment  or  barter — with  regard  that  is  to  the  common  articles  of  livelihood ; that  they 
therefore,  unless  they  do  it  from  the  start  without  asking,  cannot  be  brought  to  do  what  is  wanted 
by  means  of  presents  and  that  they  on  the  contrary  find  it  quite  right  if  one  allows  one’s  people  to 
take  as  many  fowls  and  as  much  fruit  as  one  requires.  In  the  same  way  they  know  nothing  about 
theft  and  do  not  hesitate  to  help  themselves  to  the  fruits  in  your  garden  or  to  the  tobacco  in  your 
hand  as  much  as  they  are  immediately  in  need  of.  They  never  take  more."  (Hupe,  p 722  ) 


Trade. 


233 


Kiaus  bullied  the  Bajus  and  now  the  latter  “ seldom  visit  these  distant 
villagers,  who  are  thus  compelled  to  take  their  own  produce  to  the  coast,  to 
be  cajoled  or  plundered  in  their  turn,  which  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  cloth 
and  iron  are  so  rare  among  them.”  (i.  312.) 

Although  the  Sea  Dvaks  “are  said  to  be  more  acute  than  Malays,  so  that 
even  the  Chinese  hnd  they  cannot  cheat  them  after  the  first  year.  . . . the 
Malays  sometimes  make  good  bargains  with  them  by  using  soft  and  flattering 
language,  but  the  Dayaks  often  repent  of  being  so  wheedled  and  will  claim 
justice  before  the  courts."  (ibid,  i.  71.) 

“The  Kayans  in  the  Baram  appear,  from  all  I can  learn,  to  be  very 
unsophisticated  in  matters  of  trade,  and  their  ignorance  and  simplicity  are 
taken  advantage  of  by  a lot  of  Malays  for  their  own  ends,  who  cheat  and 
swindle  these  aborigines  to  their  hearts’  content.  The  Malays,  however,  all 
tell  the  same  story,  namely,  that  it  is  easy  to  humbug  the  Kayans,  but 
dangerous  to  bully  them  ; they  barely  acknowledge  the  rule  of  the  Sultan,  if 
they  do  so  at  all,  which  appears  very  doubtful.”  (Denison,  Jour.  Straits 
Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  10,  p.  178.) 

“ The  Sarawak  Malay  can  as  a rule  get  on  very  fairly  well  with  the  Land 
Dyaks,  better,  perhaps,  than  he  can  with  Sea  Dyaks  up  coast ; he  can  pejal, 
that  is  he  can  force  his  wares  upon  those  who  really  have  no  real  use  for  them 
or  who  are  not  particularly  in  want  of  the  goods  hawked  by  the  Malay  pedlar, 
and  whilst  the  Dyak  is  turning  over  his  mind  as  to  whether  he  will  purchase 
or  not,  the  seller  sits  patiently  by  smoking  and  singing  the  praises  of  his 
wares ; a Land  Dyak  usually  takes  a considerable  time  in  forming  his  mind 
in  making  a purchase,  but  time  is  of  no  particular  object  to  either  party,  and 
the  bargain  completed,  and  the  pedlar  having  obtained  the  customary  cent,  per 
cent.,  he  packs  up  his  baggage  and  departs  to  the  next  house  or  village  as  the 
case  may  be.  But  the  present  Malay  system  of  trading  with  the  Land  Dyaks 
is  rotten  to  the  core.  Dyak  bintings  or  villages  are  perpetually  being  visited, 
and  the  commonest  articles  of  trade  thrust  upon  the  Dyaks  at  exhorbitant 
rates,  which  they  could  purchase  ever  so  much  cheaper  at  any  of  the  numerous 
Chinese  shops  scattered  throughout  the  river,  and  which  are  easily  accessible 
in  a day’s  journey  even  from  the  remotest  Dyak  habitation;  such  commodities 
as  waist-cloths  ( chawats ) and  petticoats  ( jamos ),  trimmed  with  a little  common 
Turkey  red  cloth,  are  sold  previous  to  the  rice  harvest,  to  be  repaid  in  paddy 
at  many  times  their  respective  values,  nor  does  it  end  here,  the  purchaser 
being  expected  to  deliver  his  payment  to  the  house  of  the  Malay  merchant, 
entailing,  perhaps,  a long  journey  on  foot,  or  miles  of  boat  travelling  ; and 
again,  he  is  expected  to  fully  provide  for  those  traders  stopping  in  his  house 
such  necessaries  as  rice,  firewood,'  provisions,  and  the  like,  which  he  does 
without  the  slightest  grumbling.”  (S.G.,  1894,  p.  98.) 

“ Wealth  is  not  so  much  the  accumulation  of  cash,  as  the  possession  of 
gongs,  brass  guns,  and  jars;  and  if  a chief  is  deprived  of  his  wealth,  he  is  also 
deprived  of  his  power,  and  the  people  losing  faith  in  him  look  out  for  another 
who  owns  ‘thousands.’”  (Grant,  p.  24.)  So  Mr.  Chalmers  states:  “The 
wealth  of  a family  is  generally  estimated  by  the  number  of  gongs,  jars,  cups, 
pigs,  fowls,  and  fruit-trees  it  possesses.”  (O.P.,  p.  1.)  The  Sennah  tribe 


234 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


were  considered  well  off.  possessing  plenty  of  tawaks-tawaks,  chanangs,  jars, 
etc.,  and  boasting  a splendid  peal  of  gongs.”  4 (Denison,  ch.  vi.,  p.  65.)  The 
Bukars  wealth  is  shown  by  the  great  amount  of  silver  coins  and  ornaments 
the}’  possess,  “ sheaths  of  swords  and  parangs  being  covered  with  this  metal, 
while  silver  coins  were  worn  round  the  edge  of  the  petticoat,  and  mixed  with 
sabits  of  the  same  metal  round  the  waists  and  loins  of  the  women."  (Denison, 
ch.  viii.,  p.  84.) 

“ The  returns  for  their  rice  and  gutta,  the  Sozongan  Dusuns  hoard  up  in 
the  darkest  recesses  of  the  bush,  consisting  of  brass  in  every  conceivable 
shape, — that  is  the  only  thing  their  heart  is  set  on.”  (Witti,  19  May  ) 

“ Some  of  the  things  the  natives  of  Brit.  North  Borneo  buy  are  most 
expensive,  sixty  and  seventy  dollars  is  frequently  given  for  a single  sarong. 
Men  of  industrious  habits  can  easily  be  overburdened  with  the  quantity  of 
goods  they  can  acquire.  Up  the  Labuk,  where  large  earthenware  jars  are 
what  the  people  most  covet,  I have  seen  some  of  the  family  residences 

crammed  full,  top  and  bottom,  and  hung  up,  to  the  roof  with  these  rather 

cumbrous  evidences  of  wealth.  It  may  be  said,  generally,  that  whatever  they 
want  they  buy,  from  a bundle  of  tobacco  to  a gold  hilted  creese  Malay  sword. 
Amongst  most  of  the  tribes,  brassware  of  various  kinds  used  to  be  much  valued, 
a great  deal  on  account  of  the  facility  with  which  it  could  be  hidden  in  the 

forest,  or  even  in  mud  at  the  bottom  of  rivers.”  Collecting  parties  found 

these  hidden  articles.  (W.  B.  Pryer,  J.A.I.  xvi.  235.) 

“ When  Mr.  Low  was  at  Kiau  in  1851,  beads  and  brass  wire  were  very 
much  sought  after.  When  we  came  last  April,  the  people  cared  nothing  for 
beads,  and  very  little  for  cloth  ; their  hearts  were  set  on  brass  wire.  We, 
however,  distributed  a good  deal  of  cloth,  at  reasonable  rates,  in  exchange  for 
food  and  services  rendered.  We  now  1858  found  that  even  brass  wire, 
except  of  a very  large  size,  was  despised,  and  cloth  eagerly  desired.”  (i.  320.) 

MINING. 

Iron. 

“ Most  Land  Dvaks  understand  sufficient  blacksmithery  to  make  their 
own  swords  and  axes- — the  latter  are  small,  and,  by  turning  them  in  their 
handles,  can  be  used  as  adzes  ; they  cut  down  the  largest  trees  with  these 
little  tools,  which  shows  that  they  are  not  bad  steel.”  6 (Grant,  p.  91.) 

4 A row  of  gongs  of  various  sizes  is  referred  to  as  a sign  of  wealth  by  a correspondent  of  the 
S.G  (No  102)  at  Pulau  Majang  in  Dutch  Borneo. 

5 “ The  iron  which  is  obtained  in  the  interior  is  said  to  be  valued  by  many  of  the  wilder  Dyaks 

even  more  than  gold  ; indeed  the  latter  is  only  sought  for  as  a means  of  procuring  foreign  articles  for 
which  they  have  acquired  a taste.  The  iron  must  either  be  excellent  quality,  or  the  Dyaks  must 
have  discovered  a method  of  tempering  it,  which  sets  at  defiance  the  competition  of  more  civilised 
nations.  I have  heard  of  musket  barrels  having  been  cut  in  two  by  a single  blow  of  their 
swords  together  with  other  tales  illustrative  of  their  wonderful  temper  ; and  from  what  I have 
personally  witnessed,  I am  inclined  to  give  perfect  credence  to  them.  To  test  the  capabilities  of 
these  weapons  I cut  a twopenny  nail  in  two  and  although  the  temper  of  the  one  employed  was 
considered  as  rather  inferior,  the  edge  was  not  in  the  least  turned.  (Earl,  p.  264.)  " Crimata,  a town 

situated  to  the  southerly  end  of  the  Island  of  Borneo,  sends  to  Bantam  a great  deal  of  iron."  (A 
Collection  of  Voyages  undertaken  by  the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  Translated  London, 
W.  Freeman  & Co.,  8U  1703,  p.  197.) 


Iron  Ore  Smelting  on  the  Barito. 

(After  Dr.  Schwaner  i.  in.) 


236  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

The  Sea  Dyak  “blacksmith,  with  the  exception  of  the  manang,  or  doctor, 
is  the  only  person  in  the  village  whose  time  is  solely  occupied  by  a profession 
or  trade.  If  the  blacksmith  of  a village  be  celebrated  for  the  goodness  of  his 
work,  he  is  not  only  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  the  arms  and 
instruments  necessary  for  his  tribe,  but  those  made  by  him  sell  for  higher 
prices  than  those  of  his  neighbours,  and  he  is  sure  of  plenty  of  employment 
and  considerable  profit.  The  smith’s  shop  is  always  a little  apart  from  the 
houses  of  the  village,  to  prevent  accidents  from  the  fire  ; the  bellows  precisely 
resemble  those  of  the  Malays,  the  two  bamboos,  or  hollow  trees  ; a stone  is 
generally  the  anvil,  but  when  a heavy  piece  of  iron  can  be  obtained  it  is 
preferred.  His  instruments  are  all  of  his  own  making,  and  rude  in  their 
construction  ; the  vessel  in  which  the  water  for  cooling  his  work  is  held  is  a 
block  of  wood  hollowed  out.’’  (Low,  p.  209.) 

A different  description  of  the  Sibuyau  bellows  is  given  by  Sir  Jas. 
Brooke  : “ The  Dyaks,  as  is  well  known,  are  famous  for  the  manufacture  of 
iron.  The  forge  here  is  of  the  simplest  construction,  and  formed  by  two 
hollow  trees,  each  about  seven  feet  high,  placed  upright,  side  by  side,  in  the 
ground  ; from  the  lower  extremity  of  these,  two  pipes  of  bamboo  are  led 
through  a clay-bank  three  inches  thick,  into  a charcoal  fire  ; a man  is  perched 
at  the  top  of  the  trees,  and  pumps  with  two  pistons  (the  suckers  of  which  are 
made  of  cocks’  feathers),  which  being  raised  and  depressed  alternately,  blow  a 
regular  stream  of  air  into  the  fire.”  (Keppel  i.  p.  65.) 

According  to  Bishop  McDougall : “ They  construct  a blast  of  bamboos, 
and  by  means  of  a lever  work  three  or  four  of  their  cane  cylinders  at  a time  ; 
with  these  they  blow  on  the  iron  ore,  which  is  broken  up  into  ‘ nublets,’  or 
small  pieces,  and  put  on  a hearth  until  the  fire  renders  it  soft,  not  melted. 
In  the  first  state  the  iron  has  become  malleable  and  capable  of  being  worked 
into  swords.”  (T.E.S.  ii.  29.) 

Sir  Chas.  Brooke  is  of  opinion  “ that  the  iron  smelted  in  the  interior  of 
Rejang  is  second  to  none  for  making  arms.”  (i.  p.  50.) 

The  richest  specimens  of  iron  ore  come  “ from  the  Upper  Rejang.  The 
Kay  an  tribes  inhabiting  this  district  smelt  their  own  iron,  using  charcoal  only, 
in  their  own  rude  furnaces,  and  the  steel  they  manufacture  is  preferred  to  that 
of  European  make.”  (A.  Hart  Everett,  Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  1, 
p.  20.) 

“ Commonly  at  every  Kayan  village  there  is  a place  for  smelting  iron,  in 
all  the  process  of  which  the  community  mutually  partake.  Covered  by  a 
shed,  the  rude  furnace  consists  of  a circular  pit  formed  in  the  ground,  three 
feet  deep,  and  about  four  feet  in  diameter.  Previous  to  the  smelting  process 
the  ore  is  roasted  and  broken  into  small  pieces.  The  coals  (charcoal)  in  the 
furnace  being  set  fire  to  and  well  kindled,  the  prepared  ore  is  then  placed  on 
the  top  with  alternate  layers  of  coals.  The  ventilators  used  consist  of  wooden 
tubes,  ten  to  twelve  in  number,  about  six  feet  long  and  placed  vertically  round 
the  furnace.  The  bore  of  each  is  about  seven  inches  in  diameter,  the  pistons 
to  correspond  are  framed  of  cloth  or  soft  bark.  Attached  to  the  piston  rods 
are  others  of  considerable  length,  to  which  weights  are  made  fast  and 
balanced  on  the  cross  beams  of  the  shed.  By  this  contrivance  the  pistons 


237 


M ining. 

are  moved  up  and  down,  and  a constant  blast  produced,  which  is  led  by  clay 
pipes  from  the  orifice  at  the  bottom  of  each  tube  into  the  furnace.  In  the 
smelting  operation  there  is  no  flux  used  with  the  ore,  which  yields  about 
seventy  per  cent,  of  iron.  To  make  iron  either  hard  or  soft  as  may  be 
required,  different  sorts  of  wood  are  made  use  of.”  (Burns,  Jour.  Ind.  Arch, 
iii.  151.)  " In  a Kifiah  village  the  smithy  is  in  a central  situation.  The  Kinahs 
smelt  their  own  ore  and  manufacture  their  own  iron  ware.  I watched  the 
operation  and  procured  a few  samples  of  the  metal.  There  is  nothing 
peculiar  to  describe ; there  were  an  anvil,  a couple  of  hammers,  and  a pair  of 
twyers  as  usual,  a charcoal  furnace,  a quantity  of  impure  ore,  and  the  usual 
primitive  bellows.  These  people  temper  their  own  ore  with  a fragment  of 
European  ironware,  when  they  can  get  it.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ As  before  stated,  the  Kayans  and  Kenniahs  for  years  smelted  their  own 
iron,  and  the  weapons  made  of  that  steel  retain  their  value  to  the  present 
da)’.  The)'  are  great  blacksmiths  and  skilful  engravers  on  metal,  some  of  their 
work  bearing  the  closest  examination.  Their  forge  is  an  ingenious,  if 
laborious,  contrivance,  consisting  of  several  large  bamboos  into  each  of  which 
a piston  worked  by  hand  forces  the  air ; this  is  conducted  by  means  of 
other  bamboo  tubes  into  one,  the  end  of  which  forms  as  it  were  the  mouth  of 
the  bellows,  and  in  which  a considerably  accumulated  pressure  of  air  is 
obtained.  The  anvil  is  likewise  ingenious,  being  provided  with  many  points 
and  small  holes  by  means  of  which  the  smith  is  enabled  to  bend  and  work  his 
iron.”  (Hose  J.A.I.  xxiii.  161.) 

Sir  Sp.  St.  John  procured  a packet  of  the  iron  the  Kayans  use  in  smelting  ; 
“ it  appeared  like  a mass  of  rough,  twisted  ropes,  and  is,  I think,  called 
meteoric  iron-stone.  They  use,  also,  two  other  kinds.  . . . Their  iron 

ore  appears  to  be  easily  melted.”15  (i.  113,  122.) 

Gold. 

“ In  times  of  drought,  styled  by  the  natives  Kamarow,  or  Tempo  Segah, 
the  bed  of  the  upper  Sadong  is  searched  and  scraped  for  gold,  generally  with 
success  ; of  course  the  longer  the  spell  of  fine  weather  the  better  the  results. 
Sadong  gold  is  of  splendid  quality,  and  second  to  none  found  in  Sarawak, 
excepting,  perhaps,  that  found  at  Marup,  yclept  Mas  Skrang (S.G.,  1894, 
p.  98.)  “ Near  the  very  sources  of  the  Kapuas  live  the  Malau  Dayaks,who  are 

workers  in  gold  and  brass,  and  it  is  very  singular  that  members  of  this  tribe 
can  wander  safely  through  the  villages  of  the  head-hunting  Seribas  and 
Sakarang,  and  are  never  molested.”  (St.  John  i.  31.) 

6 The  material  most  used  is  the  argillaceous  spherosiderite,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  is 
often  present  in  the  coal-bearing  beds.  Usually  it  is  taken  from  the  most  accessible  spots  in  the 
river  beds.  In  these  places  the  ore  has  been  more  or  less  subject  to  a chemical  change,  i.e.  the 
clay-iron-stone  is,  in  part,  converted  into  argillaceous  brown  iron-ore,  and  is  then  rendered  more 
easily  workable.  (Possewitz,  p.  432.) 

On  the  Doesun  river  Mr.  Muller  speaks  of  villages  almost  exclusively  inhabited  by  iron  smiths, 
such  as  Troesan,  Siekan  Laloenianw,  Roedjej,  Panoeatawan.  The  reason  being  that  the  metal 
which  they  work  is  extracted  close  by  the  villages  in  the  very  bed  of  the  Doesun  when  its  waters  are 
low,  and  principally  along  the  right  bank  of  the  river  near  the  affluence  of  the  little  Soengi  Patakej. 
The  metal  is  found  spread  in  the  mud  of  the  river  in  masses  of  5,  10  and  even  100  pounds  weight  and 
more  (ii.  359.) 


238 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  X.  Borneo. 


“ In  connection  with  the  consumption  of  gold  in  the  Brit.  North  Borneo 
Territory,  it  may  be  remarked  that  none  of  the  savage  tribes  of  this  part  of 
Borneo  seem  ever  to  have  made  use  of  this  metal,  notwithstanding  their 
intercourse  with  Malays,  and  in  a less  degree  with  the  Chinese,  during  at  least 
several  centuries  past.  I have  never  known  an  instance  of  a Sea  Dyak  or 
Land  Dyak,  a Kyan  or  Bakatan,  seeking  gold  on  his  own  account,  and  manu- 
facturing it  into  any  description  of  ornament,  however  rude.”  (A.  Hart 
Everett.  Jour.  Straits  Asiatic  Soc.,  No.  i,  p.  19.) 


Stone  Hammers. 

(After  Van  Schelle.) 

“ The  stone  hammers  used  are  worthy  of 
note ; they  remind  one  of  prehistoric 
times.  They  consist  of  a flat  hard  piece 
of  quartz,  tightly  clasped  by  pieces  of 
split  bamboo,  with  cross  splits  of  rotan. 
The  end  of  the  bamboo  serves  as  a 
handle.’  (Posewitz,  p.  345.)  Dr.  Posewitz 
makes  the  above  remarks  and  gives  the 
two  illustrations  under  the  heading  "Gold 
Mining  : Digging  by  the  Natives.”  But 
I am  informed  that  these  hammers  are 
used  by  the  Chinese  and  not  by  the 
natives. 


Cradle  for  Washing  Gold. 

(?  Chinese.)  S.E  Borneo. 

(Leiden  Mus.) 

Diamond-digging. 

“ I may  here  take  the  oppor- 
tunity of  introducing  a few 
remarks  on  diamond  working, 
as  carried  on  by  the  natives  in 
these  Land  Dyak  districts. 
When  diamonds  are  worked  in 
th  e solid  earth,  or  in  the  bed 
of  the  river,  a shaft  is  sunk 
about  4 feet,  for  a karangan 
or  bed  of  pebbles,  which,  when 
struck,  is  generally  about  3 feet 
in  thickness.  This  is  called 
Imho,  and  is  what  is  seen  ex- 
posed in  the  banks  of  streams; 
it  is  useless,  and  is  therefore 
thrown  aside.  Below  the  Imbo 
is  another  karangan  called  Pejal, 
from  9 feet  to  12  feet  in  thick- 
ness, and  in  this  the  diamonds 
are  found.  The  Pejal  is  very 


Land  Dyak  Implement  used  in  Gold  Washing. 

Made  of  heavy  brown  wood,  painted  bright  red,  with  yellow  edges  and 
lines.  Blade  thin  and  flat. 

Length,  3ft.  4m.  ; Width  of  blade,  2ft.  4Ain. 

(Brit.  Mus,) 


Mensuration. 


239 


hard,  being  made  up  of  a conglomerate  of  small  pebbles,  and  is  worked  with  a 
crowbar,  it  is  carefully  placed  aside,  washed  in  circular  wooden  trays,  and  the 
diamonds  separated  from  the  pebbles.  Under  the  Pejal  a stratum  of  boulders 
or  large  stones  is  met  with,  to  which  is  given  the  name  of  Ampan.  With  this 
the  shaft  is  abandoned,  as  no  diamonds  are  found  in  or  below  it,  but  only  mud 
and  sand  with  perhaps  a little  gold.  The  size  of  the  shaft  varies  according  to 
the  number  of  persons  working  : one  man  will  sink  a shaft  one  fathom  square, 
while  a party  of  four  will  not  be  satisfied  under  anything  less  than  4 to  5 
fathoms.  The  shaft  is  driven  down  the  perpendicular,  and  should  water  be 
met  with,  the  diggers  work  in  the  water  and  drive  for  the  Pejal.  One  way  of 
working,  adopted  both  in  the  river  and  on  ‘ terra  firma,’  is  to  sink  a shaft  till 
the  Pejal  is  met  with,  and  then  drive  another  at  right  angles,  following  the 
course  of  the  Pejal.  This  is  dug  out  and  brought  to  the  perpendicular  shaft, 
where  it  is  handed  up  to  the  surface  in  baskets.”  7 (Denison,  ch.  vii.,  p.  71.) 

“ Diamond  digging  is  not  at  present  carried  on  in  the  Sadong  river.” 
(S.G.,  1894,  p.  98.) 

MENSURATION. 

Time. 

“ The  Land  Dyaks  generally  take  no  count  of  days,  and  months,  and 
years;  when  the)’  do  reckon  time  at  all,  they  do  so  by  what  they  call  the  Taun 
Padi,  a period  about  equal  to  six  of  our  months.”  (Chalmers,  O.  P.,  p.  7.) 

“ They  make  alliances  by  the  rice  harvests,  and  not  by  years  of  which 
they  have  no  knowledge.”  (Pfeiffer  ii.  93.)  “ Sometimes  they  explain  lapse 

of  time  by  the  height  of  the  sun.”  (Brooke  i.  58.) 

As  we  have  seen  (i.  401),  the  Ivenniahs  judge  of  the  season  for  planting 
by  a sort  of  sun  dial.  “ The  Kayans,  and  many  other  races  in  Borneo,  fix 
the  time  of  the  year  for  planting  paddy,  by  observing  the  position  of  the  stars, 
though  it  is  more  usual  for  Kayans  to  be  guided  by  the  sun.  In  the  case  of 
reckoning  by  the  stars  they  consider  that  when  the  Pleiades  appears  just 
above  the  horizon  as  daylight  breaks  (five  o’clock)  that  the  right  time  of  the 
vear  for  sowing  has  arrived.  But  paddy  may  be  planted  and  produce  a good 
crop  within  three  months  : the  low  country  people  are  much  later  than  the 
hill  people,  and  those  who  plant  swamp  paddy  even  later  still.  The  Kayans 
measure  the  shadow  of  the  sun  from  a horizontal  post  at  twelve  o'clock;  other 
shadows  cross  the  large  shadow,  and  the  man  in  charge  of  this  sun-dial  has 
various  scales  on  pieces  of  wood,  but  these,  and  the  methods  of  calculation, 
together  with  the  sun-dial,  which  is  enclosed  by  a high  fence,  are  all  kept  a 
close  secret.  But  I must  admit  that  they  are  able  to  reckon  by  these 
measurements  how  long  it  is  to  the  time  of  planting,  and  I have  found  that 
they  do  not  vary  much  one  year  from  another.  I hope  some  day  to  have  all 
this  explained  to  me.8 

7 Mr.  S Muller  states  the  natives  reject  platinum  as  they  do  not  understand  how  to  manipulate 
it.  (ii.  377.) 

8 "The  Dyaks  reckon  their  periods  of  time  by  the  full  moon,  half-moon,  and  new  moon." 
(Bock,  p 212.) 

" The  Dyaks  in  general  appear  to  know  nothing  of  numbers  above  ten,  and  hence  they  always 
give  us  their  reckonings  in  this  way,  saying,  'one  ten,’  or  'two,  three,  four,’  or  ‘many  tens,’  as  the 
case  may  be."  (Doty,  p 288  ) 


240 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“ A man  wishing  to  describe  the  time  he  will  be  away,  says,  ‘ I shall  be 
away  so  many  nights,’  not,  so  many  days.  If  asked  what  time  you  will  arrive, 
he  will  answer,  ‘ when  the  sun  is  in  that  position,’  pointing  to  the  sky  ; if 
wishing  to  indicate  nightfall,  he  will  say,  ‘when  the  sun  has  gone  under’; 
and  early  dawn,  ‘ when  the  sun  has  come  up.’  A man  desirous  of  describing 
a fish  he  has  caught,  would  say  it  was  as  big  as  his  forearm,  or  if  larger,  as  big 
as  the  calf  of  his  leg.  The  graduated  scale  of  measurements  they  use,  are  : — 
the  size  of  the  thumb  ; two  fingers  ; three  fingers  ; four  fingers  ; the  wrist  ; 
the  forearm  ; the  calf  of  the  leg  ; then  the  thigh  or  the  head  : and  lastly,  the 
body. 

“ As  an  equivalent  for  our  inches  and  feet  the  natives  use  fingers — one, 
two,  three,  four  ; four  fingers  constituting  the  breadth  of  a hand  ; their  span 
consists  of  that  between  the  thumb  and  first  finger,  and  a long  span  in  some 
cases  between  the  thumb  and  second  finger,  hut  the  latter  measurement  is  not 
generally  allowed,  as  the  following  story  will  show.  Once,  while  seated  in  a 
house  talking  to  the  chief,  I was  a witness  of  a heated  dispute  which  took  place 
between  two  of  his  followers  anent  the  sale  of  a pig.  A pig  is  sold  by 
measurement,  the  measurement  being  taken  (by  means  of  a string)  of  the 
girth  of  the  body  just  behind  the  fore-legs  ; and  for  every  span’s-length  of 
string,  a dollar  has  become  the  fixed  price.  Now  the  buyer  wanted  to  use  the 
span  of  the  second  finger  and  thumb  ; the  seller  of  course  objected,  as  in  a 
large  pig  the  use  of  the  longer  span  would  materially  decrease  the  price. 
After  a heated  discussion,  both  parties  appealed  to  their  chief  to  give  a 
decision.  I was  anxious  to  see  how  the  old  chief  would  get  out  of  the 
difficulty,  as  it  was  evident  he  did  not  wish  to  offend  either  of  them,  and,  on 
the  whole,  I think  he  managed  very  cleverly. 

“ Both  the  disputants  sat  down  in  front  of  him,  and  explained  the  point 
of  contention,  whereupon  he  said  to  the  buyer,  ‘ now  if  you  were  pointing  at 
a man  ’ (pointing  at  a man’s  eyes  is  a form  of  insult),  ‘ and  were  to  do  it  with 
your  second  finger’  (at  the  same  time  pointing  with  his  second  finger),  how 
foolish  it  would  look,  would  it  not  ? ’ The  buyer  was  obliged  to  admit  that  it 
would  be  so.  ‘ Well,  then  ! ’ said  the  chief,  ‘ the  first  finger  is  the  one  to  use, 
and  we  wont  adopt  any  new  fads  in  this  house.’  The  two  men  went  away, 
satisfied  with  the  chief’s  decision,  and  the  pig  was  sold.”  (Hose.  J.A.I.  xxiii., 
pp.  168-170.) 

“ The  Dusun  measuring  of  cloth  is  rather  an  amusing  occupation.  All 
cloth  is  measured  by  the  fathom  or  dapah,  which  is  seldom  more  than  5 feet 
10  inches,  often  less,  being  the  length  that  a Dusun  can  stretch  while  holding 
the  cloth  between  the  tips  of  his  fingers  across  his  chest.  The  villagers 
invariably  hunt  up  their  longest  dapah  stretcher,  and  he  measures  the  first 
length,  which  is  cut  off — all  eyes  during  this  operation  being  bent  on  the 
cloth  to  see  that  it  is  just  slack  and  not  stretched  in  the  least.  After  the  first 
length  has  been  cut,  it  is  best  to  mark  an  equal  measure  on  the  floor  and 
work  from  that.  The  head  men  generally  look  on  while  this  is  being  done,  to 
see  that  there  is  no  cheating  by  stretching  the  cloth,  and  to  secure  for 
themselves  any  lengths  that  may  have  an  inch  or  two  over.”  (Whitehead, 
p.  1 13.)  The  Sea  Dyaks  count  with  fingers  and  toes.  (Brooke  Low.) 


Mensuration. 


241 


The  Dusuns  have  no  “ idea  of  time,  beyond  the  return  of  the  seasons,  and 
they  know  not  even  their  own  age.”  (De  Crespigny,  Proc.  R.  Geogr.  Soc.  ii., 

1858,  p.  347.) 

The  Ida’an  “are  even  ignorant  of  high  numbers,  and  therefore  when 
they  go  to  war,  being  very  numerous,  they  do  not  count  their  numbers  by 
thousands,  but  by  trees.  They  choose  a large  tree,  and  each  man 
as  he  passes  gives  it  a stroke  with  his  weapon,  when  the  tree  falls  they 
count  one ; they  who  follow  pick  out  another  in  like  manner.”  (Dalrymple, 
p.  42.) 

This  may  be  hardly  true  at  the  present  day,  as  nearly  all  tribes  can  count 
well  up  into  the  hundreds.  See  Append.  Vocabs.,  Chalmers’  p.  145,  and 
Swettenham’s  p.  140.  According  to  the  latter  vocabulary,  the  Punans  can 
count  up  to  100  and  more,  while  the  Bakatans  (i.e.,  probably  the  same  people) 
can  only  count  up  to  ten.  More  evidence  is  wanted.  See  supra  Age,  i.  60. 

Distance. 

“ One  of  the  most  difficult  things  in  this  world  is  to  find  out  from  a 
[Land]  Dyak  the  distance  between  one  place  and  another.  He  always 
answers  that  question  by  saying  Takot  kabura,  or  Takot  kabula,  which  means, 

‘ I am  afraid  of  speaking  untruly’;  and  to  remedy  this  evil,  they  are  apt  to 
fall  into  the  very  error  they  would  avoid.  If  the  road  is  far,  you  will  be  told 
it  is  very  far  ; if  short,  very  short  ; and  so  on.  Their  ways  of  reckoning,  too, 
are  original.  You  are  told  you  have  gone  one,  or  so  many  divisions,  and  have 
so  many  more  to  go  ; or  that  you  will  have  to  eat  rice  so  many  times  between 
such  and  such  a place  ; or  that  if  you  leave  a place  with  the  sun  in  that 
quarter  (pointing  with  the  finger),  it  will  be  in  such  a quarter  by  the  time  you 
arrive  at  the  place  you  are  bound  for.  You  are  occasionally  told  you  are  so 
many  cookings  (or  boilings)  of  rice  from  your  destination  (a  cooking  of  rice 
may  be  reckoned  thirty  or  forty  minutes,  but  the  cook  will  be  better  able  to 
inform  the  reader  on  that  point) ; or  if  near,  that  you  can  hear  a gong  from 
it  ; or  if  very  near  that  you  can  hear  the  cocks  crow  from  it.  Then  you  are 
either  jau  (far ),ja-u  (very  far),  or  jau-u-u  (awfully  far)  from  the  place.  On  the 
present  occasion  our  distance  was,  sa  bagi  sudah,  sa  bagi  balum  (one  half 
completed,  one  half  yet  to  do)  ; so  down  the  mountain  we  scrambled,  and  at 
the  bottom  came  to  another  branch  of  the  Sarawak  water,  called  the  Ayer 
Tebiak."  (Grant,  p.  29.) 

“ As  the  Dyaks  have  no  notion  of  dividing  time  into  hours,  their 
methods  of  reckoning  distances  are  rather  original.  The  most  common 
way  is  to  call  a place  a day  or  half  a day’s  journey,  or  to  point  to  a 
certain  place  in  the  heavens  and  say  they  can  reach  their  destination 
when  the  sun  is  there,  or  to  call  a village  so  many  boils  distant.  A 
boil  of  rice  may  be  reckoned  at  half  an  hour.”  (Chalmers,  Miss.  Field, 

1859,  p.  136.) 

Among  the  Sea  Dyaks  : “ Short  distances  are  described  by  arriving  at 
such  a place  before  the  hair  has  had  time  to  dry,  or  by  the  time  for  cooking 
one,  two,  or  three  pots  of  rice,  as  the  distance  may  happen  to  be.” 


R 


VOL.  2. 


242  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

NATURAL  PRODUCTIONS. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  give  a short  account  of  some  of  the  natural 
productions,  which  have  been  frequently  referred  to  in  the  preceding  chapters. 

Gutta. 

The  Gutta  “ is  obtained  from  four  or  five  kinds  of  large  forest  trees, 
belonging  to  the  genus  isonandra,  by  felling  the  trees  and  girdling  or  ringing 
their  bark  at  intervals  of  every  two  feet,  the  milky  juice  or  sap  being 
caught  in  vessels  fashioned  of  leaves  or  cocoa-nut  shells.”9  (Burbidge, 
P-  74-) 

The  process  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Hornaday  : “The  native  found 
a gutta  tree,  about  ten  inches  in  diameter,  and,  after  cutting  it  down, 
he  ringed  it  neatly  all  the  way  along  the  stem,  at  intervals  of  a yard 
or  less.  Underneath  each  ring  he  put  a calabash  to  catch  the  milk-white 
sap  which  slowly  exuded.  From  this  tree  and  another  about  the  same 
size,  he  got  about  four  quarts  of  sap,  which,  on  being  boiled  that  night  for  my 
special  benefit,  precipitated  the  gutta  at  the  bottom  in  a mass  like  dough. 
The  longer  it  was  boiled  the  harder  the  mass  became,  and  at  last  it  was  taken 
out,  placed  upon  a smooth  board,  kneaded  vigorously  with  the  hands,  and 
afterwards  trodden  with  the  bare  feet  of  the  operator.  When  it  got  almost 
too  stiff  to  work,  it  was  flattened  out  carefully,  then  rolled  up  in  a wedge- 
shaped  mass,  a hole  was  punched  through  the  thin  end  to  serve  as  a handle, 
and  it  was  declared  read}'  for  the  trader.  I have  seen  the  Dyaks  roll  up  a 
good-sized  wad  of  pounded  bark  in  the  centre  of  these  wedges  of  crude  gutta, 
in  order  to  get  even  with  the  traders  who  cheat  in  weight,  but  I have  also  seen 
the  sharp  trader  cut  every  lump  of  gutta  in  two  before  buying  it.  If  he  found 
bark,  you  may  well  believe  he  did  not  pay  for  it  at  the  price  of  gutta.  The 
crude  gutta  has  a mottled,  or  marbled,  light-brown  appearance,  is  heavy 
and  hard,  and  smooth  on  the  outside.”  (p.  433.)  “ The  juice  of  ficus 

and  one  or  two  species  of  artocarpece  is  not  unfrequently  used  in  addition 
as  adulterants.  It  is  generally  adulterated  with  twenty  per  cent,  of 
scraped  bark— indeed,  the  Chinese  traders  who  purchase  the  gutta  from  the 
collectors,  would  refuse  the  pure  article  in  favour  of  that  adulterated  with 
bark,  and  to  which  its  red  colour  is  mainly  due.”  (Burbidge,  p.  74.) 
“ It  is  most  deplorable  to  see  the  fallen  gutta  trees  lying  about  in  all 
directions  in  the  forest.  The  gutta  trees  are  a long  time  in  attaining  to 
maturity,  and  are  not  easy  to  propagate,  except  by  seeds.”  (ibid.) 

In  the  Linogu  valley,  on  the  southern  slope  of  the  Derigi,  the  “ people 
do  not  know  the  gutta  percha  tree,  and  of  indiarubber  they  know  but  little, 
there  being  no  great  demand.  When  rambling  in  the  bush  the  experienced 
eyes  of  my  men  noticed  gutta  trees  of  the  best  description.”  (Witti,  29  May.) 

9 With  two  sharp  strokes  of  a mandau  a deep  notch  was  cut  in  the  bark,  from  which  the  juice 
slowly  oozed,  forming  a milky-looking  mucilage,  which  gradually  hardened  and  became  darker  in 
colour  as  it  ran  down  the  tree.  The  native  collectors  of  gutta-percha  make  a track  through  the 
forest,  nicking  the  trees  in  two  or  three  places  as  they  go,  and  collect  the  hardened  sap  on  their 
return  a few  days  afterwards.  (Bock,  p.  152.) 


Animals  made  out  of  Raw  Gutta. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


Pat,  Kayan  Tool  for  getting  Gutta 
Baram  River. 


Cylindrical  Box  of 
Gutta, 

with  ornaments  in  relief. 
Kapuas River.  Height,  5 Jin. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


(Peek  Coll.) 


as  brought  to  market 
from  Balait  River, 
gin.  x 4m.  x 2in. 


Dyak  Cap. 

Made  of  raw  gutta. 


(Hose  Coll.) 


(Hose  Coll.) 


Parang. 

Used  to  ring  the  bark  of  gutta-producing  trees  in  Perak,  Malay  Peninsula. 
(Sir  H.  Low,  Kew  Mus.) 


244 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Rubber. 

“ The  Bornean  gutta  soosoo,  or  rubber,10  again,  is  the  mixed  sap  of  three 
species  of  willughbeias,  and  here,  again,  the  milk  of  two  or  three  other  plants 
is  added  surreptitiously  to  augment  the  quantity  collected.  The  three  species 
of  climbing  plants  are  known  to  the  natives  as  Manoongan,  M anoongan  putih,  and 
M anoongan  manga.  Their  stems  are  fifty  to  one  hundred  feet  in  length  and 
rarely  more  than  six  inches  in  diameter.  Their  fruits  are  of  a delicious 
flavour,  and  are  highly  valued  by  the  natives.  Here,  again,  the  stems  are  cut 
down  to  facilitate  the  collection  of  the  creamy  sap,  which  is  afterwards 
coagulated  into  rough  balls  by  the  addition  of  nipa  salt.  The  rubber-yielding 
willughbeias  are  gradually,  but  none  the  less  surely,  being  exterminated  by 
the  collectors.  The)’  grow  quickly,  and  may  be  easily  and  rapidly  increased 
by  vegetative  as  well  as  by  seminal  modes  of  propagation.”  (Burbidge,  p.  74.) 
“ The  natives  use  it  to  cover  the  sticks  with  which  they  beat  their  gongs  and 
musical  instruments.”  (Low,  p.  52.) 

The  Nipa  Palm. 

“The  nipa  (Nipa  fruticans,  see  illustration,  ii.  4),  though  in  growth 
amongst  the  humblest  of  the  palm  tribe,  in  its  value  to  the  natives  of  this 
island  is  inferior  to  few  of  them.  It  is  found  on  the  margins  of  the  rivers  as 
far  as  the  salt  water  extends,  and  large  salt  marshes  at  the  mouths  of  rivers 
are  covered  with  it  to  the  extent  of  thousands  of  acres ; its  chief  value  is  for 
covering  houses,  the  leaves  of  which  for  this  purpose  are  made  into  ataps,  and 
endure  for  two  years.  Salt  is  made  in  some  places  from  its  leaves  by  burning 
them,  and  in  others  sugar  is  extracted  from  syrup  supplied  by  its  flower-stem. 
The  fruit,  though  tasteless,  is  esteemed  by  the  natives,  and  is  said  to  make  an 
excellent  preserve.  Its  leaves,  on  luxuriant  plants,  are  occasionally  twenty 
feet  long,  all  growing  from  the  centre.”  (Low,  p.  43.) 

Messrs.  Whitehead  (p.  32),  H.  Pryer  ( The  Field,  20  Dec.,  1884),  and  Sir 
Sp.  St.  John  (i.  233)  are  equally  emphatic  in  its  praises,  adding  that  cigars 
and  cigarettes  are  rolled  up  in  the  fine  inner  leaf. 

Rotan. 

The  rotan  canes  are  the  produce  of  the  Calamus  rotang  and  various 
species  of  the  same  genus  Calamus.  They  are  creeping  plants,  the  stems  of 
which  are  coated  with  a flinty  bark,  cylindrical,  jointed,  very  tough  and 
strong,  from  J to  ijin.  in  diameter,  and  50  to  100  feet  long,  they  are  easily 
split  and  are  used  for  the  seat  of  chairs,  wicker  work,  &c.  Some  varieties  of 
dragon’s  blood  are  obtained  from  the  plants  of  this  genus.  When  used  as 
cordage  “ the  outer  and  hard  parts  only  are  used,  the  rattans  being  split 
and  the  inner  part  carefully  removed.”  (Low,  p.  43.) 

Bambu. 

The  bambu  is  the  Bambusa  arundinacea,  a kind  of  reed  which  grows  in 
clumps,  the  individual  reeds  ranging  up  to  60  feet  in  height  and  five  inches  in 
diameter.  It  has  a hard  siliceous  skin,  is  hard  and  durable,  and  is  largely 
used  for  furniture,  water  pipes,  houses,  bridges,  &c. 

10  It  is  frequently  spoken  of  as  caoutchouc,  but  as  caoutchouc  is  an  aboriginal  American  name 
for  the  sap,  the  name  should  not  be  applied  to  the  East  Indian  product.  (H.  L.  R.) 


Natural  Productions. 


245 


Dammar. 

This  is  the  largely  used  resin  obtained  from  the 
Agathis  (— Dammar  a orientalis.)  “ The  Dyaks  mix  it 
with  oil  for  paying  the  seams  of  boats.”  (Low,  p.  49.) 

The  Tapang  Tree. 

This  tree  was  mentioned  when  Honey-getting  was 
described,  and  it  should  now  be  added  that  Mr.  W. 

Botting  Hemsley,  of  Kew,  writing  to  Mr.  F.  W. 

Burbidge,  of  Trinity  College  Gardens,  Dublin,  says 
that  from  a hint  given  him  by  Sir  Hugh  Low,  he 
finds  “ the  tapang  tree  is  Koompassia  excelsa  Taubert, 
syn  Abauria  excelsa  Beccari.” 

Oils. 

“ Mengkabang,  or  vegetable  tallow  [ Dipterocarpus  \ , 
is  procured  in  the  following  manner  from  one  of  the 
wild  fruits  of  the  jungle: — When  the  fruit,  a species 
of  nut,  has  been  gathered,  it  is  picked,  dried,  and 
pounded,  and  after  being  thoroughly  heated  in  a shallow 
cauldron,  it  is  put  into  a rattan  bag  and  subjected  to  a 
powerful  pressure.  The  oil  oozes  from  the  bag,  and 
being  run  into  bamboo  moulds  is  there  allowed  to  Agathis  (=  Dammam 
cool,  in  which  state  it  becomes  hard  and  yellow,  (L.  c.  Richard’s  conifers,  t.  ,9.) 
somewhat  resembling  unpurified  bees’  wax.  It  is 

principally  used  by  the  Dyaks  and  Malays  for  cooking,  being  very  palatable, 
but  in  this  country  it  is  employed  for  the  manufacture  of  patent  candles,  for 
which  it  is  superior  to  palm  oil. 

“ Ratio  oil  is  procured  from  another  wild  nut,  and  is  expressed  in  a 
somewhat  similar  manner.  It  is  a beautiful  yellow  transparent  fluid,  with  a 
smell  very  much  like  bitter  almonds,  and  I have  little  doubt  that  it  will  yet  be 
found  a very  valuable  article  of  commerce. 

“ The  press  employed  by  the  Dyaks  in  expressing  these  oils  is,  like  many 
other  of  their  contrivances,  both  simple  and  effective.  It  consists  of  two 
semi-cylindrical  logs  about  7 feet  long,  placed  in  an  upright  position,  their 
flat  surfaces  being  fitted  together  and  their  lower  ends  securely  fastened  to 
each  other.  On  each  of  their  upper  ends  a stout  knob  is  cut,  and  a third  piece 
of  wood,  about  two  feet  long,  nine  inches  wide,  and  two  inches  thick,  with  a 
hole  cut  in  about  a foot  long  and  three  inches  wide,  is  put  over  the  knobs 
so  as  to  clasp  them  together.  Wedges  are  then  inserted  between  the  outside 
of  the  knob  and  the  inside  of  the  hole,  and  these  when  driven  home  subject 
whatever  is  between  the  logs  to  a powerful  pressure.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  41.) 

Sir  Hugh  Low  mentions  several  oils  used  by  the  natives,  one  miniak 
kapayang  from  a tree  called  pangium  edule,  &c.  One  wood  oil,  ‘ miniak  kruing,' 
“is  extracted  from  the  trees  which  produce  it,  by  simply  cutting  a large  hole  in 
the  tree,  into  which  fire  being  placed,  the  oil  is  attracted.  The  tree  probably 
belongs  to  the  order  Myrtaceas.”  (Low,  p.  48.) 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


BOATING,  SWIMMING,  RIDING. 


BOATING.  Boats  Plank  war  boats— Large  dimensions— Keel  laying  ceremony — Method  of 
building — Preservation  of  planks — Over-landing — Squalls — Bandongs—  Kadjangs—  Paddles — Long 
hours — Speed— Distant  voyages.  Dug-Outs  : Bintulu  barongs— Unsinkableness  - Surf-running — 
Fishwives'  humour  - Muka  Regatta — Various  descriptions — Method  of  digging  out — The  Baram 
dug-outs— Kanowits— Strength  and  elasticity.  Bark  Canoes.  Poling:  Speed — Expertness — 
Overcoming  rapids— Stirring  scenes. 

SWIMMING.  Mermaids — Good  swimmers— Stream  crossing— Diving. 

RIDING.  Bagu  buffaloes 

Boats. 


“The  Sea  Dyak  war  boats  are  well  constructed  and  good  models,  and  very 
fast  ; some  will  hold  as  many  as  sixty  or  seventy  men,  with  two  months’ 
provisions.  The  keel  is  Hat,  with  a curve  or  sheer  of  hard  wood.  A long  one 
does  not  exceed  six  fathoms,  and  upon  it  they  will  build  a boat  of  eleven 
fathoms  over  all.  The  extra  length  of  planks  which  overlap,  is  brought  up 
with  a sheer.  They  caulk  the  seams  with  a bark  which  is  plentiful  in  the 
jungle.  No  other  fastenings  but  rattans  are  used.  The)'  paint  their  boats 
red  and  white, — the  former  is  generally  an  ochre,  but  occasionally  they  use 
a kind  of  red  seed  pounded;  the  white  is  simply  lime,  made  from  sea  shells.” 
(St.  John  i.  70.)  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  states  the  red  paint  to  be  an  ochre  mixed 
with  oil.  (Mundy  i.  303.) 

Lieut.  Marryat  describes  a fine  Lundu  war  boat  “ about 
fort)'  feet  long,  mounting  a gun,  and  capable  of  containing  forty 

or  fifty  men.  She  was  very  gaily 
decorated  with  paint  and  feathers. 

These  war  prahus  have  a Hat  strong 
roof,  from  which  they  fight, 
although  they  are  wholly  exposed 
to  the  spears  and  arrows  of  the 
enemy.”  (p.  83.)  He  also  men- 

An  udokaso  mythological  animal  with  tions  a D)'ak  war  boat  sufficiently 
gibbon  in  its  jaws.  capacious  to  hold  from  seventy  to 

(Brooke  Low  coil.)  eighty  men.  (p.  64.) 

At  Lundu  before  “ the  Orang  Kaya  commenced  to  build  his  boat,  many 
plates  and  dishes  were  carefully  laden  with  rice  and  other  eatables ; sirih  and 
pinang  (betel)  were  also  placed  so  that  the  spirits  could  partake  of  these 
luxuries  and  satisfy  themselves.  Besides  this,  to  the  people  congregated 
around  the  place  where  the  boat  was  about  to  be  built,  arrack  was  served 


Kayan  Figure-head  for 
War  Canoe. 


Ornament  on 
Bow  of Ilanun 
Pirate  Boat. 

(After 

Sir  Edw.  Belcher.) 


Boats. 


247 


out,  of  which  they  all  sipped  with  the  utmost  gravity,  and  the  few  words  that 
were  spoken  referred  to  their  enemies,  the  Sakarangs  and  Saribus,  upon 
whom  their  whole  attention  was  evidently  concentrated.”  (Brooke  i.  39.) 

The  Balau  war  boats  are  built  as  follows : “ The  tunas,  or  keel  plank, 
which  is  of  the  entire  length  of  the  boat,  has  two  ledges  on  its  inside,  each  of 
them  about  an  inch  from  each  margin  of  the  plank.  Each  of  the  other 
planks,  which  are  likewise  the  entire  length  of  the  boat,  has  an  inside  ledge 
on  its  upper  margin,  its  lower  margin  being  plain,  like  an  ordinary  plank. 
When  the  Dyaks  have  made  as  many  planks  as  are  necessary  for  the  boat 
they  intend  constructing,  they  put  them  together  in  the  following  manner  : — 
The  lunas,  or  keel  plank,  being  properly  laid  down,  the  first  side  plank  is 


Dyak  War  Prahu  on  Skerang  River. 


(After  F.  Marryat). 

This  boat  looks  very  much  like  the  Ilanun  war  prahus  off  Gilolo,  figured  in  Sir  E.  Belcher’s 

“ Voyage  of  the  Samarang.” 


brought  and  placed,  with  its  lower  or  plain  edge,  upon  the  ledge  of  the 
keel-plank.  The  ledge  of  the  first  side-plank  being  thus  uppermost,  it 
becomes  in  turn  the  ledge  upon  which  the  lower  edge  of  the  second  side-plank 
must  rest.  The  ledges  of  the  keel-plank,  and  of  the  first  side-plank,  are  then 
pierced,  and  firm  rattan  lashings  passed  from  the  one  to  the  other.  The 
lower  edge  of  the  second  side-plank  is  in  like  manner  laid  upon  the  ledge  of 
the  first,  and  these  two  planks  are  lashed  together  in  the  same  way  as  the 
first  was  lashed  to  the  keel.  Thus  they  place  the  edge  of  each  plank  upon 
the  ledge  of  that  immediately  below  it,  lashing  them  both  firmly  together  ; 
and  when  they  have  in  this  manner  put  on  as  many  planks  as  they  wish 
(generally  four  or  five  on  each  side),  they  caulk  the  seams,  so  as  to  render  the 
boat  water-tight.  Hence  in  the  construction  of  their  boats  they  not  only 
employ  no  nails,  treenails,  or  bolts,  but  even  no  timbers- — nothing  but  planks 
ingeniously  lashed  together  by  rattans,  and  then  caulked.  It  is  true  that 
these  lashings  are  not  very  durable,  as  the  rattans  soon  get  rotten;  but  this 
is  of  little  consequence,  since,  whenever  a boat  returns  from  an  expedition, 
the  lashings  are  cut  and  the  planks  being  separated,  are  taken  up  into  the 
house.  When  she  is  again  wanted  the  planks  are  taken  down,  and  the  boat 
reconstructed  as  before.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  36.) 


248 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


“ As  these  planks  cost  the  Dyaks — who  are  unacquainted  with  the  use  of 
the  saw  or  any  other  instrument  for  forming  them  but  the  ‘ biliong  ’ or 
adze  of  the  Malays — no  end  of  time,  their  preservation  is  an  object  of  no 
small  importance  ; two  planks  only  being  obtained  from  a large  tree  with 
infinite  labour,  it  being  very  necessary  that  the  planks  of  the  boat,  on  account 
of  her  construction,  should  all  be  of  the  same  length  as  the  bankong.  These 
boats,  according  to  their  size,  carry  crews  of  from  thirty  to  ninety  men.” 
(Low,  p.  22  1 .) 

While  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  was  once  admiring  a craft  which  was  exceedingly 
beautiful  an  old  Dyak  said  to  him,  “ Tuan,  such  are  our  kind  of  pinnaces; 
yours  are  of  a different  description  and  better  for  sea,  but  ours  are  regulated 
for  land,  and  there  we  beat  yours,  for  we  can  walk  away  with  ours  and  build 
her  again  in  any  other  direction,  in  the  rivers  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains.”  (ii.  104.) 

“ From  the  nature  of  these  boats,  and  the  slightness  of  their  build,  it 
may  easily  be  imagined  that  they  are  not  manageable  in  a sea-way,  their 
length  causing  them  to  open  at  the  seams : on  such  occasions,  should  they 
not  be  near  enough  to  the  land  to  run  into  smooth  water,  the  crew  all  jump 
overboard,  and  hang  by  the  side  of  the  boat : this  I have  been  assured  they 
have  done  for  many  successive  hours  when  the  squalls,  which  are  usually 
short  in  these  tranquil  seas,  have  been  prolonged,  so  as  to  render  it  necessary. 
In  this  situation  they  take  it  by  turns  for  one  or  two  to  enter  the  boat,  and 
cook  and  eat  their  rice,  until  the  squall  is  past.”  (Low,  p.  221.)  “ T 'hey  say, 

when  this  occurs  in  places  suspected  to  be  frequented  by  sharks,  they  each 
tie  a bundle  of  the  tuba  plant  round  their  ancles  to  drive  the  devouring  fish 
away.”  (St.  John  i.  68.) 

‘‘The  boats  used  by  the  Ivalaka  fishermen  are  called  bandongs ; they  are 
of  crank  build  and  may  be  classed  as  skiffs.  Their  dimensions  as  a rule  are 
about  30  feet  over  all,  by  3^  feet  by  3 feet  ; they  are  sharp  at  the  bow  and 
stern,  which  are  both  higher  than  the  gunwale  of  boat  amidships.  The  crew 
use  very  large  paddles  with  great  strength  and  skill.”  (T.  S.  Chapman,  S.G., 
No.  113.) 

Most  of  the  boats  are  provided  with  awnings  “ called  Kadjang,  which  make 
a roof  at  once  water-proof,  very  light,  easily  adjusted,  and  so  flexible  that, 
when  desired,  each  section  can  be  rolled  up  and  stowed  away  in  the  bottom  of 
the  boat.  These  kadjangs  are  made  of  the  long,  blade-like  leaves  of  the  nipa 
palm,  on  the  same  principle  as  a tile  roof.  The  leaves  are  each  six  or  seven 
feet  long  by  two  inches  wide.  They  are  sewn  together  with  strips  of  rattan, 
each  alternate  leaf  overlapping  its  neighbour  on  either  side,  and  so  on  until  a 
section  of  roof  is  formed  about  six  and  a half  feet  square.  This  section  is 
then  made  to  bend  in  the  middle  cross-wise,  at  a sharp  angle,  so  that  it  can 
be  folded  once  and  rolled  up,  or  partly  opened  and  made  to  stand  up 
tent-wise,  when  it  forms  the  very  best  kind  of  roof  for  such  a climate.” 
(Hornaday,  p.  354.) 

“ To  propel  their  boats  they  employ  paddles  of  about  three  feet  in  length 
— never  oars,  and  seldom  sails.”  (Horsburgh,  p.  36.)  ‘‘The  Sakarans  ply 
the  paddles  with  vigour  and  regularity.”  (Sir  J.  Brooke,  Mundy  i.  235.) 


Boats. 


“ It  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  the  Dyaks 
to  pull  for  eighteen  hours,  with  only  short  inter- 
vals of  rest  sufficient  to  boil  and  cook  their  rice, 
and  this,  from  the  beautiful  regularity  of  their 
strokes,  and  their  being  long  accustomed  to  the 
practice,  does  not  appear  much  to  fag  them  ; in 
smooth  water,  and,  without  tides,  at  their  regular 
stroke,  they  pull  about  six  miles  an  hour,  but 
when  exerting  themselves  fully  can  double  that 
rate  of  speed.”  The  Dyak  bankongs  even  beat 
the  speed  of  the  Singapore  tambangs.  “ Each 
tribe  of  the  Dyaks  has  peculiar  strokes  in  which 
it  delights,  so  that  in  the  dark  a Sarebas  or 
Sakarran  boat  could  tell  whether  an  approaching 
one  was  of  Lundu,  of  the  Balows,  or  a Malay. 
On  their  cruises  the  Dyaks,  who  are  not,  in  their 
sober  moments,  friends  of  boisterous  mirth, 
never  make  use  of  the  cheering  and  inspiriting 
songs  of  the  Malayan  boatmen  : the  noise  made 
by  each  paddle  beating  time  on  the  gunwale  of 
the  boat  is  to  them  sufficiently  enlivening,  and 
they  want  no  other  encouragement  to  exertion 
when  it  is  necessary.”  (Low,  p.  221.) 

The  Ida’an  on  the  Kimanis  river  build 
vessels  and  navigate  them  to  Java.  (Dairy mple, 
P-  5Q-)1 

“ Until  the  Sarawak  Government  curbed 
their  proceedings  the  Sea  Dyaks  were  known  to 
coast  down  as  far  as  Pontianak,  and  occasionally 
they  had  been  met  forty  miles  out  at  sea  in  their 
rattan-tied  boats,  some  of  them  seventy  feet  in 
length.”  (St.  John  i.  68.) 

Dug-Outs. 

When  describing  pomfret  fishing  reference 
was  made  to  the  Bintulu  barongs.  Mr.  Crocker 
thus  describes  them  : “ They  are  particularly 
adapted  for  going  through  the  surf  which  prevails 
on  the  N.W.  coast  in  the  N.E.  monsoon  owing 
to  the  shallow  bars  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers. 


1 It  would  seem  at  one  time  Sumatra  was  supplied  with 
boats  from  Borneo.  “ A world  of  those  Pirogues  are  made  in 
Bandermassin,  a town  in  the  Island  of  Borneo,  where  you  may 
buy  one  laded  with  bees-wax,  rice,  dry  fish,  and  other  products 
of  the  country,  at  a cheap  rate.”  (A  Collection  of  Voyages 
undertaken  by  the  Dutch  East  India  Co.  Translated.  London, 
Freeman  & Co.,  1703,  8 p.  202.) 


Paddle  of  Dark  Brown  Wood. 

Flat  blade  Jin.  thick,  with  a very  slight  longitudinal  ridge  on  each  side.  Round  carved  handle  with  smaller  square  butt,  on  to  which  most  probably  a nut  was  fixed. 

The  blade  has  carved  borders  on  the  edges  of  both  sides,  terminating  with  triangular  capitals. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


250 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


(E~i 


They  receive  the  sea  broadside  on,  and  the  natives  manage  their  craft  with  such 
dexterity  that,  although  they  often  go  to  sea  when  a ship's  boat  could  not  live 
five  minutes,  they  never  swamp.  They  are  about  40  feet  long,  the  bottom 
being  a simple  canoe  hollowed  out 
of  a tree  ; planks  are  raised  on 
each  side  fastened  by  wooden 
pegs  : in  place  of  knees  they 

strengthen  the  boat  by  several 
thwarts  connecting  each  plank,  a 
beam  runs  down  the  middle  of  the 
boat  fastened  to  the  thwarts.  The 
ends  of  the  boat  are  square,  fas- 
tened by  pegs  and  rotans.  They 
are  strong  and  buoyant  and  are 
propelled  by  short  oars  fastened  on 
rotan  row-locks.  The  natives  use 
a large  sail,  and  the  boats,  from 
being  so  flat  bottomed,  sail  with 
great  speed  before  the  wind,  or 
when  the  wind  is  at  all  free.  The 
ordinary  mode  of  steering  is  by 
_ two  large  rudders,  one  fixed  on 
\ each  side ; these  however  are  un- 
i shipped  when  crossing  a bar  and 
- a long  oar  substituted.”  (S.G., 

No.  122.)  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  states 
these  barong  look  like  an  oval 
washing  tub  only  a little  longer 
in  dimensions.  The  Mukah  people 
“ have  an  idea  that  their  boats 
cannot  founder  in  a high  sea  unless 
they  go  to  pieces.  They  pull  short 
oars  with  a plunging  and  splashing 
stroke,  with  more  jerk  than  spring, 
and  the  tub  splashes  through  the 
water  as  dr}-  as  a collier,  and  while 
coming  in  through  a heavy  breaking 
surf  running  far  over  their  heads, 
they  watch  for  the  roll,  and  while  in 
the  trough  pull  with  all  their  might ; 
but  when  the  wave  is  curling  to 
break,  they  suddenly  slew  their 
crafts  broadside  on,  and  so  receive 

it  with  the  exposed  side  well  out  of  water.  Directly  it  has  passed,  away  they  go 
again  as  fast  as  possible,  until  another  roller  overtakes  them,  when  they  repeat 
the  same  manoeuvre.2  It  is  well  known  in  Mukah,  and  other  places  in  the 

- Mr  Hose  (J.A.I.  xxiii.  158)  also  describes  this  surf  running. 


a 

a 

x 


Boats. 


251 


vicinity,  that  the  wives  close  their  doors  and  will  not  receive  their  husbands 
unless  they  procure  fish ; and  this  may  be  an  incitement  to  undergo  such 


dangers.  The  women  work  hard  themselves,  and  make  the  sagu,  which  is  a 
remarkably  dry  condiment  without  the  accompaniment  of  fish  ; hence  their 


252 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


desire  for  husbands,  plus  fish — and  the  refusal  to  admit  them  without  that 
article.”  (ii.  ioo.) 

The  Barong  Race,  which  is  the  great  feature  of  the  Muka  Regatta, 
is  undoubtedly  a sight  to  be  seen  nowhere  else.  “ During  the  race  the 
crews  shriek  like  fiends,  and  two  men  rush  up  and  down  the  boat  with 
buckets  pouring  water  on  the  heads  of  the  oarsmen,  to  prevent  their  going 
roaring  mad  I suppose.  This  shouting  mingled  with  the  creaking  and 
splashing  of  the  oars  and  the  rushing  sound  of  the  water  thrown  up  by  the 
great  flat  bows  makes  the  race  very  exciting.”  (Assistant  Resident  at  Muka, 
S.G.,  No.  96.) 

With  regard  to  the  bore  on  the  Sadong  (?)  river  : “ Many  native  canoes 
went  a short  way  down  to  meet  it,  and  when  its  sullen  voice  was  heard  they 
raised  loud  shouts,  and  the  next  instant  were  whirled  along  with  incredible 
velocity  on  the  summit  of  the  curling  wave.”  (Sir  Jas.  Brooke,  Mundy  i.  214.) 


Lundu  Women  in  a Canoe. 
(After  Lieut.  F.  Marryat). 


“ The  ordinary  boats  of  the  Balaus  are  long,  narrow  canoes,  hollowed  out 
of  the  trunk  of  a tree,  the  sides  being  raised  by  planks  pinned  upon  them.” 
(Horsburgh,  p.  36.)  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  says  “ their  boats  are  carved  about  their 
high  sterns,  which  distinguish  them  from  the  plain  boats  of  Sakarran  and 
Sarebas.”  (Mundy  i.  236.)  Mr.  Crossland  mentions  a boat  eighteen  yards 
long  which  will  easily  carry  twenty  people.  “ It  was  cut  out  of  a log,  and 
therefore  is  all  of  a piece.  As  a rule  they  are  not  pretty  to  look  at,  but  are 
safe  boats,  and  live  well  in  the  surf”  (Miss.  Life,  1870,  p.  219.)  ; while  Mr. 
Frank  Hatton  speaks  of  a Sin  Dyak  dug-out  “ of  capital  workmanship,  being 
carved  at  the  bow.”  (p.  187.)  The  Grogo  Dyaks  are  good  boat  builders  ; 
Mr.  Denison  mentions  one  of  their  boats  jalur  6k  fathoms  long. 


Boats. 


253 


“ The  Sea  Dyaks’  canoes  are  hollowed  out  of  a single  log  by  means  of  fire 
and  the  use  of  the  adze.  The  natives  have  no  measure  to  ensure  accuracy, 
but  are  entirely  guided  by  the  eye.  Generally  the  canoe  shows  traces  of  the 
fire  and  water  treatment  it  has  received,  the  inner  surface  being  soft  and  full 
of  superficial  cracks,  while  the  outer  surface  is  hard  and  close.  When  the 
shell  has  been  sufficiently  opened  out,  thwarts  are  inserted  to  prevent  its 
shrinking  as  the  wood  dries.  Planks  or  gunwales  are  stitched  on  to  the  sides 
to  increase  its  volume,  the  seams  being  caulked  with  sago  stems  which  are 
light  and  porous,  and  swell  when  wet  and  so  'keep  out  the  water.  Each  of 
these  side  pieces  is  formed  of  an  entire  plank  about  12  inches  deep  and  about 
ii  inches  thick,  laced  on  to  the  body  of  the  canoe  by  flaxen  cords  and  united 
to  its  opposite  plank  by  the  thwarts.  The  largest  canoes  have  the  sides 
made  still  higher  by  means  of  a narrow  plank  laced  on  to  the  first  gunwale, 
and  the  seam  again  caulked.  The  canoe  is  alike  at  both  ends,  the  stem  and 
stern  being  both  pointed,  curved,  and  rising  out  of  the  water.  There  is  no 
keel,  and  the  canoe  draws  little  water.  There  are  no  ribs  nor  is  there  any 
figure  head.”  (Brooke  Low.) 


■I 


Model  of  a Tukau.  Baram  River. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


“ On  the  Baram  all  the  races  use  boats,  excepting  those  who  live  far 
inland  and  away  from  the  large  rivers,  as  for  instance,  a few  of  the  Kalabit 
tribes.  The  Kayans  and  Kenniahs  use  both  long  and  short  boats — a long 
boat,  cut  out  of  the  trunk  of  one  of  the  large  forest  trees  (the  native  name  of 
which  is  A roll),  sometimes  measuring  thirty-eight  yards  in  length,  and  seven 
feet  in  beam  ; a boat  of  this  description  will  accommodate  a hundred  men 
who  sit  two  abreast  plying  their  paddles  on  either  side  of  the  boat 
simultaneously,  and  thus  propelled  it  attains  a rate  of  speed  enabling  it  to 
travel  (at  a rough  calculation)  between  fifty  and  sixty  miles  in  a day.  The 
common  name  given  to  this  boat  is  Harok  ; a smaller  boat  propelled  by  about 
twenty  paddles  is  known  as  a Temoi,  and  they  also  make  use  of  various  little 
dug-outs  of  all  sizes,  for  travelling  between  their  houses  and  rice  plantations.” 
(Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  158.) 

On  the  Kanowit  river  His  Highness  describes  a boat  “ sixty-six  feet  long, 
shaped  like  a coffin,  and  totally  devoid  of  all  elegance  or  beauty.  She 
consisted  of  a single  tree  hollowed  out,  and  round  at  the  bottom,  but  raised 
a little  at  her  extremities.  Many  trees  split  while  undergoing  the  twisting, 


254 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


and  the  wood  requires  to  be  peculiarly  tough  to  stand  the  hacking  in  the 
centre.  W hen  the  hollowing  out  is  done,  a bow  and  stern-piece  are  fastened 
with  rattans  : they  have  not  a nail  in  them  ; two  light  planks  are  also  tied  on 
to  the  top,  and  then  they  are  complete.  Some  have  much  speed,  and  are 
capable  of  carrying  from  forty  to  seventy  men,  with  a month’s  provision 
aboard.  They  are  adapted  for  passing  the  rapids  and  other  impediments, 
but  twist  and  twirl  to  a great  extent  in  being  hauled  over  difficult  places. 
Although  they  are  buoyant  in  the  falls,  they  are  extremely  heavy,  and  can 
stand  an  extraordinary  amount  of  bumping  about.  The  thickness  of  the 
wood  is  not  less  than  three  inches  in  many  parts.  The  crews  are  able  to  use 
a long,  sweeping  stroke  with  their  paddles,  which  could  not  be  managed  in 
shorter  boats.”  (ii.  243,  261.) 

Bark  Canoes. 

“ To  make  a bark  canoe  the  native  simply  goes  to  the  nearest  stringy 
bark  tree,  chops  a circle  round  it  at  its  base,  and  another  circle  7 or  8 feet 
from  the  ground  ; he  then  makes  a longitudinal  cut  on  each  side,  and  strips 
off  as  much  bark  as  is  required.  The  ends  are  sewn  up  carefully  and  daubed 
up  with  clay,  the  sides  being  kept  in  position  by  cross-pieces.  The  steering 
is  performed  with  one  or  two  greatly  developed  fixed  paddles.”  (Brooke 
Low.) 

Poling. 

On  shallow  streams  paddles  cannot  be  used,  and  the  Sebongoh  Dyaks 
propel  “ their  boats  with  long  canes  of  bamboo,  which  they  use  more  adroitly 
than  any  other  tribes  I have  visited  ; the  women  are  equally  expert  with  the 
men.”  (Low,  p.  400.) 

“ Each  canoe  contained  but  two  Dayaks  and  one  passenger.  Our  canoes 
were  small,  drawing  but  a few  inches  of  water,  and  were  managed  by  two 
Dayaks,  one  standing  at  the  stem,  the  other  at  the  stern  ; with  long  bamboos 
in  their  hands,  they  impelled  us  forward  at  a great  pace.”  (i.  135.) 

On  the  Sekyam  river  “ we  were  the  whole  afternoon  poling  our  way  down 
stream,  floating  over  or  through  the  rapids,  having  repeatedly  to  stop  and 
re-arrange  and  bind  together  our  bamboo  craft,  which  was  at  last  so  shattered 
and  broken,  by  contact  with  stones  and  boulders,  that  to  this  day  it  is  a 
mvstery  to  me  how  we  managed  to  cling  to  it.  The  skill  of  these  Dyaks 
which  alone  saved  us  from  a complete  collapse,  was  beautiful  to  witness.  The 
strain  on  the  muscles  of  these  poor  fellows — as  now  they  poled  11s  over  a rapid, 
now  pushed  us  with  their  utmost  strength  from  some  huge  boulder  against 
which  the  current  was  forcing  us  apparently  to  utter  destruction — was  great  in 
the  extreme.  With  a turn  of  the  bamboo  pole  they  would  send  us  through  a 
pool  of  boiling,  seething  water,  past  a rock  here,  over  a stone  there,  and  then 
balancing  the  long  bamboos  across  their  chests,  they  would  pause  for  an 
instant  as  the  frail,  trembling  craft,  quivering  in  every  joint,  glided  swiftly 
over  the  rapid  into  the  smooth,  fast,  flowing  stream  beyond.”  (Denison, 
ch.  v.,  p.  55.) 

A lively  account  of  poling  under  difficulties  is  given  by  Mr.  Hose : 
“ Giham  Tipang,  on  the  Baram,  is  a particularly  dangerous  rapid,  the  passing 


255 


Swimming. 

of  which  is  accomplished  at  very  considerable  risk  ; the  volume  of  water 
dashing  over  the  rocks,  and  rising  in  waves  5 or  6 feet  high,  makes  it 
appear  impossible  for  a boat  to  pass.  The  ‘ dugout,’  however,  is  tied  fore  and 
aft  with  rattans,  and  dragged  through  the  middle  of  the  rapids  by  one  half  of 
the  men,  the  others  remaining  in  the  boat  to  work  with  poles.  The  noise  is 
deafening,  each  man  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  voice ; and  after  pulling  the 
boat  for  about  an  hour,  the  head  of  the  rapid  is  reached,  and  immediately 
those  on  the  rocks  jump  into  the  boat  and  begin  paddling  with  all  their  might 
into  some  backwater  for  fear  of  being  carried  back  over  the  rapid.  For  a 
moment  the  ‘ dugout  ’ scarcely  moves,  but  at  last  their  united  efforts  tell,  and 
the  boat  begins  slowly  to  make  way  to  the  nearest  bank.  Occasionally  the 
current  is  too  strong  for  them,  and  feeling  themselves  carried  back,  they  jump 
overboard,  holding  on  to  the  boat  with  one  hand,  while  with  the  other  they 
grasp  any  rock  or  bush  that  they  can  clutch,  thus  arresting  the  boat.  One  of 
the  party  then  takes  a turn  with  the  rattan  around  the  rock,  and  so  makes  it 
fast  until  they  can  start  again.  Sometimes  there  is  nothing  to  catch  hold  of, 
and  then,  seeing  it  hopeless  to  fight  against  the  stream,  everyone  turns  round 
in  the  boat,  and  seizing  their  paddles  and  poles,  they  allow  the  vessel  to  shoot 
over  the  fall  into  the  seething  waters  below.  The  sensation  is  undoubtedly 
singular,  but  it  does  not  last  long.  The  boat  is  bumped  about  in  all 
directions,  and  carried  on  at  a tremendous  rate  for  a few  seconds,  the  water 
leaping  in  on  either  side  and  the  men  kicking  it  out  continually  with  one  foot. 
The  moment  they  are  over,  the  vessel  quietly  glides  round  to  the  nearest  back- 
water, and  once  more  you  draw  your  breath  freely.  Having  thus  escaped, 
they  smoke  a cigarette  before  making  another  attempt  to  drag  up  the  boat.” 
(Geogr.  Jour.  i.  196.) 

Sir  Charles  Brooke  had  frequent  experience  of  poling,  and  found  the 
small  Dyak  boats  well  adapted  for  this  kind  of  work,  “ merely  consisting  of  a 
few  thin  planks  tied  into  a keel  of  hard  wood.  They  twist  and  twirl  as  they 
are  propelled  by  long  poles,  and  on  meeting  any  great  difficulty  the  boat’s  crew 
jump  out  and  lift  them  over.  . . . Our  men  worked  wonderfully,  and  some 

of  the  attitudes  of  the  crews  as  they  jumped  over  the  rapids  were  very  striking. 
Every  muscle  was  distended,  every  pole  was  planted  together  to  hold  the  boat 
still  and  steady  until  the  time  came  for  another  spring,  and  another  five  feet 
were  gained.”  (ii.  172.)  Elsewhere  he  states  : “ It  is  a stirring  scene  to 
behold  this  performance,  by  men  who  have  been  all  their  lives  at  such  work.” 
(ibid,  i.  240.) 

Swimming. 

Lieut.  Marryat  describes  the  swimming  of  a Lundu  girl  in  the  following 
enthusiastic  terms  : “ She  swam  like  a frog  and  with  her  long  hair  streaming 
in  the  water  behind  her  came  pretty  well  up  to  our  ideas  of  a mermaid.” 
(p.  75.)  Mr.  Wallace  speaks  of  a Land  Dyak  girl  10  or  12  years  old  who 
swam  beautifully,  (i.  102.)  “ The  Sea  Dyaks  seem  to  acquire  naturally  the 

art  of  swimming,  being  taken  to  the  river  regularly  from  infancy  and  dipped 
and  floated  on  the  water.”  (Leggatt.)  “ They  are  fond  of  the  water  and 
both  swim  and  dive  well.  They  swim  hand  over  hand  like  dogs.  They 


256  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

never  take  a header  in  diving,  but  jump  into  the  water  upright  sinking  feet 
first.”  (Brooke  Low.)  The  Dumpas  men  swim  like  fishes.  (Hatton,  Diary, 
18  Mar.)  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  saw  some  young  Ida’an  cross  a stream  as  if  it 
were  no  exertion  at  all  ; they  did  it  with  the  surging  waters  reaching  to  their 
armpits  and  with  a half  dancing  motion,  (i.  254.)  The  Bajus  did  not 
attempt  to  cross  a stream  in  a direct  course,  but  allowed  themselves  to  be 
carried  away  a little,  and  reached  the  other  side  about  fifty  yards  farther 
down.  They  carried  all  the  luggage  over,  swimming  with  one  hand  and  holding 
the  baskets  in  the  air  with  the  other.  Two  men  placed  themselves  one  on 
either  side  of  us,  told  us  to  throw  ourselves  flat  on  the  water  and  remain 
passive  ; in  a few  minutes  we  were  comfortably  landed  on  the  opposite  bank. 
{ibid,  i.  257.)  Where  streams  are  crossed  by  walking  and  not  by  swimming, 
“ the  great  difficulty,”  writes  Mr.  Burbidge,  “is  to  keep  one’s  legs  under  one 
in  the  strong  current,  and  to  facilitate  this  being  done  the  Dusuns  often 
take  up  a heavy  stone  and  carry  it  on  one  shoulder.”  (p.  260.) 

Of  their  expertness  in  diving  reference  has  been  made  in  the  chapter 
devoted  to  fishing,  &c. 

Riding. 

“ The  Baju  saddle,  made  of  wood,  covered  with  thin  cloth,  is  very  small. 
Instead  of  stirrups  they  have  a rope  with  a loop  in  the  end,  into  which  they 
insert  their  big  toe,  and  ride  with  the  soles  of  their  feet  turned  up  behind  ; 
and  when  they  set  off  on  a gallop  they  cling  with  their  toes  under  the  pony’s 
belly.  The  Baju  is  essentially  a non-walker.  He  never  makes  use  of  his  own 
legs  if  he  can  possibly  get  an  animal  to  carry  him.  He  rides  all  the  horses 
and  the  mares,  even  when  the  latter  have  just  foaled.  Cows  are  equally  in 
requisition,  and  it  was  laughable  to  observe  one  of  these  animals  with  a 
couple  of  lads  on  her  back  trotting  along  the  pathways,  a calf,  not  a week  old, 
frisking  beside  her.  The  water  buffalo,  however,  appeared  to  be  the  favourite, 
the  strong  beast  constantly  carrying  double.”  (St.  John  i.  234.) 


File. 

Made  of  fish  skin  gummed  on  to  wood.  S.E  Borneo. 
(Leyden  Mus.) 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


MUSIC. 


Musical  Instruments:  Jew’s  Harps — Flutes — Nose  flute — Klurais — Varieties  of — -Scale — Violins — 
Guitars  — Banjos — Harps  — Drums  and  gongs  — Dulcimers.  Musical  Character  of  the 
People  Singing  Plaintiveness — War  songs — Boat  songs — Extempore  songs. 


Musical  Instruments. 


“The  European  Jew’s  harp  is  a small  musical  instrument  held  between  the 

teeth,  and  having  a metal  tongue,  which,  when  struck  by  the  finger,  produces 

musical  sounds  that  are  modulated  by  the  breath.  In  the 

Sea  Dyak  rudieng,  the  little  finger  of  the  left  hand  stretches 

the  string  loop  at  the  left  end,  and  the  thumb  and  first 

finger  hold  the  metal  handle;  the  cross-piece  is  held 

between  the  thumb  and  finger,  and  pulls  the  concave  inside. 

It  is  used  by  a young  man  to  talk  to  his  young  girl  at  night, 

when  they  do  not  wish  the  mother  to  overhear  their  talk — 

they  are  able  to  understand  each  other  in  the  language  of 

love.  The  length  is  3f  to  qf  inches;  the  narrow  end 

is  TV  to  J-  of  an  inch  wide,  and  the  broad  end  f to  T7g  of  an 

inch  wide.  It  is  a perfectly  intelligible  wind  instrument ; 

a metal  plate  of  unequal  width,  narrowest  where  it  is 

held  in  the  left  hand,  and  widest  where  it  is  held  in  the 

right  hand.  The  string  is  jerked  by  the  tongue,  which  is 

likewise  metal,  vibrates  and  resounds  in  the  cavity  of  the 

mouth.  The  sounds  are  modified  with  the  breath.  Other 

tribes  in  Borneo  use  a bamboo  one  ; this  was  no  doubt  the 

origin  of  the  Dyak  one ; the  Maloh  have  taught  the  Dyaks 

the  use  of  metal.  Bamboo  ones  are  not  now  in  use  among 

them.  The  case  in  which  it  is  kept  is  a bamboo  cylinder 

beautifully  carved  ; the  ground  is  coloured  red  with  dragon’s  So-called  “Jews’ 

Harp.” 

Made  of  bambu. 
From  Kina  Balu.  a, 
case,  with  tassel  hang- 
ing through  a hole  in 
the  bottom ; by  means 
of  the  string  attached 
to  the  tassel  the  instru- 
ment is  drawn  into  the 
case,  b and  c,  front 

(Hose  Coll.)  and  side  view. 

Vol.  2. 


258  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  oj  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

blood  : girth  about  inches,  fitted  with  a carved  hard-wood  stopper.  The 
metal  is  not  flat,  but  almost  imperceptibly  concave.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

According  to  Mr.  Hornaday  (p.  468)  the  Sibuyau  women  had  a similar 
“ instrument,  made  of  a piece  of  bamboo  like  a large  organ-reed,  the  tongue 
of  which  was  made  to  vibrate  sharply  by  jerking  a string  attached  to  one 
end.  The  instrument  was  held  all  the  while  firmly  against  the  teeth  and  the 
operator  breathed  forcibly  upon  the  vibrating  tongue  of  the  instrument, 
thereby  producing  a few  harp-like  notes.”  Mr.  Burbidge  mentions  (p.  178) 
an  “ instrument  like  the  Jew’s  harp  made  of  a single  strip  of  bamboo,”  and 
Mr.  Whitehead  says  (p.  108)  “ a Dusun  boy  gave  him  a very  cleverly  made 
Jew’s  harp  of  bamboo.”  Mr.  Hose  tells  11s  the  Kayans  have  the  Jew’s  harp 
aping. 

“ The  giilieng  is  a bamboo  pipe,  with  a plug  at  the  mouth  hole,  and 
differs  from  a whistle  in  having  finger  holes,  by  means  of  which  different 
tones  can  be  produced.  It  is  blown  at  the  end  like  a flageolet,  and  the  three 
finger  holes  are  placed  equi-distantly.  Four  distinct  tones  are  easily 
obtainable  upon  it,  the  lowrest  when  all  the  finger  holes  are  covered,  and  the 
other  three  by  opening  the  finger  holes  successively.”  (Brooke  Low.) 


(Hose  Coll.) 

“On  the  Baram,”  writes  Mr.  Hose,  “we  arrived  one  evening  at  the 
house  of  Aban  Lia,  and  on  going  inside  I found  a musician  seated  in  the 
middle  of  the  verandah  surrounded  by  an  audience  of  about  forty  persons. 
The  instrument  which  he  was  using  was  a flute  ( silingut ) made  of  bamboo,  on 
which  he  played  not  in  the  usual  way  with  his  lips,  but  through  his  nose! 
The  notes  produced  were  softer  and  clearer  than  the  ordinary  flute  ( ensuling ) 
which  is  played  with  the  mouth,  and  the  man  was  certainly  a skilful 
performer.  Finding,  however,  that  much  of  his  wind  escaped  through  the 
other  nostril,  he  tore  out  the  lining  of  his  pocket  and  blocked  the  offending 
outlet  with  a small  plug  of  rag.  He  assured  me  that  his  nose,  which  was 
undoubtedly  a musical  one,  was  slightly  out  of  order,  as  he  had  only  just 
recovered  from  an  attack  of  influenza,  but  that  sometimes  he  was  able  to 
move  his  audience  to  tears.”  (Hose,  Geogr.  Jour.  i.  206.) 

Mr.  Whitehead  tells  us  : “ Much  to  my  surprise,  our  Murut  musician 
took  a small  ball  of  tobacco  from  his  girdle  and  proceeded  to  plug  up  one 
nostril ; in  the  other  he  placed  the  pipe,  and  continued  to  play  as  before. 
The  Murut  played  really  well ; perhaps  the  flat  open  nostrils  of  this  people 
are  well  suited  for  such  a performance.”  (p.  35.)  “ Waking  during  the 

night,  I heard  some  sounds  almost  as  musical  as  those  produced  by  a bagpipe  ; 
it  came  from  a Murut  near  at  hand,  who  was  perhaps  serenading  his  mistress. 
I examined  the  instrument  he  used,  and  it  was  very  simple  to  produce  so 


Music. 


many  notes.  Two  thin 
bamboos,  about  twelve  inches 
long,  were  fastened  very 
neatly  side  by  side ; in  one 
was  cut  four  holes  like  those 
in  a flute,  while  the  other  had 
a long  piece  of  grass  inserted 
in  the  lower  end.  A slight 
incision  was  then  cut  across 
both  towards  the  upper  por- 
tion. The  performer  thrust 
this  instrument  rather  deep 
into  his  mouth  and  blew,  and 
then,  with  the  aid  of  tongue, 
fingers,  and  moving  the  grass, 
produced  some  very  agree-  J 
able  and  wild  tunes.  I £ 
watched  him  for  some  time  < 
as  he  sat  by  the  side  of  a < 
flickering  fire,  but  being  tired, 
it  at  last  lulled  me  to  sleep.” 

(St.  John  i.  135.) 

“The  klurai  is  a wind  in- 
strument, constructed  of  a 
number  of  tubes,  placed  in  a 
calabash  with  a long  snout 
which  serves  as  a mouthpiece, 
and  which  are  thus  sounded 
together  ; notes  and  combi- 
nations of  notes  or  harmony 
can  be  produced  from  it. 

The  finger  holes  are,  some  of 
them,  placed  laterally,  others 
on  the  upper  surface,  and  others  again  on  the 
lower  surface.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ Modifications  of  the  cheng,  or  calabash 
pipes,  are  made  both  by  the  Kayans,  on  the 
Baram  river,  and  also  by  the  Dusun  villagers, 
near  the  Kina  Balu.  There  are  distinct  differ- 
ences between  the  instruments  as  made  by  each 
tribe.  That  from  the  Baram  consists  of  seven 
pipes  ; six  arranged  in  a circle  around  a long 
central  one,  all  seven  being  furnished  with  a free 
reed  at  the  base,  where  they  are  inserted  in  a 
calabash-gourd.  Holes  are  cut  in  the  six  outer 
pipes  for  fingering  ; the  central  pipe  is,  however, 
an  open  or  drone-pipe,  the  tone  being  intensified 


Dyak  Etigkruri, 

with  seven  reeds  fitted 
into  a gourd  by  means 
of  gutta.  Some  of  the 
notes  appear  to  be 
FAC  F — F octave 
nearly  ; two  holes  in 
one  reed  noteunascer- 
tainable  ; two  reeds 
appear  to  have  no 
note.  Longest  reed 
(one  which  has  no 
note)  to  junction  with 
gourd,  3iin. ; diam.  of 
gourd,  3fin. 

(Edinboro'  Mus ) 


Four  pipes  produce  the  chord  of  F (FACF,  with  upper  and  lower  tonic).  A fifth  has  a faint  suspicion  of  a 
flattened  ninth  (of  course  from  the  lower  tonic),  while  a sixth  pipe  adds  the  pluperfect  fourth  b.  It  is 
played  by  suction  and  is  tuned  by  shortening  the  pipes.  ^ 38£in.  long;  weight,  io^oz 


26o 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


by  fixing  a loose  cap  of  bamboo  on  the  upper  end.  It  is  played  by  blowing 
air  into  the  neck  of  the  gourd,  or  by  drawing  the  breath,  according  to  the 
effects  desired.  The  Dusun  pipes  are  formed  of  eight  pipes,  four  short  and 
equal  in  length,  and  four  long  and  unequal.  Reeds  are  cut  at  the  lower  end  in 
all  the  pipes,  but  the  fingering  is  performed  on  the  ends  of  the  four  equal  short 
pipes,  there  being  no  holes  cut  in  the  pipes  for  this  purpose,  as  in  the  Kayan 
instrument.”  (Burbidge,  p.  178.) 

Mr.  Hose  mentions  (J.A.I.  xxiii.  166)  a reed  organ  ( Kuluri ) amongst  the 
Kayans,  and  Mr.  Whitehead  (p.  108)  a species  of  pan  pipes  fixed  in  a gourd 
used  by  the  Dusuns,  while  Mr.  Hornaday  speaks  (p.  468)  of  the  “ pleasing 
clarionet-like  notes  of  the  numerous  reeds,  made  like  a shepherd’s  pipe,  which 
the  Sibuyow  men,  women,  and  children  were  so  fond  of  playing  upon  in 
concert.” 


“ The  serunai  is  made  of  a hollow  gourd, 
selaing,  with  a hole,  and  is  one-stringed  ( segit 
cane),  and  is  played  with  a bow,  the  string  of 
which  is  of  the  same  material.  The  performer 
sits  on  the  ground  and  holds  the  instrument 
between  his  toes,  the  knees  bending  outward, 
and  the  soles  of  his  feet  adjoining.  The  sound 
is  that  of  a violin  played  with  a bow,  and  is 
mournful,  wailing,  sobbing,  heartrending,  dis- 
mal and  gloomy.  The  instrument  is  held 
slanting,  and  the  sounding  cup  on  the  side  of 
the  foot,  with  the  stem  resting  on  the  left 
shoulder.  The  string  must  be  watered  with  saliva  to  sound.  The  stock 
is  2 feet  long,  and  of  hardwood  ( bilian ).  The  cup  is  12  inches  in  cir- 


Tanjong  Busoi  and  Aran. 

The  wooden  disc  is  placed  over  a 
hollow  pot.  The  bow  is  held  across 
it  with  its  arc  resting  upon  it  and 
the  string  is  struck  with  a wooden 
plectrum. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


Zither. 

J nat.  size.  S.E.  Borneo. 
(Leiden  Mus.) 


cumference,  and  is  a gourd  shell,  called  geno-selaing,  about  the  size  of  a 
teacup,  and  with  a hole  at  the  bottom.  The  mouth  of  it  is  covered  up  with 
a circular  dish  of  soft  wood,  thin  and  close-fitting,  and  the  seams  cemented 


Music, 


261 


Dyak  Four-Stringed  Harp,  Ngkratong.  Dyak  Ngkratong  or  Four-Stringed  Harp 

Played  with  the  fingers.  Played  with  the  fingers. 

(Brooke  Low  Coll.)  (Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


262 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


with  wild  wax.  The  bow  is  a bent  cane,  and  the  string  a split  rattan  nearly 
12  inches  long.  There  is  a moveable  bridge  on  the  dish  for  the  string  to  rest 
upon.  Sometimes  the  bowl  is  made  of  cocoanut-shell. 


Two  stringed  ; sounding  board  of  bambu,  open  underneath.  (Probably 
of  Chinese  origin).  23^in.  long.  Baram  River. 

(Hose  Coll.) 

“ The  blikan  is  a rude-stringed  instrument  resembling  a 
guitar,  and  was  formerly  much  in  use.  It  was  adopted  from 
the  Ulus,  and  is  more  frequently  found  among  the  Sarebas 
and  Kalakan  Dyaks  than  among  any  others.  It  is  furnished 
with  two  strings  (rattan)  and  two  keys.  The  strings  are 
pressed  with  the  tips  of  the  fingers  of  the  left  hand  to  modify 
the  tone — -there  are  no  stops — while  the  nails  of  the  fingers  of 
the  right  hand  brush  the  strings.  The  stock  is  glued  into  the 
beak  or  bill  of  a bird,  the  kinalong  or  burong  bileh,  and  the 
body  is  coloured  red  with  the  colouring  matter  of  a wild 
growing,  poisonous  fungus.  It  is  3 feet  long  from  end  to  end. 

The  blikan  is  hollowed  out  from  the  upper  surface,  and  is 
covered  with  a thin  plate  of  wood.  The  safe,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  hollowed  out  from  underneath,  and  is  not  closed  up. 

“ The  busoi  is  formed  of  a bow  resting  on  the  ground  in 
a hollow  vessel  of  earthenware  or  metal,  and  the  string  is 
made  to  vibrate  with  a plectrum.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

Sir  Spencer  St.  John  speaks  (i.  109)  of  a Kayan  “ two- 
stringed instrument,  resembling  a rough  guitar : the  body  was 
shaped  like  a decked  Malay  trading  prahu,  with  a small  hole 
an  inch  in  diameter  in  the  centre  ; the  strings  were  the  fine 
threads  of  rattan  twisted  and  drawn  up  tightly  by  means  of 
tuning-keys ; however,  the  sound  produced  was  not  very 
different  from  that  of  a tightly-drawn  string.” 

Mr.  Hornaday  mentions  (p.  468)  a Sibuyau  fiddle  “ most  elaborate  and 
pretentious,  the  sounds  of  which  were  not  very  pleasing”  ; Mr.  Whitehead  a 
Dusun  “extraordinary  long  guitar  with  two  strings”  (p.  108);  and  Mr.  Hose 
a Kayan  sort  of  banjo  ( sapeh ),  and  a bamboo  harp  ( paking ).  (J.A.I.  xxiii.  166.) 
“ The  satong  is  a cylindrical  bamboo  harp,  or  lyre,  played  upon  with  the 
fingers.”  (Brooke  Low.)  It  is  made  of  a joint  of  large  yellow  bamboo, 
the  nine  or  ten  open  strings  of  which  produce  notes  similar  to  those 
of  a banjo,  when  twanged  with  the  fingers.”  (Burbidge.  p.  178.)  Previous 


Satong, 

Long-Kiput’s 
Bambu  Harp. 

Length,  3iin. 
(Hose  Coll.) 


M usic. 


263 


to  this  Mr.  Burbidge  had  referred 


(p.  50)  to  a Kadyan  “ native-made  violin  on 
a European  model,  a curious  kind  of  native  banjo  made  of  a single  joint  of  a 
large  bamboo,  a triangle,  or  its  music  rather,  being  represented  by  two 
or  three  steel  hatched  heads,  which  were  laid  across  laths  on  the  floor,  and 
beaten  in  time  with  a bit  of  iron.  The  music  so  produced  was  of  a rather 
melancholy  description.” 

“ On  arriving  at  Kroo,  music 
from  a variety  of  gongs  and 
drums,  beaten  in  regular  time, 
saluted  our  ears.”  (Grant,  p. 

13.)  ...”  The  Dyaks 

possess  gongs  of  all  sizes  from 
the  deep-sounding  tawak-tawak, 


A Maloh  (Dutch  Tribe)  Tengkuang 
or  Wooden  Drum  (?  Gong)  with 
Drum  Sticks. 


which  is  used  for  signals  in  war- 


(Brooke  Low  Coll.) 


fare,  and  can  be  heard  miles  off, 
to  the  diminutive  channang. 

These  are  sold  to  them  by 
Malays,  who  import  them  from  Java.  Another  musical 
instrument  is  likewise  imported  from  that  country ; it  is 
a box  containing  a set  of  six  or  eight  small  gongs  of 
different  sizes.  In  beating  the  gongs  and  gundangs,  or  tom- 
toms, a regular  time  is  kept.”  (ibid,  p.  5.) 

” The  Malay  gong,  which  the  Lundu  Dyaks  also  make 
use  of,  is  like  the  Javanese,  thick  with  a broad  rim,  and 
very  different  from  the  gong  of  the  Chinese.  Instead  of 
the  clanging  noise  of  the  latter,  it  gives  out  a muffled  sound 
of  a deep  tone.  The  gong  and  tom-tom  are  used  by  the 
Dyaks  and  Malays  in  war,  and  for  signals  at  night,  and  the 
Dyaks  procure  them  from  the  Malays.  I said  that  the 
music  struck  up,  for,  rude  as  the  instruments  were,  they 
modulate  the  sound,  and  keep  time  so  admirably,  that  it 
was  anything  but  inharmonious.”  (Marryat,  p.  84.) 

“ The  gongs  struck  up,”  writes  Mr.  Chalmers,  “ not 
unmusically,  but  somewhat  monotonously.  From  their 
mode  of  striking  them,  they  form  no  bad  imitation  of  some 
English  country  church  bells.”  (Miss.  Field,  1859,  p.  80.) 

“ The  Sea  Dyak  gendang  is  a wooden  drum,  shaped  like 
an  hour  glass,  one  end  covered  with  parchment,  which  can  be  tightened  or 
slackened  at  pleasure,  by  means  of  cords  ; it  is  not  beaten  with  drumsticks, 
but  is  struck  with  the  fingers.  . . . The  Sea  Dyak  krumong  is  made  of  narrow 
slabs  of  wood  or  stone,  which  upon  percussion  with  a wooden  hammer  produce 
a series  of  tones  similar  to  those  obtained  on  an  harmonicon.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

“ The  Kyans  also  have  gongs  ( tetawak ) and  drums  (gendang).'’’  (Hose, 
J.  A.  I.,  xxiii.,  166.) 

“ Wooden  drums,  formed  of  hollow  tree-trunks,  and  having  goat  or  deer- 
skin tightly  stretched  over  the  ends,  are  common,  and  of  various  sizes.  The 
old  war-drums  were  made  thus  ; but  this  instrument  is  now  nearly  obsolete, 


0 

Drum,  Gendang. 

Made  of  hollowed 
palm  wood,  the  upper 
end  covered  with  a 
piece  of  monkey  skin 
stretched  and  lashed 
on  with  cane.  Muruts 
of  Upper  Labok 
River 

(Edinbro  Mus.) 


264  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

being  to  a great  extent  replaced  by  metal  gongs,  of  native  manufacture 
certainly;  but  doubtless  the  idea  was  copied  from  the  Chinese.  Nearly  every 
trading  prahu  or  boat  carries  one  of  these  gongs;  and  the  Muruts  are  very 
fond  of  such  music,  and  keep  up  an  incessant  din  on  these  instruments  at 
their  festivals.  Sets  of  eight  or  ten  small  such  are  often  fixed  in  a rattan  and 
bamboo  frame,  and  beaten  with  two  sticks,  dulcimer  fashion  ; and  I have 
seen  similar  contrivances  formed  of  iron  bars  ; and  even  strips  of  dry  hard 
bamboo  wood  in  the  Sulu  isles,  the  scale  in  this  case  being  similar  to  our  own. 
It  is  very  uncommon  to  hear  performers  playing  in  concert,  unless  in  the  case 
of  gong-beating;  indeed,  music  is  at  a low  ebb  throughout  the  island.” 
(Burbidge,  p.  179.) 

“ As  we  approach  the  coast  the  Dusuns  become  a tribe  musical  in  brass ; 
the  instruments  being  supplied  from  Brunei,  by  way  of  Patatan.  At  Mukab 
the  bell-metal  pans  are  going  all  day  long.  People  further  inland  have 
bamboo  instruments  instead.”  (Witti,  Diary,  25  Mar.)  “ Among  the  Dusuns 
gongs  and  tomtoms  of  course  take  part  in  all  festivities.”  (Whitehead,  p.  108.) 

“ As  night  came  on  the  Dusuns  struck  up  a strange  kind  of  music  on 
metal  tambourines.  A mysterious  rhythm  and  tune  was  apparent  in  it,  and 
when  I asked  if  this  was  main-main  (i.e.,  larking),  they  said  no,  but  that  a 
man  was  sick,  and  they  must  play  all  night  to  keep  away  evil  spirits.” 
(Hatton,  p.  163.) 

The  Musical  Character  of  the  People. 

Mr.  Hornaday  says  (p.  468) : “ The  only  amusements  I saw  among  the 
Sibuyaus  were  of  a musical  character.  The  people  of  Gumbong’s  village, 
with  whom  I lived  at  the  head  of  the  Sibuyau,  were  decidedly  musical,  and 
scarcely  an  evening  passed  without  a performance  of  some  kind.” 

Sir  Chas.  Brooke  writes  of  the  Kayans  (ii.  301.):  “ There  is  no  doubt 
they  possess  a much  more  correct  idea  of  music  than  any  other  natives  I have 
met,  and  the  small  guitar  they  play  and  dance  to  is  monotonous,  but  possesses 
harmony,  and  is  fingered  and  played  correctly  on  two  or  three  strings.” 

Mr.  Hose  considers  that  the  Kayans  are  “ a very  musical  race.”  (J.A.I., 
xxiii.  166.) 

Mr.  Whitehead  (p.  109),  after  enumerating  the  Dusun  instruments, 
adds  : “ The  performance  on  all  these  instruments  is,  however,  feeble.” 

Singing. 

“ When  the  Hill  Dyaks  sing,  which  they  rarely  do,  it  is  in  a low  and 
plaintive  voice ; but  as  I did  not  sufficiently  understand  the  Dyak  language,  I 
could  never  learn  anything  respecting  the  composition  of  their  songs.  I 
never  heard  them  but  at  night,  when  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village  were  asleep.  They  do  not  practise  vocal  music  at  any  of  their 
festivals.”  (Low,  p.  312.) 

When  Mr.  Grant  left  Kroo  he  wrote  (p.  13)  : “ We  departed  amidst  the 
sound  of  gongs  and  the  music  of  the  old  ladies,  who  were  sitting  in  a circle 
singing  a most  melancholy  chant  in  four  notes.  I do  not  suppose,  however, 
they  meant  it  to  be  melancholy,  but  it  certainly  was,  and  reminded  me  of  the 
wail  of  dying  people.  All  these  old  women  were  Borich  or  female  doctors.” 


M usic. 


265 


Later  on  he  says,  also  of  the  Land  Dyaks  (p.  84)  : “ Their  song  is  peculiar ; 
often  have  I heard,  as  I sat  by  my  window  at  night,  the  wild  and  mournful 
strain  of  the  Dvak  as  he  paddled  past  in  his  canoe.” 

The  mournful  character  of  the  song  is  the  same  amongst  the  Sea  Dyaks  : 
“ The  pelandai  is  the  recitative  in  which  the  natives  pour  forth  their  feelings, 
their  sorrows  and  disappointments,  their  desires  and  ambitions.  It  is  full  of 
feeling,  and  the  voice  is  modulated  to  express  all  its  shades.  The  utterance 
is  slow  at  first,  but  is  rapid  towards  the  end.  There  is  repetition  in 
redundancy  of  expression  and  reiteration.  The  voice  is  often  tremulous  with 
passion,  like  the  wail  of  a broken  heart — :a  mournful  cadence  like  the  dirge  of 
the  dead.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

Speaking  of  the  musical  instruments,  Mr.  Burbidge  remarks  : “ The 
pentatonic  scale  is  employed,  and  the  music  is  monotonous  and  plaintive 
in  its  character.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  women’s  songs,  which 
are  mostly  of  a dirge-like  kind.  I remember  a Kadyan  girl  who  used  to  sing 
sometimes  during  my  first  visit  to  the  Lawas,  and  the  effect  at  night  more 
especially  was  extremely  weird  and  melancholy.  She  had  a rich  mellow 
voice,  rising  and  falling  in  minor  cadences,  and  dying  away  sweetly  tremulous 
as  a silver  bell.”  (p.  177.) 

The  inland  Dusuns  have  “ pretty  songs  of  their  own.  The  latter  are 
specially  taking  when  given  by  young  girls.  They  also  sing  in  chorus,  when 
the  melodies  almost  bear  the  character  of  hymns.”  (Witti’s  Diary,  Nov.  25.) 

“ Very  different  are  the  Sea  Dyak  war  songs.  The  bard  leading  the 
song,  chants  in  a low  monotonous  solo,  his  voice  rising  and  falling  as  he 
chants  of  love  or  war,  and  is  accompanied  by  the  whoops  and  yells 
(fierce,  exultant,  presumptuous,  and  cheering)  of  his  companions,  and  by  the 
clashing  of  shields  and  nodding  of  plumes  as  the  warriors,  in  their  excitement, 
don  their  feathers  and  seize  their  arms,  singing  of  the  deeds  of  heroes  of  the 
olden  days  and  lovely  women  whose  charms  gave  rise  to  deadly  strife  and 
bloody  feuds.  These  songs  have  the  same  effect  on  the  natives  of  Borneo 
that  the  war  drum  and  trumpet-blast  have  on  the  soldiers  of  Europe.  The 
tones  of  the  minstrel  are  clear,  and  bold,  and  tremulous,  and  culminating  at 
times  in  a prolonged  chorus  which  the  others  take  up  with  something  like  a 
prolonged  yell.”  (Brooke  Low.) 

On  the  Sarawak  river,  Mr.  Collingwood  writes  : “ The  boatmen,  as  usual, 
enlivened  the  way  with  their  songs,  some  of  which  were  wild  and  musical. 
They  all  joined  in  the  chorus  ; and  one  of  them,  of  which  they  appeared 
particularly  fond,  had  a refrain  which  ran  as  follows,  the  staccatos  being  strokes 
of  the  oar  : — 


Keeping  time  with  their  paddles,  the  song  was  cheerful  and  inspiriting,  and 
seemed  to  help  them  along.”  (Collingwood,  p.  233.) 


266 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Mr.  Grant  preferred  his  boatmen  to  sing,  for  it  made  them  pull  better  ; 
when  thus  singing  they  will  go  on  with  rhymes,  generally  nonsensical  ones, 
for  an  hour  at  a time.”  (p.  84.) 


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I think  it  is  of  the  Muruts 
that  Mr.  Burbidge  says:  “The 
songs  of  the  boatman,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  often  pleasing 
and  melodious.  A good  many 
of  their  songs  are  Mahomedan 
prayers,  or  chants ; but  oc- 
casionally the  theme  is  on 
secular,  and  often  very  amusing 
subjects.  It  is  common  for 
one  man  to  strike  up  a song, 
improvising  his  subject  as  he 
sings,  and  then  all  the  crew 
laughingly  join  in  the  chorus. 
They  keep  time  to  the  music 
in  paddling ; and  I always 
encouraged  my  boatmen  to 
sing,  as  it  relieves  the  monotony 
of  the  bump,  bump  of  the 
paddles  against  the  side  of  the 
vessel,  which  becomes  very 
tedious  after  the  first  hour  or 
two.”  (p.  180.) 

When  peace  was  made 
between  Sir  Jas.  Brooke  and 
Tamawan,  the  Kayan  chief, 
there  was  a “very  excited 
chorus  ” as  Sir  Sp.  St.  John 
drank  to  the  friendship  of  the 
two  nations.  “When  this  was 
finished,  Tamawan  jumped  up, 
and  while  standing  burst  out 
into  an  extempore  song,  in 
which  Sir  James  Brooke  and 
myself,  and  last,  not  least,  the 
wonderful  steamer,  were  men- 
tioned with  warm  eulogies, 
and  every  now  and  then  the 
whole  assembly  joined  in  the 
chorus  with  great  delight.” 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


LANGUAGE,  NAMES,  COLOURS. 

LANGUAGE.  Land  Dyak  Affinities  with  other  natives’  language  — Prefixes  — Examples  of 
Sentah — The  Puas  or  Lament — Malay  stock.  Sea  Dyak  : The  letter  h — Vowel  endings — 
Phonetic  spelling — Malay  words — Dialectical  differences — Malay  and  Hindu  influences  — 
Changes,  how  brought  about.  Kayan.  Milanau.  Dosun  : Peculiarities — Different  from 
Lanun  and  Baju. 

NAMES  AND  TITLES.  Land  Dyak  names — Change  of  names — Adoption  of  children  s names — 
Prefixes — Change  due  to  fear  of  illness — Totem  (?)  names — High-sounding  titles — Ejaculations — 
Names  of  places. 

COLOURS.  Good  colour  sense — Poor  nomenclature — Not  colour  blind — Table  of  colour  names. 


LANGUAGE. 

Land  Dyak. 

The  following  account  of  the  language  of  the  Land  Dyaks  by  the  Rev.  W. 
Chalmers  is  taken  from  that  scarce  little  volume  of  the  late  Mr.  C.  T.  C. 
Grant : “ Each  tribe  has  its  peculiarities  of  words,  idiom,  and  pronunciation, 
but  still  the  dialect  of  all  the  tribes  of  the  two  branches  of  the  Sarawak 
river  is  substantially  the  same,  and  the  dialect  of  several  of  the  Sambas  tribes, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Land  Dyaks  of  the  river  Sadong,  are  closely  allied  to  it. 
Indeed,  I think  it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  that  the  dialects  of  all  the  Dyak 
tribes  throughout  Borneo  are  varieties  of  one  primitive  language : their 
grammatical  construction  is  formed  on  one  model ; and  though  some  of  them 
have  far  greater  flexibility,  and  are  more  highly  developed  than  others  (as, 
for  example,  that  of  the  Olo  Ngadjo  or  Dyaks  of  Southern  Borneo),1  yet  in  all 
the  dialects  with  which  I have  met — some  fourteen  or  fifteen — there  is,  in 
many  instances,  a radical  connection  which  is  plainly  traceable. 

“ In  common  with  all  its  kindred  of  the  Malayan  family  of  languages, 
Sarawak-Dyak  is  rich  in  derivative  words,  which  are  formed  by  adding 
certain  prefixes  to  the  primitive  words,  each  of  which  prefixes  have  a 
peculiar  value  and  signification. 

“Thus — Pi,  Peng,  &c.,  denote  the  agent  or  instrument:  as  Kadong,  to 
lie ; Pengadong,  a liar  ; Pang,  to  speak  ; Punganang,  a word ; usach,  betwixt  ; 
Pengusach,  a mediator. 

“ Bi,  Ber,  &c.,  denote  the  quality  of  possession,  and  verbs  intransitive: 
as  uri,  medicine  ; beruri,  one  having  medicine — a doctor ; umbai,  a betrothed  ; 
biumbai,  to  be  betrothed. 

1 With  regard  to  New  Testament  in  this  language  Mr.  Chalmers  writes:  “ It  seems  to  me  to 
have  no  connection  with  that  of  the  Land  Dyaks,  but  I do  trace  a connection  with  that  of  the  Sea 
Dyaks. ’’  (Occas.  Papers,  p.  9 ) Is  Mr.  Chalmers  referring  to  Mr.  Hardeland's  version  ? See  also 
supra,  i.  7,  Mr.  F.  R.  O.  Maxwell’s  remark  on  the  Land  Dyak  language. 


268  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ Ng,  in,  me,  &c.,  denote  a verb  transitive:  as  puds,  a lamentation; 
muds,  to  lament  ; usach,  an  intervening  space  ; ngusach,  to  come  between  ; 
aiyag,  a sieve  ; ngaiyag,  to  sift. 

“ Te,  Ti,  denote  the  perfect  passive  participle  of  verbs,  and  verbal 
adjectives  : as  tekunud,  astonished  ; tekukah,  wide  open,  &c. 

“ K and  P are  causative  prefixes  : as  pijog,  to  make,  to  stand  up;  kudip, 
to  keep  alive,  from  udip,  to  live ; pibuh,  to  drive  away,  from  buh,  to  run 
away. 

“ Re  and  Rung  are  frequently  placed  before  the  names  of  insects,  vermin, 
&c. : as  regqu,  retamuch,  worms  ; repipan,  a centipede ; rungupod,  white  ants, 
&c.  Si  is  also  often  prefixed  to  names  of  persons,  places,  and  things,  and  to 
adverbs,  adjectives,  and  present  participles.  In  Sarawak- Dyak  there  are  no 
affixes,  and  the  use  of  the  prefixes  is  also  somewhat  uncertain  ; moreover, 
in  number  and  variety  of  application,  they  can  bear  no  comparison  with 
those  employed  in  several  other  Bornean  dialects  with  which  I have  met. 

“ Now  for  a few  examples  of  the  language  as  spoken  in  the  tribe  of 
Sentali — the  people  with  whom  I am  best  acquainted  : — 

So  kill  kdam  ? Where  do  you  come  from  ? 

Moran  tnenug  so  Kuching.  I have  just  come  from  Kuching. 

Ogika  agach  inu  ? Meling.  Is  there  any  news  ? No. 

Kowuk-ka  ? Bayuch.  Are  you  tired  ? Not  yet. 

An  nok  jah  butan?  Will  you  drink  some  cocoa-nut  water  ? 

Duck  sa.  Never  mind. 

Durn  juan-kili  ka  umuch-ngdn  ? How  much  further  is  it  to  your  farms  ? 

D uch  j oh  dinge.  Not  much  further. 

Kamakili  ? Where  are  you  going  ? 

Odih  ka  darfttn  torun.  I am  going  to  the  jungle. 

“ The  following  is  part  of  the  Puds,  or  Lament,  made  by  the  female 
relatives  of  a deceased  person — first  in  the  house,  and  afterwards  on  the  road 
to  the  grave. 

“ ‘ Kun  much  tingge-much  tugan  oku,  kun  much  tingge  boba  punganang 
di  oku  ; meting  yun  ku  nyadu,  yun  ku  daan  boba  punganang  daya  sekambuch 
sepagih.  Asi-asi  kiech,  prigiag  priasi  sekambuch  sepagih.  Yun-ma  tingge  ; 
burdm  oku  nang  metak  miun,  metak  meraman  so  ogi  mari  ! Awang  ku  bisa 
nupa,  bisa  nai  ! Burom  ku  an  bisa  pijog,  boda  oku  mun,  boda  oku  busan 
umah-umah-i  ! Mun  butang,  mun  bungang.  Awang  ku  an  pijog,  awang  ku 
an  kakat,  &c.’ 

“ ‘ Thou  hast  left  me  ! thou  hast  forsaken  me  ! thou  hast  ceased  to  speak 
to  me!  henceforth  I can  speak  to  you,  I can  talk  to  you  no  more.  We  are 
desolate,  we  are  forsaken,  henceforth  and  for  ever.  Thy  place  is  deserted. 
O that  I could  say,  that  thou  wert  gone  to  stay  awhile  at  the  farm  ! for  then 
thou  wouldst  return  again.  Would  I could  fashion  you  ; would  I could  create 
you  anew  ! O that  I could  make  you  stand  up,  that  I could  give  you  back 
your  old  appearance,  your  old  likeness  ! Thou  art  like  a fallen  tree-trunk, 
like  a log.  Would  I could  make  you  stand  up,  that  I could  make  you  arise 
once  more  ! ’ 


Language. 


269 


“ The  vocabularies  printed  in  the  Appendix  will,  as  Mr.  Chalmers 
observes,  show  that  there  is  a great  affinity  betwixt  the  Dayaks  of  Sarawak, 
Sadong,  and  some  Sambas  tribes.  This  connection  is  not  so  visible  in  the 
dialects  of  others,  as,  for  instance,  the  Silakau  tribe,  who  formerly  lived  on  a 
stream  of  the  same  name  between  the  Sambas  and  Pontianak.  In  the 
dialects  of  the  Sea  Dayaks,  there  are  perhaps  a few  words  radically  the  same 
as  their  correspondents  in  Land  Dayaks,  but  only  a few  which  are  not  derived 
in  common  from  Malay.  In  the  dialect  of  the  Dayaks  of  Banjermasin,  I 
have  also  noticed  words  the  same  in  form  and  meaning,  but  they  are  not  very 
frequent.”  (St.  John  i.  194.) 

“ The  Sennah  dialect  of  the  Dyak  language  is  the  softest  I have  heard, 
and  yet  there  is  more  of  the  guttural  in  it  than  in  the  dialect  of  the  other 
Sarawak  tribes.  The  Land  Dyaks  of  Sarawak  turn  l into  r;  for  instance, 
Bula  (a  lie),  of  the  Malays,  they  pronounce  Bura.  The  Sibuyows  (Sea-board 
Dyaks)  turn  r into  h guttural  ; for  instance,  Besar  (large),  they  pronounce 
Bessah  ; Orang  (man)  becomes  Ohang .”  (Grant,  pp.  24,  29.) 

Sea-Dyak  Language. 

The  Ven.  Archdeacon  Perham,  than  whom  there  is  no  better  authority, 
tells  us:  “In  English  we  do  not  pronounce  a final  h when  preceded  by  a vowel. 
The  Hebrew  names  of  the  Old  Testament  ending  in  ah,  as  in  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  &c.,  are  pronounced  as  though  they  ended  in  a ; and  so  indifferent 
are  we  about  the  h that  the  word  Halleluiah  is  as  often  spelt  without  as  with 
an  li.  These  cases  although  they  are  words  simply  transferred  into  English 
from  another  language  show  the  tone  of  our  pronunciation.  We  have  hardly 
any  of  our  own  that  end  in  the  same  way  ; but  sirrah  and  hurrah  are  sounded 
as  sirra  and  hurra.  It  may  possibly  arise  from  this  that  when  we  come  to 
write  new  languages  we  may  be  apt  to  think  that  the  addition  or  omission  of 
a final  h is  a matter  of  no  importance;  but  in  Sea-Dyak  at  least  this  is  a 
great  mistake,  as  will  be  seen  I believe  by  examples  to  be  quoted.  When  a 
new  language  has  to  be  reduced  to  writing  the  only  plan  to  adopt  is  to  write 
it  phonetically  ; and  no  preconceived  notions  borrowed  from  other  languages 
ought  to  interfere  with  the  simple  representation  of  the  sound  as  far  as  our 
letters  will  do  it.  The  questions  with  any  particular  word  should  simply  be, 
How  do  the  natives  pronounce  it  ? and  so  our  system  of  orthography  and 
grammar  would  be  built  upon  the  facts  of  the  language. 

“ Now  I believe  the  Sea  Dyaks  have  no  initial  aspirate,  but  as  if  to 
compensate  themselves  for  this  they  have  a final  one  ; they  have  words 
ending  in  ah,  ih,  oh  or  uh  ; and  it  is  necessary  to  write  and  to  pronounce 
this  final  h in  order  to  distinguish  such  words  as  have  it  from  others  spelt 
exactly  the  same  with  that  exception  but  widely  different  in  meaning.  This 
will  appear  by  examples.  M uda  means  young,  but  mudah  easy  : Nyala  is  to 
fish  with  a cast-net,  but  nyalah  to  accuse  of  wrong  : dara  means  an  unmarried 
female,  but  darah  blood  : nampi  is  to  sift  rice,  but  nampih  to  draw  near  to  : 
nyepu  to  blow  an  instrument  or  the  fire,  &c.,  but  nyepuh  to  dip  a thing  into 
water  ; ban  is  the  shoulder,  but  bauh  means  long  ; so  au  yes,  but  auh  the 
sound  of  rushing  wind  or  wave.  Many  other  instances  might  be  cited,  but 


270  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

these  are  enough  to  show  the  final  It  has  a real  function  to  perform,  and 
ought  not  to  be  a silent  letter. 

“ I do  not  know  whether  a sentimental  objection  is  not  sometimes  felt 
against  this  final  h sound  as  being  harsh  and  uncouth  ; but  surely  such  an 
idea  if  ever  entertained  is  altogether  out  of  place.  Once  begin  to  alter  the 
language  to  suit  our  ideas  of  refinement  and  we  lose  the  only  principle  we 
have  to  write  by  ; and  we  moreover  incur  the  charge  of  ignorance  whenever 
an  intelligent  native  who  is  able  to  read  sees  our  writing  of  his  language. 
But  in  truth  this  sound,  if  not  pronounced  in  an  exaggerated  way  (and  the 
natives  do  not),  is  not  a particularly  rough  sound,  and  not  so  uncouth  as  our 
final  th  or  sh. 

“ But  further,  in  words  ending  with  vowels  there  is  a difference  in  the 
pronunciation  of  the  final  vowel  which  cannot  be  referred  simply  to  a 
transposition  of  the  accent.  These  final  vowels  have  two  sounds  which  I can 
only  call  a long  and  a short  vowel  sound,  so  that  words  spelt  with  exactlv  the 
same  letters  are  only  distinguished  by  the  quantity  given  to  the  final  vowel. 
Thus  ngantl  means  to  exchange,  but  nganti  to  wait  for ; petl  a box,  but  peti  a 
pig-trap;  main  to  be  ashamed,  but  main  to  strike;  agi 1 a privy,  but  agu 
foolish  ; tebu  sugar-cane,  but  tebu  a kind  of  wart  or  corn  on  the  feet ; mangka 
is  a man’s  name,  but  mangka  to  knock  against.  The  difference  between  these 
vowel  sounds  is  not  much  ; but  slight  as  it  is  the  natives  detect  its  non- 
-observance  in  a moment.  Before  I was  aware  of  it  I remember  arguing 
against  a Dvak  that  the  word  for  box  and  pig-trap  was  exactly  the  same  in 
sound,  thus  tacitly  making  the  foolish  assumption  that  I knew  his  language 
better  than  he  knew  it  himself ; but  I am  now  convinced  that  the  rule  holds 
good,  at  least  with  the  vowels  a,  i and  u ; and  when  it  is  observed  what  an 
amount  of  meaning  hangs  upon  the  right  pronunciation  the  necessity  of  being 
acquainted  with  it  will  be  felt.  Some  years  ago  I asked  an  intelligent  native 
to  write  down  a list  of  Dyak  words.  From  reading  Mission  books  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  short  mark  ; and  without  any  suggestion 
from  me  he  put  the  mark  over  every  vowel  that  required  the  shortened  sound. 

“ This  short  quick  final  vowel  sound  has  sometimes  been  mistaken  for  a 
k sound,  and  notably  in  the  word  Dyak  itself.  They  do  not  call  themselves 
Orang  Dyak,  but  Orang  Dya,  or  more  properly  perhaps  Daia.  So  also  tama 
to  enter,  and  belaia  to  quarrel.  Sometimes  it  has  been  represented  by  h,  but 
it  is  not  the  sound  of  that  consonant,  which  moreover  is  wanted  to  do  its  own 
work.  That  it  is  not  the  sound  either  of  h or  of  k will  I think  appear  by  the 
following  instances  : — 

“ Mata  the  eye;  mata  unripe,  undressed  ; matah  to  break  in  two ; matak 
to  pull.  Gaga  means  joyful  ; gaga  make  ; gagah  great  muscular  strength. 
Isa  is  a man’s  name;  isa  means  let  be;  Isali  a woman’s  name.  Nitl  is  to 
skin  ; niti  to  walk  over  a bridge  ; nitih  to  follow  ; nitik  to  drop  as  water. 
Ngall  means  to  dig  up;  ngah  to  lie  down  or  rather  to  lay  ourself  down; 
ngalih  to  turn  round  or  over. 

“ It  is  true  we  make  ourselves  understood  by  Dyaks  without  this 
attention  to  h and  to  long  sounding  vowels  and  short  sounding  vowels,  for 
the  context  will  generallv  show  what  we  mean,  and  they  will  know  how  to 


Language. 


271 


reply  to  our  inaccurate  Dyak  just  as  we  could  easily  talk  to  a Frenchman 
although  he  spoke  rather  bad  English  ; but  the  question  is  not  what  will  ‘ do’ 
for  the  work  of  conversation,  but  what  are  the  correct  rules  of  the  Dyak 
language. 

“ From  what  has  been  said  it  will  be  seen  that  by  no  system  of  spelling 
whatever  can  the  language  be  written  phonetically  with  absolute  accuracy 
without  the  use  of  some  indicating  marks.  In  writing  or  translating  books 
perhaps  such  phonographical  exactness  as  the  difference  between  a and  a is 
not  necessary,  especially  if  designed  for  the  use  of  natives  themselves,  for  they 
naturally  pronounce  their  own  language  correctly  ; but  in  Dictionaries  the 
right  pronunciation  might  be  marked.”  (S.G.  No.  136,  p.  79). 

“ The  language  of  the  Sea  Dyaks,  though  altogether  different  in  such 
parts  as  having  not  been  adopted  from  the  Malay,  is  merely  a less  refined 
dialect  of  the  language  spoken  over  all  Polynesia,  and  its  connexion  with  that 
of  the  other  wild  tribes,  particularly  those  of  Sumatra,  is  easily  to  be  traced. 
It  is  not  nearly  so  melodious  in  sound,  or  so  copious  in  its  extent,  as  the 
Malay,  though  the  Dyaks  do  not  scruple  to  extend  it  by  adding  foreign  words 
whenever  they  find  it  necessary,  so  that  a great  portion  of  the  words  of  their 
vocabulary  are  from  the  Malay  ; the  intercourse,  which  has  been  generally 
friendly,  between  the  two  nations  has  also  encouraged  this  adoption  of  foreign 
terms.”  (Low,  p.  173.)  As  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  says  : “ Their  language  bears  a 
strong  resemblance  to  the  Malayan  tongue,  and  I have  frequently  found  words 
from  Marsden’s  Dictionary  used  in  familiar  conversation  among  themselves, 
and  yet  unknown  to  the  Malays  on  the  coast.”  (i.  50.)  See  supra  i.  10, 
Mr.  Maxwell’s  remark. 

“ I need  only  observe,  concerning  the  Sea  Dyak  language,  that  the 
Sibuyaus,  the  Balaus,  the  Undups,  the  Batang  Lupars,  the  Sakarangs, 
Seribas,  and  those  inhabitants  of  the  Rejang  living  on  the  Kanowit  and 
Katibas  branches,  all  speak  the  same  language,  with  no  greater  modifications 
than  exist  between  the  English  spoken  in  London  and  Somersetshire.  They 
are,  in  fact,  but  divisions  of  the  same  tribe  ; and  the  differences  that  are 
gradually  growing  up  between  them  principally  arise  from  those  who  frequent 
the  towns  and  engage  in  trade,  using  much  Malay  in  their  conversations,  and 
allowing  their  own  words  to  fall  into  disuse.  The  agricultural  inhabitants  of 
the  farther  interior  are  much  more  slowly  influenced.”  (St.  John  i.  78.) 

In  some  correspondence  I have  had  with  Prof.  A.  H.  Keane  it  would 
appear  that  the  Sea  Dyak  language  as  we  know  it  is  practically  a Malay 
dialect  and  that  if  any  real  Bornean  element  exist  it  will  be  far  in  the 
interior.  “ I fear,”  he  writes,  “ at  present  (and  probably  for  centuries  back) 
Malay  dominates  exclusively  around  the  whole  sea  board,  as  indeed  might  be 
expected  from  the  results  of  the  contact  of  the  true  Malays  with  uncivilised 
peoples  in  other  parts  of  Western  Malaysia.  The  language  has  developed 
somewhat  independently,  but  still  in'  constant  contact  with  traders,  raiders, 
rovers,  &c.,  of  standard  Malay  speech  during  the  course  of  over  1000  years, 
that  is,  ever  since  the  true  Malays  of  Menangkabau  (Sumatra)  began  to 
swarm  over  the  Archipelago.”  Prof.  Keane  also  notices  words  showing  early 
Hindu  influence. 


272 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Regarding  the  origin  of  changes  in  words,  &c.,  it  will  be  noticed  under 
the  chapter  devoted  to  Manangs  that  these  sorcerers  use  a special  jargon. 
Bishop  McDougall  remarks  : “ A circumstance  which  came  to  my  notice, 
when  visiting  a tribe  in  the  interior,  may  account  for  the  way  in  which 
dialects  alter  among  people  in  such  a state.  I was  sitting  with  the  Chief  and 
Tuahs,  who  were  conversing  with  me  in  Malay  and  talking  with  each  other 
in  their  own  dialect,  when  some  strange  Dyaks  came  in.  Our  friends 
addressed  the  strangers  in  Malay,  and  spoke  to  each  other  in  something  I 
could  not  understand.  Upon  questioning  them  about  it  afterwards,  they 
said  they  spoke  in  their  war  language,  as  they  did  not  trust  these  strange 
Dyaks,  and  did  not  wish  them  to  understand  what  they  said.  It  seemed  to 
me  that  they  used  a kind  of  slang  or  patter  they  had  invented,  calling  things 
by  wrong  names;  and  it  is  possible  that,  in  a long-continued  state  of  warfare 
with  a succession  of  surrounding  tribes,  these  war-tongues  may  have  become 
their  every-day  language,  and  have  quite  changed  their  original  dialects. 
They  had  many  words  in  use  for  which  we  had  no  equivalents;  for  example, 
for  ‘to-morrow,’  ‘ the  dav  after,’  and  so  on,  they  had  special  words  for  each, 
of  a sequence  of  ‘ ten  ' or  ‘ fourteen  days.’  In  the  same  way  they  had  words 
for  ‘ rice,’  according  as  it  was  cooked  in  one  way  or  another.”  (T.E.S.  ii. 
p.  26.) 

Kayan. 

“ Like  all  other  aboriginal  tribes  of  Borneo  the  Kayans  have  no  alphabet, 
mode  of  writing  or  knowledge  of  letters,  nor  do  they  practice  any  systematical 
method  of  representing  their  ideas  by  figures.  With  the  exception  of  local 
differences,  all  the  divisions  of  the  tribe  speak  the  same  language,  so  as  to  be 
intelligible  to  each  other  throughout  their  wide  range  on  the  island.  The 
Kayan  language  is  copious,  pleasantly  soft  and  comparatively  easily  acquired.” 
(R.  Burns,  Logan’s  Jour.  Ind.  Arch.)  “ Their  language  differs  entirely  from 
that  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  or  Land  Dyaks.”  (F.  R.  O.  Maxwell,  supra  i.  18.) 

Milanau. 

“ They  seem  to  have  a common  language,  which  is,  however,  much 
diversified  in  different  rivers,  causing  the  dialect  of  one  place  to  be  difficult  to 
be  understood  by  a man  coming  from  a more  distant  one."  (De  Crespigny, 
Jour.  Anth.  Inst.  v.  34.) 

“ When  residing  on  the  north-west  coast  amongst  the  Milanows  I made 
a vocabulary  of  some  fourteen  different  tribes,  and  although  in  many  instances 
before  they  came  under  the  influence  of  a settled  government,  the  people  of 
one  river  could  not  converse  with  those  of  another,  yet  the  similarity  of 
language  is  so  great  that  it  proves  unmistakably  that  all  these  tribes  are 
branches  of  one  great  family  ; and  yet  their  manners  and  customs  are  in  some 
instances  so  different  that  one  is  almost  led  to  doubt  whether  this  inference  is 
a correct  one.”  (Crocker,  Jour.  Anth.  Inst.  xv.  425.) 

Dusun. 

“ They  have  no  written  language.  . . . The  language  of  the  Dusuns 

sounds  at  first,  from  the  frequency  of  words  having  the  accent  on  the  last 
syllable,  and  not  as  usual  in  Malay  on  the  penultimate,  unpleasant  from  its 


Personal  Names. 


*73 


roughness,  but  after  a little  while  it  is  not  unmusical  to  the  ear.  Some  words 
are  identical  with  the  Sulu,  many  with  the  Malay,  and  others  very  similiar  to 
the  latter.  The  prefix  meng  is  common  in  their  verbs,  even  when  the  words 
are  different  from  Malay.  I did  not  remark  any  affix  such  as  are  frequent  in 
the  latter  language.”  (De  Crespigny,  Proc.  R.  Geogr.  Soc.  ii.,  1858,  347,  349.) 

In  the  Sonzogon  country  “ Dusuns  have  the  peculiarity  of  pronouncing 
yo  ya  as  zo  za.”  (Witti,  19  May.) 

“ The  Lanun  and  Baju  are  entirely  different  from  the  language  of  the 
Ida’an  Dusun].  I have  made  several  vocabularies  and  many  inquiries.  At 
Kiau,  we  collected  above  400  words  ; at  Blimbing  on  the  Limbang,  300  ; 
and  whilst  in  Maludu  Bay,  seven  years  ago,  I likewise  made  a short 
vocabulary.  These  three  agree  so  far  that  I may  say  that  the  Ida’an  and 
Bisaya  have  two  out  of  three  words  in  common ; and  on  further  inquiry,  I 
think  that  the  remaining  one-third  will  gradually  dwindle  away,  as  at  present 
many  of  the  words  in  my  Bisaya  vocabulary  are  Malay,  for  which  they  have 
their  native  word.  The  result  of  my  inquiries  is  that  all  the  Ida’an  speak  the 
same  language  with  slight  local  differences.  We  found  all  the  tribes  on  the 
Tampasuk  and  Tawaran  spoke  fluently  to  each  other,  and  one  of  our 
interpreters,  who  had  never  before  visited  these  countries,  but  had  been 
accustomed  to  the  aborigines  to  the  south,  conversed  freely  with  them. 

I was  certain  of  a great  affinity  between  the  languages,  as  men  from 
one  tribe  could  freely  converse  with  those  of  the  other,  though  their  dwellings 
were  a hundred  and  fifty  miles  apart  ; but  on  comparing  the  written 
vocabularies,  I found  a surprising  difference.  Just  before  I left  Borneo,  I 
spoke  to  a Bisaya  on  the  subject : he  said,  ‘ Repeat  me  a few  words  of  the 
Ida’an  that  are  different.’  I did  so.  He  answered,  ‘ I understand  those 
words,  but  we  don’t  often  use  them,’  and  he  instantly  gave  their  meaning  in 
Malay,  to  show  that  he  did  understand  them. 

“ In  making  vocabularies  at  Kiau  we  found  the  villagers  very  careless  of 
their  pronunciation  ; for  instance,  the  word  ‘ heavy  ’ was  at  different  times 
written  down,  magat,  bagat,  wagat,  and  ogat ; for  ‘rice,’  wagas  and  ogas ; for 
‘to  bathe,'  padshu,  padsiu,  and  madsiu,  and  indifferently  pronounced  in  these 
various  ways  by  the  same  people.”  (St.  John  i.  383,  194,  321.) 


PERSONAL  NAMES. 


Mr.  Chalmers  gives  a list  of  names  of  Land  Dyaks  as  follows: — 


Names  of  Men — 
Se  Deraman. 

Se  Kadiung. 

Se  Ganggak. 

Se  Kushau. 
Nyaet. 

Se  Ngaiyo. 


Of  Women — 
Se  Kudi. 

Se  Risi. 

Se  Monog. 
Sipuach. 

Se  Karum. 
Sisub. 


And  then  he  continues : “ These  are  what  are  called  ‘ body  names.’  When 
Dyaks  grow  up  into  lads  and  lasses  they  generally  take  another  name  to 
which  the  word  Ma  (contracted  from  Sama — Father)  or  Nii  (contracted  from 
T 


VOL.  2. 


274  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Sin du — Mother)  is  prefixed  ; and  when  they  attain  to  middle  age,  this  name 
is  frequently  put  aside  for  another,  to  which  the  word  Bai  (contracted  from 
Bahai — Grandfather)  or  Milk  (contracted  from  Somuk — Grandmother)  is 
prefixed  ; thus,  the  chief  man  of  this  village  (Kuap),  when  a boy,  rejoiced  in 
the  body-name  of  Se  Mara ; when  he  became  a young  man  he  became 
Ma-Kari  (the  father  of  Kari),  and  now  he  is  called  Bai-Kinyum  (the  grand- 
father of  Kinyum).  Among  a people  who  have  no  surnames,  and  among 
whom  age  is  the  great  title  to  honour  and  respect,  this  custom  would  seem 
natural  enough,  did  they  get  the  names  of  Ma  or  Nil,  Bai  or  Milk  from  their 
own  children  and  grandchildren  respectively,  as  do  the  Malays,  with  whom, 
e.g.,  the  name  Pa  Ismail  means  that  the  man  who  bears  it  has  a son  of  the 
name  of  Ismail.  It  may  be  observed  of  this  custom,  that,  should  the  eldest 
child  be  dead,  or  lost,  having  become  a slave  to  the  enemies  of  the  tribe,  the 
parent  is  called  after  the  next  surviving  one,  or  the  next  in  seniority  which 
remains  with  him.  Thus  Pa  Jaguen  was  called  Pa  Belal  until  his  daughter 
Jaguen  was  restored  to  him  from  Sakarran  slavery.  (Low,  p.  197.)  Dyak 
impatience  for  names  of  honour,  however,  is  too  great  to  be  regulated  by  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature  ; little  boys  and  girls  are  dignified  by  the  coveted 
titles  of  Ma  and  Nil,  and  the  way  they  manage  to  bestow  and  receive  them  is 
this  : the  children  of  the  elder  brothers  and  sisters  of  a family  are  entitled  to 
take  the  names — with  Ma  or  Nil  prefixed — of  the  children  of  their  parents’ 
younger  brothers  and  sisters  ; e.g.,  suppose  the  case  of  two  brothers,  the 
elder  named  Tingut,  and  the  younger  Sugu.  Tingnt  marries,  and  has  a son 
named  Si  Rida ; Sugu  also  marries,  and  has  a son,  whom  he  calls  Narik  ; 
upon  this  Si  Rida  loses  his  body-name  and  becomes  Ma-Narik,  the  father  of 
Narik,  although  he  is  really  his  cousin,  and  he  himself  still  quite  a child.  In 
case  a person  has  no  uncles  or  aunts  (younger  than  his  own  parents)  from 
whose  children  he  may  become  a Ma,  then  he  has  to  wait  till  he  has  a child 
of  his  own,  and  from  its  name  he  gains  at  length  the  long-desired  distinction. 

“ Bai  and  Milk  (Grandfather  of,  and  Grandmother  of)  are  titles  adopted, 
either  when  the  persons  who  assume  them  have  a grandchild  of  their  own,  or 
when  their  elder  or  younger  brothers  or  sisters  are  beforehand  with  them  in 
this  respect,  and  have  a spare  grandchild  whose  name  they  may  make  their 
own  with  these  honourable  epithets  prefixed.  Thus,  in  the  case  supposed 
above,  Sugu  might  become  Bai,  from  one  of  Tingut' s grand-children,  or  Tingut 
Bai  from  one  of  Sugu’s.  Among  the  Land  Dyaks,  relationships  are  counted 
up  to  exceedingly  remote  degrees,  and  the  words  kaka  (elder  brother  or  sister), 
sude  (younger  brother,  &c.),  and  palunggar  (cousin),  are  commonly  so  used  as 
to  mean  any  relatives,  from  a brother  or  sister  who  has  sprung  from  common 
parents,  down  to  cousins  in  the  third  and  fourth  degree.” 

On  the  Barum  River:  “When  a child  is  born,  the  father  and  mother 
sink  their  own  identity,  and  adopt  the  name  of  their  offspring.  Supposing 
a man  named  Jau  becomes  the  parent  of  a son  to  whom  he  gives  the  name 
of  Taking,  the  former  would  no  longer  be  called  Jau,  but  Taman  Lulling, 
father  of  Lulling.  If  his  child  were  to  die,  he  would  be  called  Ozong 
Taking,  or  Ozong  Jau  ; if  his  wife  dies,  he  adds  the  prefix  Aban  (widower)  to 
his  name  ; if  a brother  or  sister,  Boi,  and  is  called  Boi  Lahing.  Should  he 


Personal  Names. 


275 


attain  the  position  of  being  a grandfather,  he  becomes  Laki,  adding  thereto 
the  name  of  his  grandchild,  so  if  the  latter  is  given  the  name  of  Ngipa,  the 
grandfather  is  no  longer  called  Taman  Lahing,  or  by  any  other  name  but  Laki 
Ngipa.  A widow  is  called  Ballo.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  170.) 

“ Among  the  Kayans  Knm  and  Yong  are  mere  prefixes  ; the  former  is 
attached  to  the  name  of  the  father,  after  the  death  of  any  of  the  younger 
children,  and  the  latter,  Yong,  when  the  eldest  dies.”  (Brooke  ii.  298.) 

“ When  Land  Dyak  children  are  young,  should  they  be  liable  to  frequent 
attacks  of  sickness,  it  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  their  parents  to  change  their 
names  even  two  and  three  times  in  the  course  of  as  many  years.  The  reason 
for  so  doing  is,  that  all  sickness  being  supposed  to  be  caused  by  mischievous 
Hantn  or  spirits,  by  this  means  they  are  put  off  the  scent,  and  their  intended 
victim  escapes  their  hands  ; for  when  they  come  to  look  for  him,  they  hear 
his  old  name  uttered  no  more,  and  so  (very  rashly)  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  no  longer  exists  ! ” (Chalmers  in  Grant.)  The  fear  of  spirits  which 
makes  them  change  their  names  may  have  something  to  do  with  the  Bantings’ 
great  dislike  to  tell  their  own  names  ; if  you  ask  a girl  her  name  she  refers  you 
to  her  companion  for  it.”  (Mrs.  Chambers,  Gosp.  Miss.,  1858,  p.  70.) 

“The  principal  cause  of  the  change  of  name  in  grown-up  persons  among 
the  Kanowits  is  the  objection  people  have  to  uttering  the  name  of  a dead 
person.  Thus  Adun’s  name  used  to  be  Saog  until  a person  of  that  name 
died,  when  his  friends  changed  his  name,  fearing  that  he  might  die  too  and 
also  because  it  was  unlucky  to  retain  such  a name.  But  the  relatives  of  the 
dead  man  would  also  insist  on  such  a change,  as  they  would  not  like  to  be 
reminded  every  day  of  the  dear  departed  by  hearing  his  name  daily  uttered.” 
(Brooke  Low.)  “Names  of  slaves  are  changed  when  they  are  given  their 
freedom.”  (St.  John  i.  73.) 

“ Manv  of  the  Baram  River  tribes  adopt  the  names  of  animals  and 
common  objects  such  as — Lang,  a hawk  ; Bangau,  a stork  ; Apoi,  fire,  and  so 
on.  Amongst  the  Kalabits,  a chief  who  wishes  to  impress  people  with  his 
greatness  often  adds  the  word  langit,  the  heavens,  to  his  other  names.  This 
implies  that  he  is  a very  important  personage,  literally,  that  the  heavens 
belong  to  him.”  (Hose,  J.A.I.  xxiii.  170.) 

His  Highness  speaks  of  a Dyak  whose  “ right  name  was  Egu,  but  he  had 
been  dubbed  Jowing,  which  is  the  name  of  the  poison  barb  of  the  Sumpit 
arrow.”  (i.  203.)  “ One  Balau  chief  was  grandly  designated  takong  langit, 

which,  interpreted,  means  ‘ the  walking-stick  of  the  sky.’  ” (Sir  Jas.  Brooke, 
Mundy  i.  237.) 

With  regard  to  these  sounding  titles  a correspondent  of  the  S.G.  (1894, 
p.  21)  writing  from  the  Batang  Lupar  of  the  death  of  the  chief  Basek,  says  : 
“ Old  Tungknjuh  Darah  (‘the  torrent  of  blood,’  as  his  title  may  be  translated) 
has  joined  his  many  comrades  in  the  Halls  of  Valhalla.  In  spite  of  his 
high-sounding  title,  or  nom  de  guerre,  poor  old  Tungkujuh  was  a quietly 
disposed  old  fellow,  at  least,  within  the  last  thirty  years  or  so,  and  never  gave 
any  trouble  to  the  Government.  He  is  credited  with  having  earned  his  name 
in  the  wild  days  long  ago,  when  Rabong  attacked  Banting  Hill,  then  the 
dwelling  place  or  rather  refuge  of  many  Malays  and  Dyak  families,  and  in 


276 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


those  stirring  times  when  forays  and  expeditions  used  frequently  to  be  made 
into  the  Undup,  Bugau,  and  other  countries  by  the  adventurous  young  bloods 
of  the  Skarang  and  Saribas  tribes.  The  chief  warriors  who  joined  in  these 
gentle  pastimes,  now  so  happily  entirely  abolished  through  His  Highness' 
efforts,  have  nearly  all  passed  away,  and  old  Tungknjuh  is  among  the  last  of 
them.  It  is  somewhat  interesting  to  inquire  into  the  origin  of  old  titles.  The 
Malay  expression  to  confer  such  a title  is  galar,  and  the  Dyak,  ensumbar. 
These  words  both  mean  the  same,  viz  : to  ennoble.  The  Dyak  word  jnlok  is 
apparently  the  substantive,  signifying,  a title,  a nickname.  It  is  stated  that 
the  custom  of  ensumbar  is  a Dyak  one,  and  that  the  Malays  adopted  it,  in 
some  cases,  when  joining  in  the  forays  made  upon  neighbouring  districts.  It 
is  pretty  clear  that  those  Dyak  tribes  w ho  held  to  the  custom  of  ensumbar- ing 
their  bravest  or  most  conspicuous  men  were  the  Skarangs  and  Saribas, 
though  other  tribes  copied  them  to  some  small  extent.  The  following  names 
and  titles,  wdth  attempted  translations,  have  assisted  me  in  coming  to  the 
above-mentioned  conclusion  : — 


Skarang  Dyaks. 


Name. 

Title. 

Translation. 

Basek, 

Tungknjuh  Darah, 

The  torrent  of  blood. 

Kedu, 

Langendang, 

The  soaring  eagle. 

A.  Salleh, 

Tedong, 

The  cobra. 

Dandi, 

Gasing  gila, 

The  revolving  wheel. 

A . Jilom, 

Buluh  balang, 

The  bamboo  (called  gadcng). 

Jelani, 

Bulan, 

The  moon  (is  in  vain). 

Bantar, 

Mali  lebu, 

The  socialist  (lit  : the  taboo). 

Langtabang, 

The  white  hawk. 

Lemanak 

Dyaks. 

Ngelai, 

Kendawang, 

The  snake  Kendaw'ang. 

Lintong, 

Moa  hari, 

The  clouds  (lit  : the  face  of  day). 

Saribas 

Dyaks. 

P.  Renkai, 

Bedilang  besi, 

The  iron  poker. 

Bakir, 

Bujang  brani, 

The  brave  bachelor. 

M alina, 

Panggau, 

Lucky. 

Unggang, 

Kumpang  pali, 

The  iron-like  wood  (of  that  name) 

Cheloh, 

T arang, 

A shining  light  (lit  : a lamp). 

Linggir, 

Mali  Lebu, 

The  socialist. 

Ballow 

Dyaks. 

Anggi, 

Jeritan, 

The  jester. 

“ Very  probably  the  custom  of  ennobling  the  brave  men  is  in  use  in  the 
Rejang,  and  it  w'ould  be  somewhat  interesting  to  inquire  whether  this  custom 
is  also  in  use  amongst  the  Kayan,  Murut  and  other  tribes  in  Sarawak 
territory.” 

“ Epithets  of  surprise  are  often  Apai  Indai,  or  Aki  Indai,  * Father  and 
mother,’  or  ‘Oh,  mother!’  This  expression  seems  very  universal,  for  even 
Europeans  appeal  to  their  grandmothei's  in  cases  of  distress  or  perplexity.” 


Sense  of  Colour.  277 

(Brooke  i.  62.)  The  expression  may,  however,  have  something  to  do  with 
their  belief  in  Grandmother  Manang;  see  supra  i.  324. 

On  the  Limbang  river  we  are  told  the  people  “ know  the  different  villages 
by  the  names  of  the  chief  men,  rather  than  by  rivers  or  hills.”  (St.  John  ii. 
120.)  On  the  Latong  river,  however,  we  are  told  : “ It  is  extraordinary  how 
every  stream  and  creek  of  the  most  minute  proportions  has  come  by  a name  ; 
for  I have  never  yet  seen  one  that  the  Dyaks  do  not  call  by  some  name  or 
other.”  (Brooke  ii.  184.)  Birds  are  named  according  to  a fancied  interpre- 
tation of  their  notes  (see  supra  i.  445). 

SENSE  OF  COLOUR. 

While  the  natives,  judging  from  the  colour  patterns  of  their  cloths  and 
from  the  colouring  of  their  implements,  seem  to  have  a very  good  colour 
sense,  on  the  other  hand  they  do  not  seem  to  have  a good  colour  nomenclature, 
as  the  table  on  next  page  will  show.  In  this  table  I have  arranged  all  the 
colour  names  I have  been  able  to  find  ; the  abbreviations  for  the  names  of 
my  authorities  are  Ch.  = Chalmers ; St.  J.  = St.  John;  B.  L.  = Brooke 
Low;  Cr.  = Crossland  ; Br.  = Brereton  (in  St.  John’s  vols.)  ; De  C.  = De 
Crespigny ; Bu.  = Burns  ; C.  = Cowie  ; K.  = Sir  Jas.  Brooke  (in  Keppel). 
The  natives  seem  to  have  distinct  names  for  black  and  white;  for  blue  and 
green  the  names  seem  interchangeable — Sentahs,  Sea  Dyaks,  Muruts  ; but 
according  to  Sir  jas.  Brooke,  Keppel  App.  ii.  21,  the  Sau  man  who  gave  the 
information  when  asked  what  green  was  would  not  or  could  not  give  a term 
but  black.  When  asked  the  colour  of  a green  leaf  he  said  singote,  but  we  are 
not  told  whether  the  leaf  was  light  or  dark  green,  and  the  word  singote  may 
therefore  have  been  used  as  Mr.  Crossland  tells  me  the  Undups  call  dark  blue 
etam,  i.e.  black,  a word  which  is  probably  used  the  same  as  the  Malays  often  use 
it,  as  for  example,  bisu  itam  = dark  blue.  Mr.  Brooke  Low  says  sky  blue  is  nemit, 
but  this  sounds  very  much  like  the  nymit  = yellow  of  Mr.  Burns,  so  that  either  a 
sunset  blue,  if  one  may  say  so,  must  be  meant  or  there  is  an  error  in  transcrip- 
tion. For  red  and  yellow  the  names  seem  to  have  more  decided  distinction  than 
for  blue  and  green,  still  there  is  interchangeability,  thus  the  Kanowits  say  sak 
mehe  for  red  and  melii  sak  for  yellow  ; the  Muruts  say  malia  masia,  and  sia  for 
red  and  masilo  for  yellow.  What  is  curious  in  the  naming  of  these  two 
colours  is  that  while  the  Sentahs  call  yellow  sia,  the  Muruts  call  red  sia  ; the 
Sentahs  call  red  hire  (=  mirah  of  the  Malays)  and  the  Muruts  call  yellow  birar. 
The  Sakarans  call  dark  red  or  brown  mansau  tuai  where  tuai  = old,  which  is 
the  Malay  method  ; mansau  also  means  ripe.  The  Malau  for  red  = dadara 
and  is  said  to  be  derived  from  dara  = blood  (K).  Gray  amongst  the  Sentahs 
(Ch.)  = apok  (=  kelabu  of  the  Malay)  but  there  is  a special  word  for  gray  hair, 
viz.  berubuk  (=  uban  of  the  Malay)  while  the  name  for  hair  is  rambut  ( ubok , 
Malay).  As  shown  above  the  Saus  mix  black  and  green  and  the  Bakatan 
would  seem  to  mix  green  = ujang  arang  with  red  arang-arang  ( ujang  — deer). 
The  fact  that  some  of  the  natives  distinguish  gray,  and  that  as  far  as  we 
know,  with  the  Bakatan  exception,  they  do  not  mix  up  red  and  green,  would 
indicate  that  they  are  not  colour  blind. 


TABLE. 


278 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


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CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


ARCHAEOLOGY,  JARS,  ALLEGED  NATIVE  WRITING, 

NEGRITOES. 

ARCHEOLOGY  Remnants  of  Hindu  worship — Tradition  of  Hindus  — Hindu  articles — Figure  on 
sandstone  rock — Chinese  articles — Mount  Sobis’  caves— Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett’s  cave  explorations 
— Negative  results — Stone  implements. 

JARS.  Three  varieties  of — Values — Descriptions — A proof  of  riches — Sacred  jars — Fortune-bringers 
— Invoking  a blessing — A prophetic  jar — Chinese  imitations. 

ALLEGED  NATIVE  WRITING  Sign  manual — Prof.  De  la  Couperie's  statements — Alleged 
writing  on  a jar — Dr.  Rost’s  and  Dr.  Meyer’s  replies — Other  inscriptions — Knotted  cords  — 
Indicators  — Tatuing  records— No  native  writing — Dr.  H.  Kern’s  note. 

NEGRITOES.  In  surrounding  countries — Dr  Meyer's  conclusions — Travellers  reviewed  — 
Quatrefages  and  Hamy  criticised  — Mr.  Earl's  evidence  — Dalton's  statement  — Captive 
Andamanese — Mr.  Man’s  notes — Quatrefages'  and  Hamy’s  negrito  skull — Origin  doubtful — 
Statements  not  proofs — Borneo  recent  geologically — Existence  not  proved. 


ARCHEOLOGY. 

On  the  Samarahan  River  Sir  Sp.  St.  John  found  “a  stone  which  proved  to 
be  the  representation  of  the  female  principle  so  common  to  Hindu  temples  : 
its  necessary  companion  was  not  to  be  found.”  (i.  227.)  On  the  Sarawak 
river  there  was  at  one  time  the  remnant  of  a Hindu  stone  bull ; some  Malays 
and  Dyaks  tried  to  remove  it  but  a thunderstom  frightening  them  made 
them  think  its  spirit  was  vexed  so  they  left  it  in  the  mud.  Sir  Jas.  Brooke 
only  received  the  natives’  permission  to  remove  it  by  promising  to  have  it 
sheltered,  which  he  appears  to  have  done  near  his  bungalow,  (ibid,  i.  228.) 
It  seems  to  have  been  charred  and  cracked  when  the  Chinese  burnt  down 
the  Rajah’s  house  (Grant,  p.  66)  ; the  trough  with  it,  mentioned  by  Mr. 
Grant,  would  appear  to  be  the  stone  above  referred  to  by  Sir  Sp.  St.  John. 
Since  the  latter  traveller  wrote,  other  remains,  “ far  distant,  have  been  brought 
to  light,  with  some  of  the  gold  ornaments  seven  feet  under  ground,  as  well  as 
many  articles  of  crockery  and  other  utensils.  These  articles  being  found 
much  further  in  the  interior,  gives  the  subject  additional  interest.”  1 (Brooke 
i.  48.)  With  regard  to  such  Hindu  relics  His  Highness  remarks  : “ Even 
the  Sarawak  Malays  of  the  present  generation  can  recollect  the  time  when 
it  was  usually  said  in  conversation,  in  reference  to  distant  bygone  dates, 

‘ In  the  days  of  the  Hindoos,’  which  expression  has  become  extinct,  as  the 

1 "In  the  parts  of  the  country  I am  acquainted  with,  I have  not  heard  of  the  existence  of  any 
antiquities,  unless  the  big  guna,  a stone  of  man’s  length  (most  likely  an  aerolith),  called  Le  Kuyan, 
which  is  kept  in  a house  at  Seun,  be  considered  as  such.''  (Houghton,  M A S.  iii  199.) 


280  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Mahomedans  of  late  years  have  been  in  the  habit  of  going  hadji  to  Mecca, 
and  are  now  able  to  use  the  dates  of  the  Hegira.”  2 (ibid,  p.  47.) 

“ At  the  mouth  of  the  Sarawak  river  many  articles  of  gold  and  pottery  of 
unmistakable  Hindu  workmanship  have  continually  been  found.”  (J.A.I.  xv. 
425-) 

The  accompanying  illustration  is  that  of  a “ figure  on  sandstone  rock 
a little  under  life  size.  It  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of 
Santubong  near  a little  stream.  It  was  discovered  by  a Malay  fisherman  in 
clearing  a spot  of  ground  for  his  garden.”  (Her  Highness  The  Ranee.) 


The  Life-size  Figure 

found  near  Santubong  Mountain  in  1886.  "The  rock  is  sandstone, 
said  to  be  about  ten  feet  high  Remnants  of  pottery,  bits  of  gold 
ornaments,  and  Chinese  coins  have  been  found  near  the  rock.  The 
soil  round  about  is  rather  swampy.” 

(From  a photograph  lent  by  Her  Highness  The  Ranee.) 


“ Often  would  the  pick  or  spade,  used  for  the  purposes  of  mineral 
exploration,  reveal  thick  layers  of  pottery  and  china  of  antique,  apparently 
Chinese,  make.  On  one  occasion  we  found  a number  of  square  paving  tiles 
some  four  inches  thick,  beautifully  made  of  pebbles,  concrete,  quartz,  &c.  : 
they  had  been  polished,  were  clearly  very  old  and  made  by  people  of  a higher 
civilisation.”  (Helms,  p.  153.) 

A visitor  to  Mount  Sobis  caves  was  informed  by  the  natives  that  old 
jars  were  to  be  found  there,  but  he  had  no  time  to  examine  the  place.  (S.G., 
No.  68.)  Two  of  these  caves  on  the  Niah  river  and  twelve  others  on  the 
Upper  Sarawak  River  were  explored  by  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett  : “ During  my 
first  exploration  I discovered  embedded  at  the  bottom  of  a bed  of  river  gravel 


- "Brazen  images,  ruins  of  temples,  and  other  relics  of  Hindu  worship  are  to  be  seen  in  the 
inland  districts  near  Banjar  Massin  on  the  south  coast,  which  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact 
that  a colony  was  established  at  this  place  from  Java  during  the  period  in  which  Hinduism  prevailed 
in  the  latter  island.”  (Earl,  p 274.)  Mr  Bock  was  shown  a small  bronze  Hindu  idol,  (p  119.) 


The  Stone  Implement 

discovered  by  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett  “ imbedded  at  the  bottom  of  a bed  of  river  gravel  exposed  in  a section  on  the 

left  bank  of  the  Siniawan  River.” 

(Oxford  Mus.) 


282 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


exposed  in  a section  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Siniawan  river,  a single  stone 
celt.  It  was  forwarded  to  the  late  Sir  C.  Lyell  with  a note  of  the 
circumstances  of  its  occurrence,  and  was  pronounced  by  him  to  be  of 
Neolithic  type.  It  is  the  only  existing  evidence,  to  my  knowledge,  of  the  use 
of  stone  by  man  for  the  manufacture  of  industrial  implements  yet  discovered 
in  Borneo.  At  present  iron  seems  to  be  universally  employed  even  by  the 
rudest  tribes.  In  cave  No.  xiii.  a single  fragment  of  stone  apparently 
bearing  marks  of  human  workmanship,  pieces  of  burnt  bone,  fresh-water 
shells  ( Naritina  and  Potamides)  also  bearing  the  marks  of  tire,  the  tooth  of  a 
tiger  cat,  with  a hole  bored  through  the  base,  a rude  bone  head,  and  a few 
clean  chips  of  quartz.  No  stone  implements  properly  so  called  were  observed, 
though  carefully  looked  for.  . . . The  quality  of  the  pottery  shows  that 

this  people  had  attained  a fair  degree  of  civilization.  The  presence  of  the 
marine  shells  seems  to  imply  that  the  sea  coast  was  within  easy  reach  of  the 
vicinity  of  the  Jambusan  Hill.  The  remains  generally,  although  of  slight  interest 
except  to  the  local  archaeologist,  belong  to  a ruder  stage  of  art  ” than  articles 
in  the  other  caves.  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett’s  concluding  remarks  are:  “The 
traces  of  man  in  the  remainder  of  the  eleven  caves  above  referred  to  consist 
of  human  bones,  associated,  in  some  instances,  with  works  of  art.  These 
remains  occur  always  either  just  within  or  but  a few  yards  removed  from  the 
entrances  of  the  caves.  The  caves  in  which  they  lie  commonly  open  on  the 
faces  of  steep  mural  precipices.  That  at  Ahup,  where  the  largest  accumula- 
tion exists,  is  at  an  elevation  of  not  less 
than  100  feet  above  the  valley.  The  bones 
have  belonged  to  individuals  of  various  ages, 
they  are  mostly  fragmentary,  and  they  lie 
scattered  on  the  surface,  or  but  lightly 
imbedded  in  the  earth  without  reference  to 
their  proper  anatomical  relations.  Their 
condition  will  be  better  judged  from  the 
sample  sent  than  from  any  description  that 
I could  give.  Occasionally  fragments  occur 
bearing  the  marks  of  tire.  The  works  of 
art  associated  with  them  include  broken 
jars,  cups,  cooking  pots,  and 
other  utensils  of  earthen- 
ware. The  pottery  is  of 
excellent  make,  and  often 
glazed  and  painted.  Besides 
the  pottery,  beads  and 
armlets  of  a very  hard  dark-blue  glass,  pieces  of  iron, 
manufactured  gold,  and  fragments  of  charcoal  have  been  met 
with.  Similar  beads  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Land  Dyaks 
at  this  day,  but  they  can  give  no  account  of  their  origin. 

“ No  tradition  is  extant  among  the  natives  with  regard  to  these  relics. 
No  tribes  in  Borneo  make  habitual  use  of  caves  either  as  domiciles,  or  as 
places  of  sepulture,  or  for  any  other  purpose.  The  character  of  the 


Naturally  Curved  Stone 

ARTIFICIALLY  RUBBED  FLAT. 

Found  by  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett  in  cave. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


Bead 

Found  by  Mr.  A. 
Hart  Everett  in 
cave. 

(Brit.  Mus.) 


A rchaology. 


283 


earthenware,  however,  and  the  use  of  iron  and  gold  point  to  a very  modern 
date  indeed  for  the  people  who  left  these  signs  of  their  presence  and  hence 
the  subject,  though  curious  to  a local  geologist,  does  not  call  for  any  detailed 


Stone  Implement. 

Said  by  a London  dealer  to  have  come  from  Borneo,  but  of  very  doubtful  origin. 
(Drawn  by  Dr.  W.  C.  Pleyte  Wzn,  Ethnograph.  Mus.,  Amsterdam). 


remarks  here.  It  is  very  possible  that  the  remains  date  no  farther  back  than 
the  Hindu-Javanese  occupation  of  Borneo,  when  this  part  of  the  island  with 
Pontianak  and  Banjar  were  tributary  to  Majapahit,  or  they  may  be  of  Chinese 
origin — in  either  case  quite  recent.’’ 


284  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“The  general  result  of  the  exploration  may  be  summed  up  as  follows: — 
The  existence  of  ossiferous  caves  in  Borneo  has  been  proved,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  existence  of  man  in  the  island  with  the  Fauna,  whose  remains  are 
entombed  in  these  caves.  But,  both  from  the  recent  nature  of  this  fauna,  and 
from  the  fact  that  the  race  of  men  whose  remains  are  associated  with  it  had 
already  reached  an  advanced  stage  of  civilization,  the  discovery  has  in  no  way 
aided  the  solution  of  those  problems  for  the  unravelling  of  which  it  was 
originally  promoted.  No  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  origin  of  the  human 
race — the  history  of  the  development  of  the  fauna  characterising  the 
Indo-Malayan  sub-region  has  not  been  advanced — nor  virtually,  has  any 
evidence  been  obtained  towards  showing  what  races  of  men  inhabited  Borneo 
previously  to  the  immigration  of  the  various  tribes  of  Malayan  stock  which 
now  people  the  Island.”  (Proc.  Roy.  Soc.,  No.  203,  1880,  pp.  6,  7.) 

JARS. 

Of  the  Sea  Dyak  jars  Sir  Spencer  St.  John  says  : “ There  are  many  kinds 
of  sacred  jars.  The  best  known  are  the  Gusi,  the  Rusa,  and  the  Naga,  all 
most  probably  of  Chinese  origin.  The  Gusi,  the  most  valuable  of  the  three, 
is  of  a green  colour,  about  eighteen  inches  high,  and  is,  from  its  medicinal 
properties,  exceedingly  sought  after.  One  fetched  at  Tawaran  the  price  of 
£400  to  be  paid  in  produce  ; the  vendor  has  for  the  last  ten  years  been 
receiving  the  price,  which  according  to  his  own  account,  has  not  yet  been 
paid,  though  probably  he  has  received  fifty  per  cent,  over  the  amount  agreed 
on  from  his  ignorant  customer.  They  are  most  numerous  in  the  south  of 
Borneo.  The  Naga  is  a jar  two  feet  in  height,  and  ornamented  with  Chinese 
figures  of  dragons  ; they  are  not  worth  above  seven  or  eight  pounds.  While 
the  Rusa  is  covered  with  what  the  native  artist  considers  a representation  of 
some  kind  of  deer;  it  is  worth  from  fifteen  to  sixteen  pounds.”  (i.  27-28.)  Of 
the  Land  Dyak  jars  Mr.  Grant  (p.  94)  says  similarly  : “ These  jars  of  supposed 
antiquity  vary  in  value  according  to  the  marks  or  designs  on  them — the  Rusa 
(deer)  is  sometimes  worth  $35,  the  Naga  (dragon)  $70,  the  Ningkah  $150, 
and  the  Gusi  still  more.” 

“ Ten  jars  and  tempayans  of  various  kinds  were  brought  into  the  Batang 
Lupar  via  Lubok  Antu  during  March,  1894.  Amongst  these  were  two  Gusi 
jars  for  which  it  was  stated  the  owners  had  paid  $500  and  $800  respectively. 
The  owner  of  the  latter  asked  $1200  for  it  here.”  (D.  J.  S.  Bailey,  S.G., 
1894,  p.  72.) 

“ Every  Dyak  tribe  possesses  some  jars  ( tajows ),  according  to  their  riches 
and  importance.  They  are  large  brown-coloured  jars,  with  handles  at  the 
sides,  and  sometimes  figures  of  dragons  on  them.  No  one  would  suppose, 
from  their  appearance,  that  they  were  worth  more  than  the  common  earthen 
water-pots  we  use  in  our  bath-houses,  but  to  the  Dyaks  they  have  the  value 
of  remote  antiquity.  They  say  their  ancestors  bequeathed  them  to  them  as 
the  property  of  the  tribe,  therefore  they  never  part  with  them,  except  by 
exchange  for  similar  ones,  as  tokens  of  amity  with  other  tribes.”  (Mrs. 
McDougall,  p.  141.) 


Jars. 


285 


Sir  James  Brooke  thus  describes  one  of  these  jars  : “ Some  Dyaks,  lately 
from  the  interior,  have  brought  one  of  the  celebrated  jars  ; I do  not  buy  it, 
since  it  is  far  too  dear  as  a mere  curiosity.  It  stands  three  feet  high,  and  is 
narrow  both  at  the  top  and  bottom,  with  small  rings  round  the  mouth,  for  the 
purpose  of  suspension.  The  colour  is  light  brown,  traced  faintly  with 
dragons,  and  its  chief  merit  and  proof  of  antiquity  is  the  perfect  smoothness 
of  the  bottom.  The  ware  itself  appears  coarse  and  glazed,  and  those  in  which 
the  dragon  are  in  alto  relievo  are  valued  at  a hundred  reals.  They  are  not 
held  sacred  by  the  Dyaks  as  objects  of  worship,  or  as  venerable  relics,  though 
none  can  he  manufactured  at  the  present  time  ; but  are  collected  as  a proof 
of  riches,  in  the  same  way  that  the  paintings  of  old  masters  are  in  Europe.” 
(Mundy  i.  254. )s 

Another  jar  is  thus  described  by  Sir  Chas.  Brooke  : “ One  very  valuable 
jar,  named  Gusi,  was  brought,  a common-looking  article,  small,  and  one  that 
would  certainly  have  been  trampled  on  by  strangers,  but  it  is  supposed  to 
possess  mysterious  qualities — one  of  them  being,  that  if  anything  be  placed  in 
it  over  night,  the  quantity  will  increase  before  morning  ; even  w'ater  will  be 
found  several  inches  deeper.  It  is  wrapped  in  cloth,  and  treated  with  every 
mark  of  respect.  People  crawl  in  its  presence,  and  touch  and  kiss  it  with 
the  greatest  care.  They  tell  me  this  one  is  worth  £150,  and  valued  most 
about  Brunei  and  to  the  northward.  Our  Sea  Dyaks  do  not  hold  them  as 
valuable  property.”  (ii.  282.)  Nevertheless,  some  hold  them  very  valuable, 
for  His  Highness  on  one  occasion  took  from  the  Saribus  some  jars  as 
hostages  for  their  good  conduct  during  his  absence  in  England.  On  restoring 
them  he  writes : “ The  Saribus  chiefs  were  inwardly  grateful,  and  blessed 
every  Antu  (spirit)  under  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  for  their  good  fortune  in 
again  receiving  these  jars,  each  of  which  they  value  as  much  as  a child.” 
(ibid,  ii.  309.) 

The  Rev.  W.  Crossland  witnessed  the  following  ceremony  with  a jar  : 
“ Two  days  ago  I went  to  the  Undup  Dyak  house  opposite,  and  found  a few 
old  men  gathered  round  a new  jar  which  one  of  them  had  just  bought.  A 
chicken  was  caught,  and  one  old  man  took  hold  of  it,  and  waved  it  over  the 
mouth  and  body  of  the  jar  to  invoke  a blessing.  ‘ This  is  to  make  the  jar 
lucky,  make  it  increase  with  other  jars  from  Europe  and  China.’  This  was 
the  invocation.  The  chicken's  throat  was  then  cut,  and  some  of  the  blood 
smeared  on  the  jar,  and  a feather  plucked  and  stuck  into  one  of  the  handles. 


3 A traveller  writing  from  Palau  Majang  (Dutch  Borneo)  writes  : I took  a stroll  through  the 
village,  which  consists  of  perhaps  forty  or  fifty  houses  Inside  of  the  principal  house  was  a room 
ten  feet  square  filled  with  jars,  great  big  fellows  standing  nearly  three  feet  in  height.  They 
represented  a portion  of  the  riches  of  different  Dyak  chiefs  from  whom  they  had  been  confiscated. 

In  the  event  of  a house  taking  fire  or  the  sudden  arrival  of  an  enemy,  the  jars  have  to  be 
hurried  out  and  buried,  which  entails  both  loss  of  time  and  risk  of  life 

The  appearance  of  these  jars  vary  but  slightly  : some  are  ornamented  with  a dragon  or  other 
reptile  in  alto  relievo,  others  have  a small  raised  figure  on  either  side  of  the  opening.  They  are 
usually  of  a dirty  brown  colour,  and  their  value  in  Dyak  estimation  is  simply  preposterous.  This 
will  be  best  explained  by  stating  that  the  " pate  ” exacted  both  by  the  Sarawak  and  Dutch 
Governments  for  a head  taken,  may  be  one  or  more  jars.  Officials  in  Borneo  talk  of  heads  as  in 
Europe  we  speak  of  “ lives,"  and  as  a punishment  for  taking  one  head  or  more,  demand  so  many 
jars,  in  place  of  so  much  money.  (S.G.,  No.  102.) 


286 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

I believe  that  the  Dyaks  never  acquire  any  possession  without  a sacrifice 
being  offered,  and  though  a small  fowl  may  not  seem  much  to  give  in  the 
eyes  of  Europeans,  to  Dyaks  it  is  a great  gift.'’  (Gosp.  Miss.,  1871,  p.  165.) 

" The  old  Datu  of  Tamparuli  is  the  proud  possessor  of  a famed  sacred 
jar.  It  was  a Gusi,  and  was  originally  given  by  a Malau  chief  in  the  interior 
of  the  Kapuas  to  a Pakatan  Dayak.  converted,  however,  to  Islam,  and  named 
Japar.  He  sold  it  to  a Bornean  trader  for  nearly  two  tons  of  brass  guns,  or 
£230,  who  brought  it  to  the  Tawaran  to  resell  it,  nominally  for  £400,  really 
for  nearly  £joo.  No  money  passes  on  these  occasions,  it  is  all  reckoned  in 
brass  guns  or  goods,  and  the  old  Datu  was  paying  for  his  in  rice.  He  possesses 
another  jar,  however,  to  which  he  attaches  an  almost  fabulous  value;  it  is 
about  two  feet  in  height,  and  is  of  a dark  olive  green.  He  fills  both  the  jars 
with  water,  and  adds  flowers  and  herbs  to  retail  to  all  the  surrounding  people 
who  may  be  suffering  from  any  illness.  Perhaps,  however,  the  most  remark- 
able jar  in  Borneo  is  the  one  possessed  bv  the  present  Sultan  of  Brunei,  as  it 
not  only  has  all  the  valuable  properties  of  the  other  sacred  vases,  but  speaks. 
As  the  Sultan  told  this  with  a grave  face  and  evident  belief  in  the  truth  of 
what  he  was  relating,  we  listened  to  the  story  with  great  interest.  He  said, 
the  night  before  his  first  wife  died,  it  moaned  sorrowfully,  and  on  every 
occasion  of  impending  misfortune  it  utters  the  same  melancholy  sounds.  I 
have  sufficient  faith  in  his  word  to  endeavour  to  seek  an  explanation  of  this 
(if  true)  remarkable  phenomenon,  and  perhaps  it  may  arise  from  the  wind 
blowing  over  its  mouth,  which  may  be  of  some  peculiar  shape,  and  cause 
sounds  like  those  of  an  Tiolian  harp.  I should  have  asked  to  see  it,  had  it 
not  been  always  kept  in  the  women’s  apartments.  As  a rule,  it  is  covered 
over  with  gold-embroidered  brocade,  and  seldom  exposed,  except  when  about 
to  be  consulted.  This  may  account  for  its  only  producing  sounds  at  certain 
times.  I have  heard  that  in  former  davs  the  Muruts  and  Bisayas  used  to 
come  with  presents  to  the  Sultan,  and  obtain  in  return  a little  water  from  this 
sacred  jar,  with  which  to  besprinkle  their  fields  to  ensure  good  crops.  In 
looking  over  Carletti’s  Voyage , I find  he  mentions  taking  some  sacred  jars 
from  the  Philippine  Islands  to  Japan,4  which  were  so  prized  there  that  the 

4 Mr.  Earl  gives  a curious  account  of  the  origin  of  these  jars  : " The  relics  of  an  ancient  people 
are  also  to  be  met  with  in  the  inland  parts  of  the  west  coast,  and  although  the  information  I was 
enabled  to  collect  concerning  them  was  extremely  vague  I came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were  a 
race  distinct  from  the  Hindus  of  near  Banjar  Massin  These  relics  consist  merely  of  tumuli,  in 
which  are  sometimes  found  small  earthen  jars,  and  being  supposed  by  the  Dyaks  to  be  connected 
in  some  manner  with  the  ashes  of  their  forefathers,  are  in  all  probability  graves.  The  jars  are  very 
scarce,  and  are  so  highly  valued  by  their  possessors  on  account  of  their  supposed  oracular  powers, 
that  the  offer  of  a sum  equal  to  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  has  been  refused  for  one  of  them.  The 
jars  are  consulted  by  their  owners  before  they  undertake  any  expedition,  and  they  believe  it  will  be 
prosperous  or  the  contrary  according  to  the  sound  produced,  probably  by  water  being  poured  into  it. 
I much  regretted  being  unable  to  inspect  one  of  these  vessels,  as  their  materials  and  manufacture 
might  possibly  throw  some  light  upon  the  relation  which  the  natives  of  Borneo  bear  to  some  other 
parts  of  India.”  (Earl,  pp.  274-5  ) 

“ The  principal  luxury  of  the  Dyaks  consists  in  the  possession  of  a sort  of  large  earthenware 
jar  which  they  assert  to  have  come  from  the  Kingdom  of  Modjopahit,  in  the  island  of  Java, 
but  w'hich  seemed  to  me  of  Chinese  manufacture.  What  confirms  me  in  my  opinion  is  the 
resemblance  I have  found  between  certain  figures  of  dragons  with  long  tails  with  which  these  jars 
are  ornamented  and  the  very  similar  figures  as  regards  form  and  attitude  which  are  seen  on  ancient 


Alleged  Native  Writing  in  Borneo. 


287 


punishment  of  death  was  denounced  against  them  if  they  were  sold  to  any  one 
but  the  Government.  Some,  he  says,  were  valued  as  high  as  £30,000.  The 
Sultan  of  Brunei  was  asked  if  he  would  take  £2,000  for  his  ; he  answered  he 
did  not  think  any  offer  in  the  world  would  tempt  him  to  part  with  it.”  ( ibid 
i.  300.) 

It  is  very  curious  that  nearly  every  one  who  has  something  to  say  about 
these  old  jars  states  that  the  Chinese  have  tried  to  imitate  them  and  to  palm 
them  off  as  new  to  the  Dyaks,  who,  however,  are  not  to  be  deceived.  No 
special  reference  is  made  to  any  particular  tribe  or  occasion.  Dr.  Schwaner 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  make  the  statement. 

For  illustrations  of  Jars  see  supra  i.  68  and  427. 

ALLEGED  NATIVE  WRITING  IN  BORNEO. 

In  the  Sarawak  Gazette,  1894,  p.  169,  it  is  reported  : “ A rather 
extraordinary  incident  happened  in  this  the  Limbang]  river  with  an  Orang 
Kaya,  Jahun,  who  lives  some  way  up  river.  When  asked  to  pay  his  yearly 
tax,  he  sent  a message  to  the  Resident  with  his  tanda  tangan  or  signature — 
which  was  made  by  putting  his  hand  in  ink  and  then  making  its  impression 
on  a white  sheet  of  paper — this  was  then  sent  with  a message  that  he  would 
willingly  come  to  the  fort  if  he  was  brought  as  a prisoner  by  a policeman, 
that  he  would  willingly  pay  the  yearly  sum,  if  he  was  threatened  with 
imprisonment  ; this,  he  said,  would  then  show  he  was  forced  to  pay  and 
would  prevent  bad  odour  with  the  Brunei  government.”  Jahun  may  of 
course  be  a Malay,  or  he  may  have  learnt  the  method  of  signing  his  name 
from  a Malay.  Such  signing  cannot  possibly  be  a native  or  Dvak  method, 
for  the  whole  circumstance  points  to  introduced  materials. 

But  in  his  “ Beginnings  of  Writing  ” the  late  Prof,  de  la  Couperie  would 
make  us  believe  that  the  Dyaks  did  once  understand  the  art  of  writing.  He 
states  (p.  27)  : “ Among  the  several  writings  which  were  used  in  Borneo  two 
have  left  interesting  relics  and  survivals.  The  Dayaks®  engrave  as  ornaments 
some  signs  which  the}-  obviously  understand  no  more.  Some  bamboo  objects 
exhibited  at  the  India  Museum,  London,  bear  these  marks.  The}-  are 

coins  of  Cochinchina  However  this  may  be,  these  jars  appear  very  ancient  and  no  doubt  they  are 
not  manufactured  at  the  present  day,  without  which  no  doubt  on  account  of  their  high  price  the 
Chinese  would  not  fail  to  speculate  in  them  Among  the  Dyaks  these  jars  are  bequeathed  from 
father  to  son  like  sacred  jewels.  The  high  value  they  place  on  these  objects  gives  the  jars  great 
importance,  and  even  if  they  are  cracked  in  various  parts  and  that  some  portion  is  wanting,  or  having 
been  broken  and  are  only  held  together  by  rotan  bands,  their  price  is  none  the  less  considerable. 
The  Dyaks  distinguish  several  varieties  of  jars  which  have  their  proper  names,  and  of  which  the 
principal  are  : 1 — The  Balanga,  a male  jar,  value  from  1,000  to  5,000  florins  and  over,  according  to 
its  beauty  and  its  dimensions.  A balanga  which  I measured  was  70  c m.  high,  48  c m.  in  diameter  in 
the  middle,  and  had  an  orifice  of  24  c.m.  diameter.  On  the  shoulders  were,  one  on  each  side,  two 
serpent-shaped  dragons  with  three  paws  bent  under  them.  2. — The  Hattoe-Halimau,  also  a male  jar, 
according  to  the  Dyaks  worth  500  to  2,000  florins.  The  two  serpents  with  dragon  heads  drawn 
round  the  jar  had  four  feet  3. — The  Pasiran-tiaen,  or  female  jar,  and  which  is  only  valued  at  100  to 
300  florins.  As  for  this  class  of  jar,  it  has  much  the  same  dimensions  as  the  two  above  mentioned  ; 
but  as  handles  it  has  four  geckoes,  each  with  four  paws.  (S.  Muller  ii  361.) 

5 The  name  Dyak  is  here  used  in  its  generally  but  incorrectly  accepted  application  to  all 
natives  of  Borneo  more  or  less  wild. 


288 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


apparently  the  survival  of  an  alphabetical  writing  anciently  known  there  and 
afterwards  forgotten.  \\  e find  a similar  writing  on  an  earthenware  vase  from 
the  same  island  belonging  to  the  Ethnographical  Museum  of  Dresden."  This 
vase,  as  far  as  I can  remember  from  a sketch  communicated  to  me  by  Mr.  A. 
W.  Franks  Sir  Wollaston  Franks'  , is  ornamented  with  two  figures  of  the 
Chinese  dragon,  but  not  Chinese  make.  Dr.  Kern  has  published  some 

inscriptions  found  at  Koutei  in  the  same  island, 
which  are  written  in  the  character  of  Eastern 
India,  the  Vengi  Chalukya  in  Kalinga,  the  same 
that  was  carried  to  Cambodia,  to  Western  Java 
and  elsewhere.  . . .”6 7  Further  on  Prof,  de  la 

Couperie  continues  (p.  131)  : “On  a former 

writing  of  Borneo,8  the  Chinese  records  of  977  a.d. 
give  the  following  information.  It  is  about  a 
letter  written  by  the  native  King,  Hiangta  of 
Puni  (Western  coast  of  Borneo),  to  the  Chinese 
ruler.  The  letter  was  enclosed  in  different  small 
bags,  which  were  sealed,  and  it  was  not  written  on  Chinese  paper,  but  on 
what  looked  like  very  thin  bark  of  a tree ; it  was  glossy,  slightly  green, 
several  feet  long  and  somewhat  broader  than  one  inch,  and  rolled  up  so 
tightly  that  it  could  be  taken  within  the  hand.  The  characters  in  which  it 
was  written  were  small  and  had  to  be  read  horizontally.9 

In  an  appreciative  review  of  the  Professor’s  book  in  the  Athenaeum 
(No.  3518,  March  30,  1895)  it  is  said  the  author  shows  that  the  history  of 
writing  “ is  by  no  means  one  of  progress  only,  from  no  writing  to  pictures, 
from  pictures  to  phonetics,  but  that  he  has  discovered  not  a few  instances  of 
graphic  systems  impeded  or  decayed,  where  adverse  conditions,  such  as  want 
of  intelligence  or  want  of  use,  caused  the  higher  thing  to  degenerate — the 
honest  attempt  to  write  decaying  into  pictures  or  charms,  and  showing  in 
one  more  department  of  the  world’s  history  a case  of  failure  in  the  struggle 
for  life.  His  examples  from  the  Ainos,  Lolos,  and  Dyaks  seem  certain 
enough  ; his  argument  that  Chinese  writing  is  another  example  is  not  so 


The  reviewer’s  conclusion  about  the  Dyaks  (so  called)  is  true  enough 
when  the  late  Professor’s  statements  only  are  taken  into  consideration,  but 
unfortunatelv  the  facts  on  which  the  Professor’s  statements  are  based  are  not 


6 I was  acquainted  with  this  inscription  through  a facsimile  sent  to  my  learned  friends  Col.  H 

Yule  and  Dr  R Rost  by  Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer,  Keeper  of  the  Museum.  This  writing  is  not  without 
some  apparent  connection  with  one  of  the  writings  of  Sumatra.  . [D  L.C.J 

7 Over  de  opschriften  uit  Koetei  in  verband  met  de  geschiedenis  van  het  schrift  in  den 
Indischen  Archipel  8vo.  Amsterdam,  1882,  p 18. — Also  K.  F.  Holle,  Tabel  van  Oud-  en  Nieuw- 
Indische  Alphabetten  Bijdrage  tot  de  palaeographie  van  Nederlandsch  Indie  (800,  Batavia  1882). 
No  80-1  [D.L.C.l 

8 The  vase  and  its  inscription  mentioned  above  is  published  in  the  splendid  work  of  Dr.  A.  B. 
Meyer,  Alterthiimer  aus  dem  ostindischen  Archipel  (Leipzig,  1884,  fol  ),  p.  7 and  pi.  XI.  fig.  4. 

[d'l.c.] 

9 W.  P.  Groeneveldt,  Notes  on  the  Malay  Archipelago  and  Malacca,  compiled  from  Chinese 
Sources,  p tog  [D.L.C.J 


Alleged  Native  Writing  in  Borneo. 


289 


forthcoming.  Nor  does  the  Professor  show  any  direct  connection  at  all, 
between  the  people  who  are  stated  to  have  made  use  of  the  writing  in  past 
times  and  the  present  generation  with  their  bambu  marks,  so  that  there  is  no 
evidence  of  any  degeneration.  An  examination  of  the  illustrations  of  the 
three  writings  as  given  below  will  at  once  convince  every  student  that  they 
are  all  by  different  peoples  who  have  passed  away  and  who  have  left  us  no 
proof  that  the  present  peoples  now  living  in  their  respective  districts  are  their 
blood  descendants. 

I sent  Mr.  Charles  Prsetorius  (who  has  illustrated  the  greater  portion  of 
this  work)  to  the  India  Office  Museum,  London,  in  order  to  cop}’  the 
inscriptions  on  the  bambu  objects — but  these  objects  could  not  be  found.  So 
I wrote  to  the  late  Dr.  Rost,  formerly  of  the  India  Office,  whose  name  is 
mentioned  by  the  late  Professor,  sending  him  a copy  of  the  “ Beginnings  of 
Writings,”  and  this  is  his  reply,  dated  26th  Aug.,  1895  : 

“ It  is  just  possible  that  Sir  Henry  Yule,  with  whom  I was  up  to  the 
time  of  his  death  in  continuous  literary  intercourse,  showed  me  the  facsimile 
in  question  and  even  that  we  exchanged  opinions  about  it.  But  I have  no 
recollection  whatever  of  the  circumstances  and  am  very  sorry  that  my  name 
should  have  been  quoted  by  the  Professor,  who,  I fear,  was  but  too  prone  to 
draw  inferences  from  facts  not  sufficiently  established.” 

I then  addressed  myself  to  Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer,  regarding  the  vase,10  who 
answers  under  dates  29th  Aug.  and  6th  Sept.,  1895,  thus:  “ I may  have  sent 
a facsimile  to  Col.  Yule  but  I do  not  remember  it  and  I cannot  find  an  answer 
from  him.”  Dr.  Meyer  also  informs  me  that  the  inscription,  if  such  it  be,  is 
on  the  bottom  of  the  vase  (see  Fig.  1)  and  that  the  vase  is  decidedly  of 
Chinese  make.  He  writes  that  “ it  may  represent  remnants  of  a Dayak- 
writing,  as  we  know  that  in  Pigafetta’s  time  the  Sultan  of  Bruni  had  10 
writers,  who  wrote  on  thin  bark  of  trees,”11  but  the  learned  Doctor  carefully 
adds  in  his  letter  “this  is  only  a supposition.” 

Whatever  writers  the 
Sultan  may  have  had,  it 
does  not  follow  that  they 
were  Dyaks  or  other 
natives  (other  than  Malays 
or  Chinese),  any  more 
than  because  the  Emperor 
of  China  received  the 
above  mentioned  letter 
from  Puni,  that  that  letter 
was  written  by  Dyaks. 

As  the  letter  was  trans- 
latable, it  was  probably 
written  in  Chinese.  Flg'  2' 

10  The  footnote  No.  1 on  p.  28  of  Beginnings  of  Writings  is  misplaced  and  should  be  placed 
after  the  word  Dresden,  as  it  refers  not  to  the  bambus,  but  to  the  vase. 

11  “ He  has  ten  scribes,  who  write  down  his  affairs  on  thin  bark  of  trees  and  are  called 
cherita-tulis (p.  114.)  Pigafetta,  The  First  Voyage  round  the  World,  by  Magellan.  Hakluyt  Soc. 
vol.  lii.,  London,  1874. 

U 


a 

& JqJJ 


6 


Vol.  2. 


290  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


In  the  Museum  at  Leiden  there  are  a few  good  examples  of  designs,  from 
the  so-called  Dyaklands  in  South  Eastern  Borneo,  but  there  is  no  correspon- 
dence between  these  and  the  writings  discovered  at 
Koutie  (Fig.  2)  and  decyphered  by  that  eminent 
orientalist  Dr.  Kern,  nor  with  the  marks  on  the  Chinese 
jar,  nor  with  the  writing  (?)  on  the  dagger  from  South 
Eastern  Borneo  of  which  I submit  a facsimile  (Fig.  3). 12 

If,  however,  we  speak  of  writing  in  its  broad 
anthropological  sense  of  a general  means  of  ocular 
communication  of  thought,  we  shall  find  the  natives 
have  some  such  methods.  Mr.  F.  R.  O.  Maxwell,  late 
chief  Resident  of  the  Raja  of  Sarawak,  writes  me : 
“ Dyak  and  Kayan  chiefs,  when  sending  for  their 
followers,  use  a spear,  and  should  it  be  for  a war  expedi- 
tion, a piece  of  red  cloth  is  attached.  I know  of  no 
nearer  approach  to  writing.  They  mark  days  by  knots 
in  a piece  of  cord  or  rattan.  Thus  in  sending  to 
people  to  come  in  a certain  number  of  days,  say  30, 
they  will  send  a piece  of  cord  with  30  knots  in  it  and 
the  recipient  cuts  off  one  each  day,  and  when  the  last 
knot  is  gone,  he  has  to  present  himself.  I have  used 
this  plan  often  and  it  is  the  only  way  I could  keep 
Dyaks  punctual.”  In  Mr.  Brooke  Low’s  notes  I find 
he  mentions  : “ The  natives  have  a kind  of  symbolic 
mode  of  communication  by  temuku  tali,  a knotted 
string.” 

In  his  Limbang  Journal  Sir  Spencer  St.  John 
relates  that  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salindong  his  party 
came  upon  a Kayan  resting-place  where  he  found  marks, 
which  proved  that  one  party  had  returned.  “ In  the  hut 
was  picked  up  a woman's  jacket,  with  a small  net,  left 
behind  in  the  hurry  of  departure,  so  it  is  probable  they 
captured  her  while  fishing  on  the  banks  of  some  rivulet. 
Though  certain  they  had  obtained  captives,  opinions 
were  divided  on  the  subject  of  heads.  I could  find  no 
traces,  and  old  Japer  agreed  with  me  that  it  was  un- 
certain ; but  it  would  only  be  accidentally  that  we  could 
have  discovered  indications.  They  have  left  a mark, 
however,  to  show  their  countrymen  that  the)’  had  been 
up  the  Salindong : it  was  a long  pole,  ornamented 
with  three  tufts  pointing  up  that  stream.  The  three 
tufts  were  supposed  by  many  to  show  that  they  had  obtained  three  heads  or  cap- 
tives; it  might  mean  either.  There  were  evidently  two  parties  out.”  (ii.  68.) 

12  [With  respect  to  the  handle  and  its  form  this  dagger  is  especially  different  from  the  well 
known  ancient  Javanese  daggers,  being  made  with  the  handle  all  in  one  piece  of  iron.  The 
ornamentation  of  one  side  is  partly  the  same  as  that  on  another  dagger  blade  from  Bandjermassin, 
also  in  the  Museum  at  Leiden.  J.  D.  E.  Schmeltz.] 


Alleged  Native  Writing  in  Borneo. 


291 

Unless  the  curious  unexplained  signs,  which  Mr.  Hose  once  found  put 
up  after  a murder  had  taken  place,  are  also  a method  of  communication  by 
signs,  Sir  Spencer’s  record  is  the  only  one  I have  come  across.  Mr.  Hose 
was  returning  from  the  head  waters  of  the  Tinjar  river;  he  writes:  “ On  my 
way  down  I stopped  at  Long  Tisam  at  which  place  the  Chinaman,  named 
See  Jee,  was  murdered  last  month,  and  I find  that  posts  have  been  erected 
with  wood  shaving,  daan  isang,  and  seven  wooden  heads  have  been  placed  on 
the  top  of  the  poles.  The  appearance  of  which  poles  being  quite  new,  I 
enquired  of  the  Malays  when  they  were  put  up,  and  find  it  was  about  the 
time  of  the  murder.  I therefore  stopped  at  Long  Merong  and  told  Taman 
Liri,  the  Penghnlu,  to  call  Aban  Avit  and  find  out  for  what  purpose  these 
poles  were  put  up.  I now  think  that  there  is  little  doubt  that  Aban  Avit  had 
a hand  in  the  murder."  (Sarawak  Gazette,  1894,  p.  60.)  Later  on  he 
writes:  “Taman  Liri,  the  Barawan  Penghnlu , will  not  give  an  opinion  as 
regards  Aban  Avit  being  implicated  in  the  murder  of  the  Chinaman  See  Jee. 
But  Taman  Bulan,  the  Kenniak  Penghnlu,  says  that  if  Aban  Avit  put  up  posts 
with  heads  hanging  to  them,  directly  after  the  murder  was  committed,  he 
does  not  think  that  this  was  done  on  account  of  harvest  festivities.  But  that, 
if  it  is  Aban  Avit’s  custom  at  the  end  of  the  harvest  to  use  heads  and  dann 
isang  in  that  way,  he  will  of  course  have  done  so  in  years  gone  by.  Taman 
Liri,  the  head  of  all  the  Barawans,  did  not  put  up  anything  of  this  kind  after 
the  harvest  and  Aban  Avit,  though  head  of  a house,  is  one  of  Taman  Liri’s 
followers.”  (ibid,  p.  74.)  We  know,  of  course,  that  occasionally  among  the 
Muruts  wooden  heads  are  used  to  represent  the  real  head  trophy  (see  supra 
ii.  162),  but  in  the  above  exhibition  there  must  have  been  some  unusual 
meaning,  some  special  communications  to  be  made  to  the  passer-by. 

In  some  cases  tatu-marks  appear  to  be  used  as  a means  of  communicating 
a fact.  Mr.  Burns  says  that  among  the  Kayans  tatuing  is  distinctive  of  rank 
(Jour.  Ind.  Arch,  iii.,  145).  Mr.  Hose  tells  us  the  different  races  are 
characterised  by  different  designs  (Jour.  Anthr.  Inst,  xxiii.  166).  Lieut. 
De  Crespigny  informs  us  that  among  the  Dusuns  only  those  who  have  killed 
a foe  tatu  themselves  (Proc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Soc.  ii.  348).  Mr.  Witti  confirms 
this  (Diary,  19th  Nov.).  At  Tamalan  this  method,  from  representing  bravery 
had  come  to  represent  cruel  murders,  for  those  who  had  sacrificed  slaves 
tatued  themselves,  (ibid,  30th  May.)  Mr.  Hatton  states  that  Muruts,  who 
had  been  on  bold  or  risky  expeditions,  used  to  tatu  and  he  mentions  a case 
where  a Murut,  having  run  away  from  the  enemy,  was  tatued  on  his  back. 
(Hatton’s  Diary,  6th  April.)  So  that  we  may  justly  conclude  that  tatuing 
among  the  natives  of  Borneo  is  one  method  of  writing. 

Mr.  Earl  writes : “ I could  not  discover  any  written  character  among  the 
Dyaks  of  Western  Borneo,  but  it  is  said  that  those  of  the  southern  parts  near 
to  Banjar  Massin  possess  one."  (p.  277). 

It  may  yet  be  shown  that  the  natives  of  Borneo  have  some  simple 
method  of  communicating  their  thoughts  to  one  another,  something  similar  to 
that  of  the  Battas  or  to  such  as  is  referred  to  by  the  late  Prof,  de  la  Couperie, 
or  it  may  still  be  shown  that  they  use  as  ornament  degenerated  letters,  but  so 
far  the  proofs  are  wanting.  Perhaps  these  few  remarks  may  lead  those,  who 


2g2 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

are  in  daily  communication  with  the  natives,  to  make  enquiries,  the  results  of 
which  would  be  looked  forward  to  with  interest. 


Fig.  4- 

The  Writing  on  the  Bottom  of  the  Chinese  Jar, 
Referred  to  by  Prof,  de  la  Couperie.  (See  supra,  Chap.  XXVIII.) 


The  above  remarks  on  writing  appeared  in  the  Internationales  Archiv. 
fur  Ethnographie,  xi.  57,  when  Dr.  H.  Kern,  of  Leiden,  kindly  added  the 
following  note : — 

“ There  can  be  no  doubt  that  writing  in  former  times  was  known  to  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parts  of  Borneo,  but  it  is  equally  true,  as  it  has  been 
remarked  by  Mr.  Ling  Roth,  that  there  is  no  proof  of  any  connection  between 

those  people  who  made  use  of 
writing  and  the  present  Dayak 
tribes.  The  Sanscrit  inscrip- 
tions of  Kutei  are  of  Hindu 
origin,  of  course,  and  not 
produced  by  Dayaks.  The  in- 
scription on  the  bottom  of  the 
vase  published  by  Dr.  A.  B. 
Meyer  has  quite  recently  been 
treated  of  anew  in  the  splendid 
publication,  “ Die  Mangainenschrift  von  Mindoro,  herausgegeben  von  A.  B. 
Meyer  und  A.  Schadenberg,  special  bearbeitet  von  W.  Foy  ” (Fig.  4).  The 
result  is  that  the  characters  belong  to  one  of  the  Philippine  alphabets,  the 
Mangain  writing  of  Mindoro. 


293 


Negritoes  in  Borneo. 

“ The  characters  on  the  dagger  (Fig.  3)  are  decidedly  letters  of  Indian 
origin,  and,  if  read  from  left  to  right,  look  like  ~ | maya  \ ma  | ya  | ma  \ ma  | 
mama  | ma  \ ya  | ma  | . No  meaning,  unless  a cabbalistic  one,  can  be  attached 
to  this  repetition  of  two  letters. 

“Another  specimen  of  writing,  a facsimile  of  which  is  here  published  for 
the  first  time  (see  Fig.  5),  is  found  near  Sanggau  on  a slab  near  the  river  side. 
The  characters  shew  a debased  type  of  Indian  writing.  I am  sorry  to  say 
that  my  endeavours  to  unriddle  the  contents  have  been  fruitless.  The  first 
word  of  the  second  line  may  represent  prabhuh,  a well-known  Sanscrit  word, 
but  it  is  only  with  diffidence  that  I propose  this  reading.  Whether  the 
framers  of  the  inscription  were  ancestors  of  the  present  Dayaks  at  Sanggau, 
is  a question  which  cannot  be  settled  before  one  will  have  found  out  the 
language  of  the  monument.”  fH.  Kern,  16  Febr,  1896.) 

NEGRITOES  IN  BORNEO. 

The  question,  “Are  there  any  Negritoes  in  Borneo?”  is  one  of  great 
interest,  and  has  been  as  yet  by  no  means  solved. 

The  interest  in  the  question  lies  in  the  fact  that  while  in  the  surrounding 
countries  the  existence  of  Negritoes  has  been  more  or  less  proved,  no 
European  has  yet  met  with  a Negrito  in  Borneo.  There  are  plenty  of 
Negritoes  in  the  Philippine  Islands  (A.  B.  Meyer,  “ Die  Philippinen,”  II, 
Negritos;  Dresden;  fob,  1893).  Mr.  Alex.  Dalrymple  says  there  are  none 
in  Palawan,  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett  also  says  he  could  hear  nothing  of  any 
Negritoes  in  that  part  of  Palawan  visited  by  him.  They  exist  in  the  Malay 
Peninsula.  In  Sumatra  the  Kubus  had  been  considered  to  have  at  some 
remote  period  intermingled  with  the  Negritoes,  while  their  osteology  leans 
decidedly  to  the  Malays.  (Dr.  Garson,  J.  A.  I.,  xiv.  132).  In  Java  and 
Madura  I cannot  find  that  Negritoes  are  proved  to  have  existed,  although  the 
Kalangs  are  said  to  be  like  them.  In  Sumbawa  there  is  a race  of  people  of 
whom  almost  nothing  is  known.  (F.  H.  H.  Guillemard,  “ Australasia,  ii. 
1894,  p.  358),  but  it  is  not  stated  they  might  be  Negritoes.  “ It  is  highly 
probable  that  a low  and  primitive  race13  did  once  inhabit  Celebes,  but  if  so, 
it  has,  so  far  as  we  know,  completely  disappeared.”  (ibid,  p.  288.) 

It  was  for  this  reason — namely,  widespread  surrounding  negritic  popula- 
tion— that,  when  at  the  meeting  of  the  British  Association  at  Oxford  in  1894, 
I pointed  out  we  must  suspend  our  judgment  as  to  the  existence  of  Negritoes 
in  Borneo,  I was  told  probabilities  were  against  me,  as  Borneo  was  in  the 
midst  of  a negritic  area.  Since  then,  I find  that  Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer14  had 
come  to  the  same  conclusion  as  I did,  arguing  from  a somewhat  different 
standpoint  to  that  which  I took  up.  He  has  gone  so  thoroughly  into  the 
matter,  that  I translate  his  statement. 

“ Although  for  a long  time  past  all  authors  were  of  the  opinion  that  the 
reports  of  the  existence  of  Negritoes  in  Borneo  were  not  to  be  trusted,  their 

13  Not  necessarily  negritic — nor  is  this  inferred  by  Dr.  Guillemard. 

14  A.  B.  Meyer,  “Die  Philippinem,"  ii. , Negritoes.  Dresden  fol.,  1893,  pp.  71-2 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


294 

existence  has  latety  been  repeatedly  asserted.  Pickering  (‘  U.S.  Explor. 
Exp.,’  1848,  ix.  174)  notices  especially  their  absence,  and  Waitz — Gerland 
(‘  Anthr.,’  1865,  v.  47)  express  themselves  as  follows  : ‘ Older  reports  have 
mentioned  Papuans  which  were  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  interior  of 
Borneo,  but  \Y.  Earl15  remarks  very  correctly  (‘  East  Seas,’  1836,  256)  that 
no  traveller  has  himself  seen  them,  Kessel1'1  also  only  heard  Malay  traders 
speak  of  them  (‘  Z.  f.  a.  Erdk.  N.F.’  iii.  379),  and  Marsden  (‘  Misc.’  37)  only 
mentions  that  a small  Borneo  chief  spoke  of  woolly-haired  Tammans  in  the 
interior;  on  the  other  hand,  Schwaner  (‘Borneo,’  1853,  i.  64)  assures  us 
particularly  that  with  the  exception  of  the  Papuans17  introduced  into  the 
north-east  of  the  country,  there  are  no  others.  Later  on  Earl  (‘  Races  Ind. 
Arch.,’  1853,  146)  found  the  existence  of  Papuans  in  the  interior  of  Borneo 
somewhat  more  probable  but  still  without  sufficient  foundation  in  fact. 
Earl’s  account  in  question  is  held  to  be  credible  by  others,  but  it  is  practically 
a matter  of  individual  opinion  whether  one  believes  it  or  not.  It  mentions 
that  a ship’s  captain  stranded  in  1844  011  the  north  coast  of  Borneo,  at  the 
Berau  or  Kuran  rivers,  once  met,  fifty  miles  inland,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Tabur, 
17  curly  headed  small  men  ornamented  with  cicatrices,  or  at  least  so  the  man 
himself  told  him  (Earl),  and  his  evidence  must  be  considered  satisfactory. 
Everything  else  w hich  Earl  brings  forward  is  calculated  to  weaken  rather  than 
to  strengthen  the  case.  The  district  in  question  has  certainly  not  often  been 
travelled  over,  but  now  that  north  Borneo  has  been  traversed  several  times, 
and  even  Mount  Kinibalu  has  been  several  times  ascended,  and  no  traces  of 
Negritoes18  have  anywhere  been  found,  one  must  very  strongly  doubt  the 
credibility  of  the  statement  of  a ship's  captain.  Junghuhn  (‘  Battalander,’ 
1847,  i.  220,  note)  considers  it  unimaginable  that  anyone  could  have  over- 
looked such  a specialised  race  with  woolly  hair  and  black  skin  in  Borneo. 
Everett,  who  possesses  a profound  knowledge  of  north-west  Borneo,  leaves 
the  reader  in  the  dark  as  to  whether  he  believes  the  statement  of  the  captain 
or  not,  nevertheless  he  seems  to  be  more  on  the  side  of  the  doubters. 
(“  Nature,”  1880,  xxi.  588.)  Giglioli  (“  Yiaggio  Magenta,”  1875,  253) 
believes  the  statement,  and  adds  : “ Beccari  found  no  trace  of  Negritoes 
in  Borneo,  ‘ cioe  vide  indegeni  coi  capelli  crespi.'  ” Unfortunately  Giglioli 


13  Earl  only  says  that  no  Dyak  whom  he  met  had  seen  them,  notwithsianding  that  the  natives 
assert  their  existence  ; but  as  they  also  assert  the  existence  of  tailed  people,  they  must  not  be 
believed. — A.  B.  M. 

16  Kessel  says  that  in  the  interior,  “ namely,  in  the  north-east,”  they  cultivate  the  soil  This 
statement  is  perfectly  incredible. — A.  B.  M. 

17  These  are  Papuans  from  New  Guinea,  whom  the  Sulus  have  brought  home  as  slaves  from 
their  widespread  piratical  expeditions,  or  whom  they  have  purchased  elsewhere,  as,  for  instance,  in 
the  Moluccas.  Schwaner  says,  “ the  few  Papuans  which  were  met  in  the  north-east  of  Borneo  come 
from  the  fatherland  of  the  Papuans,  and  have  been  carried  off  by  the  Sulu  pirates.”  He  adds  also, 
“ that  the  local  traditions  there  speak  against  the  existence  of  Negritoes.”  — A.  B.  M. 

18  See  for  example  Whitehead  (”  Expl  Kina  Balu,”  1893);  compare  Latham  (”  E>says,”  i860,) 
192).  Treacher  ("  J.  Str.  Br.  R.  As.  Soc.,”  1890,  No  1,  p.  101),  says,  “There  are  no  Negritoes  in 
Borneo.”  Hose(“Journ  Anthrop  Inst.,”  1893,  xxiii. , p.  156)  considers  the  Punans,  ” the  nomadic 
tribes  found  at  the  head  waters  of  all  the  big  rivers  in  central  Borneo,”  as  the  real  aborigines 
(p.  157)  : “ I have  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  this  wandering  race  of  people  are  the  aboriginals  of  the 
country.”  The  Punans  are  real  Malays.— A.  B.  M. 


Negritoes  in  Borneo. 


295 


says  nothing  more,  and  in  the  year  1876  when  he  published  his  “ Studi  sulla 
razza  negrita  ” (“Arch.,  p.  Antr.,”  vi.  315),  he  said  nothing  new  on  the  above 
remark  of  Beccari ; it  is  therefore  only  a matter  of  casual  observation  upon 
which  no  value  can  be  placed.  I think  this  all  the  more,  because  when 
Zannetti  (“  Arch.  p.  Antr.,”  1872,  ii.  159),  discussing  a Dyak  skull  of  Beccari’s 
collection,  speaks  against  the  existence  of  Negritoes  in  Borneo,  he  makes  no 
mention  of  any  contrary  opinion  of  Beccari’s.  Finally,  Hamy  (“  Bull.  Soc. 
d’Anthr.,”  187b,  1x6)  refers  to  the  above  mentioned  captain’s  statement,  and 
describes  a skull  which  Jourdan  had  received  at  the  Lyons  Museum  as  a 
Negrito  skull  from  Borneo;  he  says  (p.  118)  that  this  skull  fully  proves  the 
existence  of  Negritoes  in  the  heart  of  Borneo.  In  1882  Quatrefages  and 
Hamy  (“  Cr.  Ethn.,”  195,  tigs.  212,  213)  published  an  illustration  of  this  skull 
as  such ; it  is  ornamented  with  incised  lines  such  as  we  know  the  trophy 
skulls  collected  by  the  Dyaks  of  Borneo  possess.  I do  not  consider  that  in 
this  case  the  conclusion  drawn  from  certain  anatomical  characters  on  the 
race  are  justified.  When,  moreover,  the  Bishop  of  Labuan 19  informs  us 
(“  Tr.  Ethn.  Soc.”  N.S.,  1863,  ii.  25)  that  the  traditions  of  the  Dyaks  of 
north-west  Borneo  indicate  that  a black  race  had  preceded  them,  one  must 
not  jump  to  the  conclusion  that  they  refer  to  Negritoes  ; besides,  according 
to  Waitz— Gerland  (“  Anthr.,”  1865,  v.,  i.  47),  the  traditions  read  quite 
otherwise.  On  what  Flower  quite  recently  supports  his  short  statement 
(“  J.A.I.,”  1889,  xviii.  82),  that  Negritoes  exist  in  the  interior  of  Borneo  I do 
not  know  for  certain,  but  I presume  it  is  on  the  map  in  Quatrefages’  “ Hist. 
Gen.  des  Races  Hum.”  (1889,  to  p.  343),  or  to  the  latter’s  references  in  “ Les 
Pygmees  ” (1887,  42),  but  which,  as  we  saw  above,  do  not  stand  investigation. 
How  carelessly  Quatrefages  went  about  this  question  I may  show  by  a single 
example.  He  says  {l.c.,  p.  76),  “ A Borneo,  les  Dayaks  chassent  au  Negrito 
comme  a la  bete  fauve,”  and  refers  to  Earl  (“  Papuans,”  1853,  147)  ; but  Earl 
only  reproduces  an  account  of  Dalton’s  on  certain  tribes  of  North  Borneo,  of 
whom  Earl  says  that  they  may  perhaps  be  related  to  the  above  named  more 
than  questionable  Negritoes  of  the  ship’s  captain,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
Dalton  himself  calls  them  wild  Dyaks.  As  Dalton  lived  eleven  months  on 
the  Koti  river,  no  one  has  the  right  to  re-christen  his  Dyaks  Negritoes.  That 
which  Earl  adds  to  Dalton’s  account  makes  it  appear  as  quite  settled  that 
these  people  possibly  could  have  been  Negritoes.  Compare  also  Meinicke’s 
excellent  remarks  on  the  absence  of  Negritoes  in  Borneo.  (“  Beitr.  Eth. 
As.,”  1837,  p.  8.)  After  all  this  I conclude  that  there  is  no  proof  yet  of  the 
existence  of  Negritoes  in  Borneo  ; all  the  same,  we  can  only  then  judge  with 
the  fullest  confidence  when  the  whole  interior  shall  have  been  fully  explored.” 
So  far  Dr.  Meyer.  I give  Mr.  Earl’s  statement  in  full : — 

“ The  interior  of  this  large  island  is  occupied  by  tribes  of  the  brown  race, 
whose  warlike  habits,  and  skill  in  the  use  of  missiles,  will  account  for  the 


19  The  Bishop’s  (Dr.  McDougall’s)  words  are  : “ With  respect  to  the  races  of  people,  the 
present  occupants  were,  he  thought,  the  remains  of  a second  wave  of  immigration.  The  black  race 
or  Papuas,  he  thought,  came  in  first,  and  a second  wave  of  Malay  or  Dyak  race  followed  ; the 
traditions  of  the  country  refer  to  such  an  event,  and  people  speak  of  a black  race  having  been  there 
before  them.  The  present  race  were  probably  from  India."  (Trans.  Ethno.  Soc.ii.7i863,p.  26.) — H.L.R. 


296  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

disappearance  of  a less  civilised  race  from  the  southern  and  western  parts  of 
the  island.  In  the  year  1834,  "'hen  on  a visit  to  the  western  coast  of  the 
island,  I was  informed  by  some  of  the  more  intelligent  among  the  natives 
that  a wild,  woolly-haired  people  existed  in  the  interior;  but  the  information 
was  mixed  up  with  so  many  incredible  details  respecting  their  habits,  that  I 
was  led  to  consider  the  whole  as  fabulous  ; and  the  subject  is  treated  in  this 
light  in  the  narrative  of  my  voyages,  which  was  published  soon  after  my 
return  to  England  in  the  following  year.'20 

“ During  a second  visit  to  the  Archipelago,  my  attention  was  chiefly 
directed  to  the  more  eastern  islands,  where  the  held  was  comparatively  new, 
and  I had  no  opportunity  of  obtaining  farther  information  respecting  the 
interior  of  Borneo  until  when  again  on  my  return  to  England  in  1845.  One 
of  my  fellow  passengers  on  that  occasion  was  Captain  Brownrigg,  whose  ship, 
the  ‘ Premier,’  of  Belfast,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  east  coast  of  Borneo 
during  the  previous  year,  when  the  European  portion  of  the  crew  found 
refuge  with  the  Rajah  Mudah  of  Gunung  Thabor,  a place  about  50  miles  up 
the  Buru  or  Kuran  River,  whence  they  were  removed  after  a residence  of 
several  months  by  a Dutch  vessel  of  war,  which  had  been  sent  from  Macassar 
for  the  purpose.  Captain  Brownrigg  was  so  kind  as  to  entertain  me 
frequently  with  accounts  of  the  people  among  whom  he  had  been  thrown, 
and  who  had  not  previously  been  visited  by  Europeans.  They  appear  to  me 
to  differ  in  no  essential  particular  from  the  other  coast  tribes  of  Borneo, 
except  in  being  rather  more  advanced,  as  was  evident,  indeed,  from  the 
hospitable  reception  he  met  among  them  ; but  my  attention  having  been 
aroused  by  a repeated  mention  of  ‘ darkies’  as  forming  part  of  the  population, 
I was  induced  to  make  some  inquiries,  when  I found  that  he  alluded  to  an 
inland  tribe  that  only  occasionally  visited  Gunung  Thabor,  and  who  were  a 
short,  but  stoutly  built,  people,  perfectly  black,  and  with  hair  so  short  and 
curly  that  the  head  appeared  to  be  covered  with  little  knobs.  This  perfectly 
agrees  with  the  general  appearance  of  the  hair  of  the  Papuans,  who  keep  the 
head  shorn  ; and  I have  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  they  were  unmixed 
Papuans.  He  also  described  the  skins  of  the  breast  and  shoulders  as 
displaying  many  raised  scarifications,  apparently  similar  to  those  of  some 
New  Guinea  tribes,  but  which  do  not  appear  to  be  common  among  the 
mountain  Papuans.  On  one  occasion,  a party  of  seventeen  men,  chiefly 
young  and  middle  aged,  visited  the  settlement  for  the  express  purpose  of 
seeing  the  Europeans.  They  appeared  to  live  on  very  friendly  terms  with 
the  people  of  Gunung  Thabor,  from  whom  the}-  obtained  supplies  of  axes  and 
chopping  knives,  giving  the  produce  of  the  forests  in  exchange. 

20  " The  various  tribes  are  said  to  differ  considerably  from  each  other,  an  assertion  I do  not 
pretend  to  dispute,  although  my  own  experience  would  go  to  prove  the  contrary,  since  I saw 
individuals  belonging  to  several  distinct  tribes,  who,  with  the  exception  of  a difference  of  dialect, 
might  be  recognised  as  the  same  people,  those  who  lived  entirely  on  the  water  being  much  darker 
than  the  rest.  It  is  said  by  the  Dyaks  themselves,  that  some  parts  of  the  interior  are  inhabited  by  a 
woolly-haired  people  ; but  as  they  also  assert  that  men  with  tails  like  monkeys,  and  living  in  trees, 
are  also  discoverable,  the  accuracy  of  their  accounts  may  be  doubted.  I met  with  no  Dyak  who  had 
seen  either,  but  as  a woolly-haired  people  is  to  be  found  scattered  over  the  interior  of  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  their  existence  in  Borneo  seems  by  no  means  improbable.” — " The  Eastern  Seas,”  p 225. 
H.L.R. 


Negritoes  in  Borneo. 


297 


“ It  should  be  mentioned  that  this  was  Captain  Brownrigg’s  first  visit  to  the 
Archipelago,  and  he  could  scarcely  have  been  aware  that  any  peculiar  interest 
was  connected  with  this  information,  so  that  his  evidence  must  be  considered 
satisfactory.  I have  since  searched  the  published  accounts  of  visitors  to  the 
east  coast  of  Borneo,  but  the  only  allusion  I can  find  to  a people  who  may  be 
allied  to  the  same  race,  is  contained  in  the  papers  of  Mr.  Dalton,  who  resided 
for  eleven  months  on  the  Coti  River,  to  the  south  of  the  Buru,  during  the 
years  1827-28.  Mr.  Dalton’s  papers  were  originally  published  in  the 
* Singapore  Chronicle’  of  1831  : and  the  following  extract  is  from  Mr.  Moor’s 
‘ Notices  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,’  in  which  they  are  reprinted 

“ ‘ Farther  towards  the  north  of  Borneo  are  to  be  found  men  living 
absolutely  in  a state  of  nature,  who  neither  cultivate  the  ground  nor  live  in 
huts  ; who  neither  eat  rice  nor  salt,  and  who  do  not  associate  with  each  other, 
but  rove  about  some  woods  like  wild  beasts.  The  sexes  meet  in  the  jungle, 
or  the  man  carries  away  a woman  from  some  kampong.  When  the  children 
are  old  enough  to  shift  for  themselves  they  usually  separate,  neither  one 
afterwards  thinking  of  the  other ; at  night  they  sleep  under  some  large  tree, 
the  branches  of  which  hang  low.  On  these  they  fasten  the  children  in  a kind 
of  swing  ; around  the  tree  they  make  a fire  to  keep  off  the  wild  beasts  and 
snakes  ; they  cover  themselves  with  a piece  of  bark,  and  in  this  also  they 
wrap  their  children;  it  is  soft  and  warm,  but  will  not  keep  out  the  rain. 
These  poor  creatures  are  looked  on  and  treated  by  the  Dyaks  as  wild  beasts ; 
hunting  parties  of  twenty-five  and  thirty  go  out  and  amuse  themselves  with 
shooting  at  the  children  in  the  trees  with  sumpits,  the  same  as  monkeys, 
from  which  they  are  not  easily  distinguished.  The  men  taken  in  these 
excursions  are  invariably  killed,  the  women  commonly  spared  if  young.  It  is 
somewhat  remarkable  that  the  children  of  these  wild  Dyaks  cannot  be 
sufficiently  tamed  to  be  entrusted  with  their  liberty.  Selgie  (the  Dyak  chief 
of  Coti)  told  me  he  never  recollected  an  instance  when  they  did  not  escape  to 
the  jungle  the  very  first  opportunity,  notwithstanding  many  of  them  had 
been  kindly  treated  for  years.’21 

“ It  must  be  remembered  that  this  account,  as  well  as  the  extract  from 
Valentyn  respecting  the  wild  tribes  of  Ceram,  is  derived  from  the  information 
of  natives,  who  avowedly  made  parties  for  the  express  purpose  of  hunting 
them,  and  who  are  therefore  in  making  them  appear  as  much  as  possible  in 
the  light  of  wild  beasts.  Neither  of  these  accounts  alludes  to  the  wild  tribes 
as  being  woolly-headed,  but  this  is  a point  on  which  no  native  is  likely  to  give 
information,  unless  the  question  is  expressly  put  to  them.  When  on  the 
coast  of  Borneo  in  1843,  we  had  a Papuan  sailor  on  board  the  vessel,  who 
formed  one  of  my  boat’s  crew,  and  the  peculiarity  of  his  appearance  was 
almost  invariably  a topic  of  conversation  wherever  we  went,  and  if  any  of  the 
natives  we  came  in  contact  with  had  ever  seen  or  heard  of  a people  possessing 
similar  peculiarities,  the  circumstance  was  nearly  certain  to  be  noticed. 

“ It  is  probable  that  information  connected  with  the  existence  of  this 
race  in  Borneo,  which  is  of  considerable  ethnographical  interest,  may  be 

81  Dalton’s  “ Notices,”  p.  49,  G.W.E.  The  term  “ Dyaks  " should  probably  read  " Kayans." 
— H.L.R. 


2g8  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

found  in  Holland,  among  the  documents  containing  the  reports  of  government 
officers  who  have  been  despatched  from  time  to  time  to  make  researches  on 
the  east  coast  of  the  island,  as  Dr.  Roorda  Van  Eysinga,  Professor  of 
Oriental  Languages  and  Geography  to  the  Royal  Military  Academy  of  Holland, 
states  in  his  ‘ Geography  of  Netherlands’  India,’  that  ‘ In  the  inaccessible 
parts  of  the  island  ’ (Borneo)  ‘ Papuans  yet  reside  in  a savage  state, 
bordering  upon  that  of  wild  beasts.’ 22  No  authorities  are  quoted  in  the  work, 
but  as  it  is  used  as  a class-book  throughout  the  Netherlands,  it  cannot  be 
supposed  that  the  statement  has  been  loosely  made.”  (Earl’s  “ Papuans,” 
pp.  144-149.) 

The  reference  by  MM.  Quatrefages  and  Hamy  (“Crania  Ethnica,”  pp. 
194-196)  to  a comparison  between  the  Negrito  skull  and  that  of  the 
Andamans,  induced  me  to  turn  to  Mr.  E.  H.  Man’s  work  “ On  the  Aboriginal 
Inhabitants  of  the  Andaman  Islands”  (Lond.,  1884),  whereon  p.  ng  there 
is  a footnote  reference  to  the  kidnapping  of  the  Andamanese  by  Malays,  &c. 
It  runs  as  follows  : — 

“Captain  J.  H.  Miller,  in  a communication  to  the  ‘ Nautical  Magazine,’ 
1842,  says:  ‘The  islands  in  the  west  side  of  the  Andamans  are  frequented 
during  the  fine  season,  from  December  to  April,  by  a mixed  and  mongrel  race 
of  Malays,  Chinese,  and  Burmese  fishermen  for  beche  de  mcr  and  edible  birds’ 
nests,  who  are  of  very  doubtful  honesty,  and  it  is  necessary  to  take  a few 
muskets  and  cutlasses  just  to  show  them  that  you  are  prepared  for  mischief  in 
case  of  need.  These  fellows  are  also  ‘ fishers  of  men,’  and  to  their  evil  deeds 
much  of  the  hostility  of  the  islanders  may  be  attributed  ; they  carry  off 
children,  for  whom  they  find  a read}-  market  as  slaves  in  the  neighbouring 
countries.  I have  been  told  that  formerly  the)'  were  friendly,  and  assisted 
these  fishermen,  until  a large  party  was  invited  on  board  a junk  or  prow  (the 
Chinese  got  the  blame  of  it),  and  after  being  intoxicated,  were  carried  off  and 
sold  at  Acheen,  and  the  practice  is  still  carried  on  by  these  fellows,  who  land 
and  carry  them  off  whenever  they  can  catch  them.  The  Andamanians  have 
retaliated  fearfully  whenever  any  foreigner  has  fallen  into  their  power,  and 
who  can  blame  them.’”  (“Sailing  Directions  for  the  Principal  Ports  in  the 
Bay  of  Bengal,”  by  W.  H.  Rosser  and  J.  F.  Imray.)  On  asking  Mr.  Man  for 
further  information,  he  kindly  sent  me  the  following  extract  : — “Extract  from 
an  article  entitled  ‘ One  of  the  earliest  accounts  of  two  captive  Andamanese,’ 
edited  from  a paper  by  the  late  John  Anderson,  Esq.,  Secretary  to  Govern- 
ment Penang  Civil  Service,  by  his  son,  Capt.  T.  C.  Anderson.  B.S.  Corps, 
and  published  in  a magazine  called  ‘ Indian  Society,’  May,  1867  : * A Chinese 
junk,  manned  partly  by  Chinese  and  partly  by  Burmans,  proceeded  to  the 
Andaman  Islands  to  collect  beche  de  mer,  sea  slugs  (a  great  treat  in  China), 
and  somewhat  resembling  a black  snail,  which  the  Chinese  dry  and  eat,  as 
well  as  edible  birds’  nests,  which  abound  there.  The  crew  of  the  junk,  which 
was  lying  about  two  miles  from  the  shore,  observed  eight  or  ten  of  the 

22  " Ten  zuiden  van  het  koningrijk  Borneo  wonen  de  wilden  volksstammen,  Doesoems,  K-a-jans, 
Maroets,  en  genaamd.  In  het  outoegankelijk  gedeelte  van  het  eiland  wonen  nog  Papoeaas  in  eenen 
staat  van  wildheid,  welke  aan  dien  der  wilde  dieren  grenst."  " Aardrijkbeschrijving  van  Neder- 
landsch  Indie.”  p.  76. — G.W.E. 


Said  to  have  come  from  Borneo. 
(Lyons  Mus.  From  “Crania  Etlmica.'' 


300  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

savages  approaching  the  vessel,  and  wading  through  the  water.  Upon 
coming  within  a short  distance  of  the  vessel,  they  discharged  several  showers 
of  arrows,  which  severely  wounded  four  of  the  Chinese.  . . . The 

Burmans  gave  immediate  pursuit  in  their  boat,  and  after  much  difficulty 
captured  two  of  the  savages.  These  were  brought  to  Penang  by  the  Chinese. 

One  of  the  savages  was  4 feet  6 inches,  and  the  other  4 feet  7 inches 
in  height,  and  each  weighed  about  76  lbs.  They  had  large  paunches,  and 
though  they  were  so  small  were  in  good  condition.  . . 

“ My  father,  in  a work  entitled  ‘ Considerations  relative  to  the  Malayan 
Peninsula,'  says  in  a paper  on  a tribe  called  ‘ Semangs,’  ‘ There  is  little  doubt 
that  the  degenerate  inhabitants  of  the  Andaman  Islands  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal 
are  descended  from  the  same  parent  stock  as  the  Semangs.  . . . Again 

he  says  of  a Semang  whom  he  saw,  ‘ This  man  was  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to 
Penang,  when  I saw  him,  about  30  years  of  age,  4 feet  9 inches  in  height. 
His  hair  was  woolly  and  tufted,  his  colour  a gloss)^  jet  black,  his  lips  were 
thick,  his  nose  flat,  and  belly  very  protuberant,  resembling  exactly  two 
natives  of  the  Andaman  Islands  who  were  brought  to  Prince  of  Wales’ 
Islands  (i.e.,  Penang)  in  the  year  1819.’” 

At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  me  : “ I feel  sure,  however,  that  the  skulls 
found  in  Borneo,  which  differ  so  widely  from  those  of  Dyaks,  can  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  Andamanese,  none  of  whom,  so  far  as  we  know,  were  ever 
taken  beyond  Penang  and  Perak.”  But  how  can  we  tell  to  what  distance  these 
kidnapped  islanders  were  taken?  We  have  seen  Chinese  and  Burmese  pirates 
visited  the  Andamans.  When  the  great  pirate  fleet  was  destroyed  (190  killed 
or  drowned  and  31  taken  to  Sarawak),  releasing  390  captives  (140  by  death 
only),  “ among  the  captives  there  were  people  from  every  part  of  the  Eastern 
Archipelago,  from  Borneo,  Celebes,  Java,  the  smaller  islands,  and  the  Malayan 
Peninsula.”  (Helms,  p.  212.)  The  wide  range  of  the  pirates,  who  brought  their 
captives  to  the  Sulu  slave  mart,  is  referred  to  by  Dr.  Guillemard.  (op.  sit.  p.  92.) 
If  Andamanese  were  carried  to  the  Malay  Peninsula,  there  is  every  probability 
of  their  having  been  carried  further  east,  and  hence  possibly  to  Borneo.  On 
asking  M.  Ernest  Chantre,  Director  of  the  Museum  des  Sciences  Naturelles 
at  Lyons,  where  the  skull  is  deposited,  for  further  information  regarding  its 
origin,  he  wrote  to  me  under  date  of  24th  January,  1894  : “ All  that  I can  tell 
you  over  and  above  what  is  mentioned  in  the  * Crania  Ethnica  is  that  it  was 
obtained  more  than  thirty  years  ago,  as  coming  from  Borneo,  but  we  do  not 
know  under  what  circumstances  it  was  got.  In  fact,  I do  not  possess  a single 
document  about  it.  I may,  however,  add  that  side  by  side  with  this  engraved 
skull  we  possess  another  one  equally  small,  not  engraved,  but  blackened  by 
smoke.  It  was  purchased  about  ten  years  ago  from  a natural  history 
merchant  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  as  coming  from  Borneo.  Further 
requests  for  measurements  of  this  second  skull  failed  to  elicit  any  reply.  1 he 
illustration  of  this  engraved  skull  shows  very  characteristic  Borneo  tracery, 
and  leaving  apart  the  fact  that  we  are  not  sure  from  what  part  of  Borneo 
these  engraved  skulls  are  obtained,  and  also  leaving  apart  the  absence  of 
mention  by  anyone  who  has  seen  these  engraved  skulls  hung  up  by  the  people 
who  engraved  them,  we  must  conclude  that  this  skull  must  have  passed 


30i 


Negritoes  in  Borneo. 

through  the  hands  of  Borneo  people.  But  this  by  no  means  proves  that  the 
skull  originally  came  from  Borneo.  So  much  for  the  artificial  evidence.  If 
the  skull  is  so  identical  with  that  of  Andamanese,  as  I understand  MM. 
Quatrefages  and  Hamy  appear  to  think — but  which,  as  seen  above,  Dr.  A.  B. 
Meyer  doubts — then  it  may  have  been  introduced.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
further  independent  examination  should  show  it  to  be  only  generally  similar, 
then  it  may  possibly  be  indigenous.  It  may  also  be  accepted  as  a fact  that  if 
the  skull  can  be  proved  to  have  been  brought  from  far  inland,  we  shall  have 
good  evidence  that  Negritoes  exist  or  existed  in  Borneo. 

We  have  seen  above  how  MM.  Quatrefages  and  Hamy  have  distorted 
Mr.  Dalton’s  statement,  and  mis-read  that  of  Bishop  McDougall.  They 
further  quote  M.  Domeny  de  Rienzi  and  Captain  Gabriel  Lafond.  M.  Rienzi 
writes  (Oceanic,  p.  258) : “ As  to  the  Endamens  or  Aetas,  with  woolly  hair 
and  sooty  colour,  hardly  any  are  met  with  now  in  Kalemantan,24  although, 
originally,  they  inhabited  this  island,  whence  they  spread  over  the  rest  of 
Malaysia.  The  Papuans  have  overcome  them,  &c.,  &c.”  This  is,  of  course, 
merely  a statement  without  any  proof.  Captain  Lafond  (Bull.  Soc.  Geogr., 
2nd  Ser.  V.  1836)  says  (p.  174)  that  the  negro  race  exists  in  Borneo,  and  then 
adds  (on  p.  175) : “ As  to  Borneo,  I did  not  see  any  black  inhabitants, 

although  I touched  its  shores  twice.  But  while  at  Macassar  I heard  men 
worthy  of  credence  speak  of  the  existence  of  blacks  in  that  great  island, 
who  lived  in  the  mountains.”  Previously  to  this,  however  (p.  154),  he  quotes 
M.  Walckenaer  (Monde  maritime,  ch.  xv.),  who,  he  says,  asserts  that  “the 
existence  of  the  maritime  negro  race  in  Borneo  has  been  already  pointed 
out.”  I have  not  been  able  to  refer  to  M.  Walckenaer’s  book. 

In  Professor  Sir  William  Flower’s  “ Catalogue,  Royal  College  of 
Surgeons”  (London,  1879,  p.  125),  he  thus  remarks  on  skull  No.  745: 

“ A cranium  said  to  be  that  of  a Dyak It  presents  more 

Melanesian  than  Malay  characters,  and  may  be  of  Papuan  origin,  as 
Papuans  are  often  taken  to  Borneo  as  slaves.”  It  will  be  observed,  Sir 
William  Flower  does  not  jump  to  the  conclusion  that  Papuans  are  indigenous 
to  Borneo. 

In  this  enquiry  no  reference  is  made  to  the  presence  of  the  Negrito  in 
prehistoric  times.  If,  as  now  appears  to  be  generally  believed,  the  negro 
family,  like  the  rest  of  mankind,  had  its  origin  in  the  Indo-African  continent 
(Keane’s  “ Ethnology,”  pp.  229,  242),  it  may  be  probable  that  Negritoes  once 
existed  in  Borneo.  On  the  other  hand,  Borneo  is  comparatively  new.  It 
consisted  originally  of  a few  islands,  which  were  later  on  joined  together,  and 
ultimately  took  on  a shape  very  similar  to  that  of  Celebes  now,  the  larger 
portion  of  the  present  form  of  Borneo  being  recent  geologically — tertiary  and 
post-tertiary.  (See  Posewitz.)24  As  one  island  it  probably  did  not  exist  at  the 
time  of  the  disappearance  of  the  Indo-African  continent.  The  only  stone 
implement  found  so  far  is  the  neolithic  one  found  by  Mr.  A.  Hart  Everett. 
(J.A.I.  i.,  P.E.S.,  p.  39),  but  others  may  yet  be  found.  The  evidence  of  a 

23  Old  name  for  Island  of  Borneo. 


24  “ Borneo;  its  Geology  and  Mineral  Resources.”  Lond.,  1892.  pp.  259-260. 


302 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


pre-historic  occupation  of  the  island  is  still  wanting,  and  with  it  necessarily 
any  trace  of  Negrito  occupation.  The  existence  of  the  Negrito  in  Borneo 
in  the  past  or  in  the  present  has  yet  to  be  proved. 


Section  of  the  stone 
implement  found  by 
Mr  A.  Hart  Everett 


APPENDICES. 

i. 


SEA  DYAK  (Rejang  and  Batang  Lupar  District), 
MALAY  and  ENGLISH  VOCABULARY. 

With  Examples  shewing  the  words  in  use. 

From  the  Notes  of  Mr.  H.  Brooke  Low. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

abus 

abu 

ashes. 

achok 

cuchok 

to  prick,  to  thrust  at. 

ada 

ada 

to  be  born  ; dim  nuan  ada,  where  were  you 
born  ? 

adap 

macham 

manner,  way  how  ; nama  adap  pia,  why  is 
it  done  so  ? 

adu,  ngadu 

ator 

adjust,  arrange  ; adu  api,  trim  the  light  ; 
adu  tikai,  straighten  the  mat. 

ai 

ayer 

water  ; ai  langkang,  low  water. 

aiam 

permainan 

a plaything  ; to  play. 

aian 

tampak 

to  be  visible  ; to  come  into  sight. 

ajat 

sumpit 

bag  made  of  cane  for  carrying  clothes. 

ajih 

to  enchant,  to  charm,  to  work  miracles. 

aka 

dudun 

bosom-friend. 

akai ! 

adoh  ! 

oh  ! alas  ! akai indai ! oh  dear  ! 

akal 

akal 

understanding,  cunning,  deceit. 

aki 

grandfather. 

akiet 

lantieng 

raft. 

aku 

sahya 

I,  me  ; as  a verb  to  acknowledge,  to 
confess. 

alah 

overcome ; enda  alah , not  to  be  overcome, 
i.e.  impossible,  unable  to  do  ; alah  jako, 
to  be  worsted  in  an  argument. 

alai 

sebab 

cause,  reason  ; iya  nadai  alai,  there  is  no 
reason  why  ? kati  alai,  how  can  ? &c.,  &c. 

alam 

dalam 

in,  within. 

alau 

buntak  besar 

locust. 

alau  ! 

alau  ! exclamation  of  surprise. 

alit 

to  close  up. 

alu 

pestle. 

ama-ama 

ama  dulu,  ama  dili  ; sometimes  up  river, 
sometimes  down  river. 

amang 

pia  amang,  perhaps  so,  &c.,  I wonder, 
suppose. 

amang 

to  pretend,  feign,  flourish,  brandish  ; 
amang  munoh  munsoh,  to  pretend  (go 
through  the  actions)  to  kill  an  enemy. 

amat 

benar 

true. 

11. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English. 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

ambai 

onde 

mistress,  love,  keep. 

ambat, 

to  receive,  meet,  go  to  meet  (one)  ; to 

ngambat 

await  one’s  arrival;  to  intercept  (hostile 
sense). 

ambi 

ambil 

to  fetch. 

ambis,  also  abis 

habis 

finished,  all  gone. 

ambu 

mengakun 

acknowledge,  own,  claim,  adopt. 

amboh 

nappar 

to  forge. 

ambun 

ru 

fog,  mist ; casuarina,  only  because  of  the 
resemblance  of  the  foliage  of  this  tree 
to  a fine  veil. 

am  pa 

husk  ; ampa  padi,  paddy  husk. 

ampit 

to  come  in  for  a share. 

ampoh 

achap 

flooded. 

amput 

to  sting ; d' amput,  stung  (by  bees,  wasps, 
centipedes). 

anak 

anak 

child  ; anak  laki,  son  ; anak  indu,  daughter; 
anak  arnbu,  adopted  child  ; anak  menyadi, 
brother’s  child,  i.e.  nephew  or  niece ; 
anak  biak,  young  children  ; anak  biak 
is  “follower”  only  when  contracted 
anembiak. 

anang 

jangan 

don’t  ; anang  began,  don’t  bother  ; anang 

guai,  don't  hurry,  not  so  fast : anang  pta, 
don’t  do  so. 

anaraja 

neraja 

rainbow. 

anchau 

ampar 

to  spread  (mats) ; beranchau,  spread. 

andal 

arap 

to  believe,  trust,  to  rejoice. 

andau, ngandau 

a bridge  ; to  bridge  over  ; ngandau  sungai, 
to  bridge  over  a river. 

anga 

ravenous  (the  rabid  appetite  one  gets  on 
recovery  from  fever). 

angat 

panas 

hot,  warm  ; ai  angat,  hot  water  ; tunggu 
angat,  a heavy  fine ; menoa  angat,  infected, 
plague-stricken  country. 

anggap 

to  count  up,  reckon. 

angkabai 

sukat 

measurement. 

angkong 

bunut 

horse-mango. 

anjong 

antar 

to  bring,  take,  send,  convey. 

ansah 

asah 

to  sharpen,  whet. 

ansak,  ngansak 

to  urge. 

ansang 

miang 

the  blossom  of  palms,  reeds,  &c. 

anta 

gay,  fine,  handsome ; anta  bendar  menyadi  de, 
how  gay,  handsome  your  brother  looks. 

anti 

nanti 

to  wait  for. 

antu 

hantu 

a spirit ; antu  pala,  the  smoke-dried  head  of 
a person  killed  in  war  ; enda  betuku  antu, 
a deceiving  spirit  ; antu  buyu,  antu 
grasi,  names  of  evil  spirits ; jai  antu, 
a demon. 

apai 

bapa 

father  ; apai  orang,  a father  of  a family. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


in. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

apai 

bintang 

star. 

apai-indai 

ma  bapa 

parents. 

apin 

belum 

| not  yet ; even  if ; ka  apin  Snggai,  even  if  I 
didn’t  want  to. 

apit 

tapis 

to  strain,  squeeze. 

apus 

padam 

to  extinguish  ; apus  ari, when  the  day  is 
extinguished,  night ; apus  pikul,  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  measure,  full  to  the  brim  ; 
apus  ai,  the  whole  of  the  river. 

aram 

(contr.  am) 

marilah 

come  on,  come  along. 

arang 

arang 

charcoal. 

ari 

deri 

from. 

ari 

hari 

day,  time;  ni  ari  netnuai,  ni  ari  bumai? 
where’s  the  time  to  visit,  where’s  the 
time  to  farm  ? mekang  ari,  the  time  is 
insufficient,  &c.  ; aku  nadai  ari,  I've  no 
time,  &c. 

arok 

abu 

soot. 

asai 

rasa 

taste,  sensation  ; kati  asai  tuboh  nuan,  how 
do  you  feel  ? 

asi 

nasi 

boiled  rice. 

asoh 

suroh 

to  allow,  to  send,  to  order. 

atas 

atas 

upon,  over,  above. 

ati 

hati 

heart,  mind,  liver  ; ati  aku  tusah,  my  mind 
is  troubled  ; ati  aku  enda  nyamai,  my 
mind  is  ill  at  ease,  uncomfortable ; nyamai 
ati  aku,  my  mind  is  at  ease,  free  from 
anxiety  or  worry ; sekut  ati,  perplexed  ; 
aku  nadai  jai  ati  enggau  laut  enggau  china 
iang  anjong  pengeraja  kitai,  I have  no 
ill  feeling  against  Malays  or  Chinese; 
they  bring  wealth  to  us ; gagi  ati,  glad, 
delighted. 

au 

auak  ka 
auh 

iya 

yes. 

in  order  that  . . . . let  it  be  that  .... 

let  be  (hence — never  mind), 
noise,  hum,  murmur;  auh  bala,  hum  of  the 
army,  auh  ribut,  murmur  of  the  wind. 

aya 

bapa  manakan 

uncle. 

babas 

babas 

wood,  brush,  thicket,  new  growth,  bush  ; 
bulu  babas,  leaves. 

badas 

bagus 

fine,  handsome,  good,  nice ; badas  rita, 
good  news. 

badi 

rughi 

to  come  to  grief,  go  to  the  wall,  suffer  loss ; 
enggai  badi  ngapa,  I won't  suffer  loss  to 
no  purpose. 

badu 

1 

berhenti 

to  stop,  end,  cease ; badu  nuan  minta  utai, 
cease  asking  for  things ; badu  enda,  by 
no  means,  on  no  account. 

IV. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

bagas 

kuat 

always,  continually,  often ; rather  zealous 
to  be  always  doing  a thing ; bagas  tindok, 
constantly  sleeping  ; de  bagas  niabuk,  aku 
jarang,  you  are  always  getting  tipsy,  I 
rarely. 

bai,  mai 

bawa 

to  bring. 

baia 

buaya 

(alligator)  crocodile. 

baiam 

to  pet,  to  play  with. 

bajai 

some  winged  animal  of  Dyak  mythology. 

baka 

rupa 

like,  like  to ; baka  ka  udah,  as  formerly. 

bakun 

dudun 

to  have  a bosom  friend. 

bala 

bala 

expeditionary  force,  a war  party  ; pengiong 
bala,  advance  guard. 

bali 

ubah 

to  change,  alter,  alter  in  appearance,  color; 
bali  moa,  to  change  one’s  appearance. 

baliek,  maliek 

malik 

to  look  at,  look  towards. 

balu 

balu 

widowed,  widow,  widower ; indu  balu,  a 
widowr ; laki  balu,  a widower. 

banchak 

tikam 

to  throw,  to  thrust. 

bandau 

biawak 

a large  lizard. 

bangat 

brapa 

very,  exceedingly  ; enda  bangat  mansau,  not 
particularly  ripe ; kati  nuan  bangat  manclial 
bakatu,  how  is  it  that  you  are  so  very 
mischievous  like  this?  bangat  kalalu, 
quite  too  much. 

bangkis 

prau  papan 

a plank  boat. 

bangkit 

banghit 

scented  flower. 

bangkong 

prau  bertimbo 

a boat  with  a single  plank  fastened  into 
the  dugout  at  the  water  line. 

bansu 

puas,  biase 

perpetually,  accustomed. 

bantai 

pungga 

to  expose  to  view7 ; bantai  utai,  unpack 
things. 

bantun 

chabut 

to  pull  out,  root  out,  pull  out  by  the  roots, 
to  wreed  ; bantun  bulu  mata,  to  pull  out 
the  eyelashes. 

barieng 

to  roll  along. 

baroh 

rendah 

short  (stature),  low7  (hills). 

baroh 

bawa 

baroh,  low,  with  prefix  di  (by)  below, 
under ; di  barok  bukit,  under  below7  the 
hill,  at  foot  of ; bukit  baroh,  low  hill. 

basieng 

tupai  pinang 

squirrel  (smallest  kind). 

batang 

batang 

batang  indu,  main  stream ; in  the  first 
sense  batang  means  the  trunk  of  a tree, 
the  stem  ; batang,  name,  own  name, 
proper  name,  real  name,  family  name, 
i.e.  stem. 

batak 

tarik 

to  drag. 

batu 

batu 

stone,  rock. 

batu 

stone. 

batu  pegai 

security,  a pledge  for  something  in 
pawn. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


v. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

bauh 

panjang 

tall  (vegetation),  long  (hair);  to  grow  up; 
babas  kami  ( nyan ) bauh,  our  farm  land 
(brush)  has  grown  up ; awah  ha  buah,  let 
it  grow  long. 

baum 

berpakat 

to  confer,  deliberate,  consult,  take  counsel. 

bebakoh 

bersahabat 

to  become  friends. 

bebas 

ketas 

to  pull  to  pieces,  take  apart ; bebas  rumah, 
pull  to  pieces  the  house. 

bedau 

masih  balum 

still,  yet,  more,  not  yet. 

bedega 

bracken. 

bedingah 

famous,  celebrated. 

beduan 

katcho 

to  worry,  annoy,  tease,  vex,  bother,  trouble, 
persecute  ; beduan  diri,  worry  one’s  self. 

beduru 

berbunyi 

to  roar  (a  beast  of  prey),  rumble  ; prut  aku 
beduru,  my  stomach  rumbles. 

bedus 

kambieng 

goat. 

beg,  begau 

bego 

to  set  up  a hue  and  cry. 

begadai 

besik 

slowly,  cautiously,  gently  ; bejako  begadai, 
to  speak  in  a low  tone. 

begaiang 

pierced  ; maio-indu  iambi  di  pasar  begaiang 
idong,  many  of  the  Tamil  women  in  the 
bazaar  are  pierced  through  their  noses. 

begelis 

to  run  a foot-race. 

begitang 

bergantong 

to  hang. 

beguai 

gopo  singgaut 
gampang 

to  be  in  a hurry 

beguang 

used  with  reference  to  a married  couple ; 
laki  beguang  bini,  the  husband  follows  the 
wife  to  her  people. 

bejako 

bertutur 

to  talk,  converse  with,  talk  to. 

bejalai 

berjalan 

to  walk. 

bejali 

berpinjam 

to  lend. 

bejamah 

bertangkap 

to  fight,  to  have  a rough  tumble. 

bekalieng 

bersain 

to  accompany,  associate  with. 

bekalih 

pusing 

to  turn  round,  from  side  to  side,  change 
one’s  position,  posture. 

bekarong 

sindir 

to  be  enclosed  in  a case ; jaho  bekarong, 
disguised  speech. 

bekau 

bekas 

a vestige,  remains,  trail ; bekau  kaki,  foot- 
print. 

bekejang 

berangkat 

to  leave  (one  place  for  another),  to  start  ; 
anti  tembu  nya  bekejang,  wait  until  you 
have  done  and  we  will  start. 

bekindu 

berdiang 

to  warm  one’s  self  in  the  sun  or  before  a 
fire. 

belaboh 

jatoh 

to  let  fall,  to  drop ; belaboh  wong,  to  shoot  the 
rapids  ; belaboh  nugal,  to  commence  sowing. 

belaki 

berlaki 

to  take  a husband. 

belala 

rindu  or  suka 

inclined,  pleased ; agi  belala  bejako  enggau  de, 
still  pleased  to  converse  with  you ; agi 
belala  na  nuan,  continue  to  like  you. 

VI. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

belaloh 

to  have  over  and  above. 

belama 

selalu 

always,  continually,  perpetually. 

belawa 

berikut 

to  run,  to  follow. 

belelang 

menahun 

to  sojourn  in  a strange  land,  to  travel. 

beleman 

macham- 

fanciful  ; anang  beleman,  don’t  play  the 

macham 

fool  ; maioh  beleman,  very  fanciful. 

belit,  melit 

gulong 

to  coil  round,  wind  round  ; melit  sirat,  to 
coil  the  loin-cloth  round. 

belut 

earth-worm. 

benda 

tajau 

or  tempian 

earthen-ware  jar. 

bendai 

chanang 

a shallow  gong  beaten  with  wood ; bebendai, 
to  beat  a bindai 

bendar 

benar 

indeed,  true,  very. 

benong 

while,  during,  middle-aged ; Benong,  adverb 
of  time  or  degree,  signifies  rather  a 

certain  point  than  duration  ; in  the 
examples  given,  iya  benong  makai,  just 
when  he  is  very  busy  eating ; benong 
berapi,  at  the  time  when  we  were  most 
engaged  in  our  cooking,  &c. ; anang  ngawa 
iya  benong  makai,  don’t  bother  him  in  the 
midst  of  his  meal ; benong  berapi,  ari 
ujan,  it  began  to  rain  while  we  were 
cooking. 

bentang 

bentang 

bentang  tali,  to  stretch  a rope  across  a river ; 
bentang  maroh,  a line  no  one  may  pass, 
used  when  cholera  is  about. 

benyut 

gregar 

to  quiver,  rock,  shake,  quake : batang  benyut, 
the  log  rocks ; tanah  benyut,  to  quake,  of 
the  earth. 

bepangkang 

seblah 

to  live  next  to,  to  be  a next  door  neighbour 
to  ; aku  enggai  bepangkang  sida  nya,  I will 
not  be  next  neighbour  with  them. 

bepelieng ) 

berblit 

to  meander,  go  a roundabout  way  (of  river 

beselieng  , 

or  road). 

beragai 

gagah 

an  omen  bird. 

berandau 

bertutor 

to  talk,  converse,  discuss,  gossip. 

berangkat 

to  lift,  to  carry  away,  to  levant,  elope  with 
a man’s  wife. 

berap,  merap 

tangkap 

to  embrace,  catch  round,  throw  one’s  arms 
round,  lock  in  embrace. 

berapi 

masak 

to  cook. 

beratong 

beranyut 

(also  Dayak) 

to  drift  with  the  tide. 

beredup 

to  thump,  creak,  &c. ; the  noise  of  the 
paddles  on  the  thwarts  of  a boat  when 
paddling. 

berekak 

enchekak 

to  catch  by  the  throat,  throttle. 

berentak 

to  ram  in,  drive  in. 

berimba 

to  cut  down  old  jungle,  to  clear  for  farming 
purposes. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


vn. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial.) 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

berimbai 

bersindi 

to  lie  alongside. 

berinsor 

surut 

to  decrease. 

berintai 

berikut 

in  sequence,  in  order,  in  line. 

berumpak 

belumba 

to  run  a boat  race. 

berupai 

nampak 

visible  ; bangat  enda  berupai,  hardly  visible. 

beruran 

lapar 

starvation,  famine,  hunger,  scarcity. 

besagu 

tikam  k’atas 

to  raise  up,  to  throw  up,  toss  up  ; besagu 
ringka,  to  throw  up  the  football. 

besai 

besar 

large,  big,  great. 

besatup 

bertemu, 

berjumpah 

to  encounter,  meet,  clash,  come  into  con- 
tact, collision  with ; sidaiya  mudik  kami 
undur  besatup  tengah  ai,  they  were  going 
up  river  and  we  were  going  down  river 
when  we  collided  in  mid-stream. 

besibil 

besudi 

telesse 

to  resemble  in  sound,  to  rhyme, 
to  undergo  the  hot-water  ordeal. 

besundang 

tuka 

to  exchange  gifts  ; besundang  ha,  munoh  ani 
enggai,  I will  exchange  gifts  (as  a token 
of  friendship),  but  I will  not  kill  a pig 
(for  sacrifice). 

betah 

lama 

of  time,  long ; aku  enda  betah  nuan,  I can- 
not be  with  you  long. 

betangkai 

gumpul 

to  bunch,  to  ear  (corn)  ; jako  betangkai, 
endless  talk. 

betauing 

turut 

to  accompany,  hang  on  to,  follow  one 
about ; kati  nuan,  lain  betauing  iya  ? how 
about  you,  are  you  going  to  follow  him 
about  ? 

betelai 

betemu 

bebisik 

to  whisper, 
to  meet. 

beterangau 

bertriah 

cry  out. 

betingik 

bertingkar 

to  wrangle. 

betis 

betis 

the  calf  of  the  leg. 

betu 

lukus 

scalded,  burnt. 

betuju 

(tuju,  to  point 

tentu 

unauthenticated  ; vita  enda  betuju,  the  rela- 
tions or  narratives  do  not  agree. 

towards) 

betuku 

tentu 

certain,  sure,  trustworthy;  enda  betuku  antu, 
a lying  spirit. 

betunga 

berjumpa, 

bertemu 

to  turn  towards,  to  meet,  have  an  inter- 
view with. 

betusi 

bebisik 

to  narrate. 

also  betusoi 

bidai 

bidiek 

klasa 

a rattan  and  bark  mat  (large  sized), 
fortunate,  successful,  lucky. 

bilik 

bilik 

room,  apartment. 

bisa 

bisa 

poisonous  (sting,  bite),  potent,  telling, 
effective  : jako  aku  bisa,  my  words  are 
cutting. 

bisi 

ada 

to  be,  is  there  ? there  is,  to  have. 

bla 

sama 

sama-sama 

alike,  equally,  equal,  even ; bla  peninggi, 
same  height. 

H.  Ling  Roth  — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


viii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

blah,  mlah 

to  split ; met  ah  pinang,  to  split  the  betel 
nut,  the  mode  of  divination  resorted  to 
in  the  marriage  ceremony,  to  perform 
the  marriage  service,  to  marry  (couples). 

blaia 

berkelai,  gadoh 

to  quarrel  ; blaia  enggau  pangan  diri,  to 
quarrel  with  one's  own  friends. 

blanda 

(berikut) 

to  run  ; blanda  kia,  blanda  kia,  to  run  back- 
ward and  forward  ; blanda  anchau  tikai, 
run  and  spread  the  mats. 

blansai 

karong 

bag,  sack  of  grass  or  reeds,  ordinarily  the 
gunny  bag. 

bluit 

berlipat 

serpentine,  sinuous,  winding,  crooked, 
round  about ; tanjong  Unit , tortuous  bend 
in  the  river. 

bok 

rambut 

hair  of  the  head  only. 

bong 

bong 

war-canoe. 

botoh 

buto 

penis. 

brang 

brang 

upper  arm. 

brau 

bras 

rice  (uncooked). 

brauh 

bunyi 

a noise  ; nama  utai  nya  brauh  ? what  is  that 
making  a noise  ? 

buah 

buah 

fruit. 

buah 

sebab 

reason,  cause,  ground ; nama  kabuah,  for 
what  reason?  why?;  kabuah  nya , for  this 
reason,  because  of  this;  nadai  kabuah  iya 
enggai,  there  is  no  possible  reason  why 
we  should  not;  nadai  kabuah-buah  ngaiau, 
no  pretext  for  going  on  the  war-path. 

buai,  muai 

buang 

to  throw  away,  fling  away,  pitch  away, 
toss  away ; muai  utai  ka  telok,  muai  ka 
lubok,  to  throw  something  into  a pond 
or  pit. 

budi,  mudi 

prankap 

to  entrap,  decoy,  snare. 

buiyah 

moth. 

buiyan 

takut 

timid,  nervous 

bujal 

knob  or  bulb  ; bujal  tawak,  the  knob  or 
bulb  in  the  middle  of  a gong. 

bujang 

bujang 

bachelor. 

bukau 

kladi 

kladi,  the  cladium. 

bulan 

bulan 

moon,  month  ; bulan  sigi  kamari,  last  month. 

bull 

eddy. 

bulih 

dapat 

to  get,  obtain,  procure,  catch  (fish). 

buloh,  munti 

buloh 

bamboo. 

bulu 

bangsa 

i. — hair  (body),  feather,  down  ; bulu  mata, 
eye-lash.  2. — race  ; orang  nyelai  bulu, 

men  of  a different  race,  kind,  tribe, 
colour. 

bumai 

bum  a 

to  farm. 

bungai  ] 
bunga  f 

bunga 

flower. 

bunsu 

bungsu 

youngest  ; anak  bunsu,  the  youngest  of  the 

family. 

/ 


Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


IX. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

buntas 

beruntas 

to  disembowel. 

buntau, 

drowsy,  sleepy,  rather  the  sensation  after 

ngantok 

- 

having  lost  a night’s  rest,  not  the  sleepi- 
ness which  comes  in  the  early  part  of 
the  night  (ngantok). 

buntis 

padi  buntis,  cleaned  paddy. 

burai 

rambu 

tassel  (necklace). 

burak 

putih 

white  (colour). 

burit 

burit 

bottom,  base. 

buru 

buru 

to  drive  away ; buru  manok,  drive  away  the 
fowls. 

buruk 

burok 

rotten ; orang  burok,  good  for  nothing ; buah 
buruk,  rotten  fruit. 

but 

busok  lansang 

rotten,  putrid  ; ban  but,  a rotten  smell. 

butang 

penal,  fineable,  to  render  oneself  liable  to 
a fine,  adultery  ( the  fineable  offence). 

chapak 

pinggau 

saucer,  plate. 

chelap 

sejok 

cold,  cool,  light  (as  applied  to  fines  in 
opposition  to  angat,  heavy)  ; tunggu 
chelap,  a light  fine. 

chenaga 

chuchi 

purification  ; clienagu  rumah,  house  purifi- 
cation. 

chiru 

jerinih 

clear,  transparent  (water). 

chuan 

chuntu 

a mould,  model,  pattern. 

dagu 

chin. 

damun 

damun 

brush  (two  years’  growth). 

danau 

danau 

lake. 

dandong 

sarong 

to  wear  a sarong  reaching  to  the  feet,  to 
wear  a long  skirt. 

dara 

dara 

maid,  maiden  (a  marriageable  but  un- 
married girl). 

datai 

datang 

come. 

dedat 

pukul 

to  beat  or  drum  upon. 

dejal 

sumbat,  pakal, 

to  cork,  stuff  up,  stop  up  (a  hole,  leak),  to 

libat 

caulk. 

delapan 

delapan 

eight. 

demam 

demam 

ague. 

deredai, 

ngeredai 

to  dry  (clothes)  in  wind. 

di 

kau 

you  (singular  number). 

di 

at,  by,  in. 

di  ya  or  di-ia 

skarang  ini 

now  (adv.)  ; pukul  brapa  dia  ? what’s  the 
time  now  ? directly ; diya  tu,  immediately, 
at  this  moment. 

dia 

sana 

there. 

diau 

diam 

to  reside,  live,  keep  quiet,  stay  ; dini  nuan 
diau,  where  do  you  live  ? diau  anang 
bejako,  be  quiet,  don’t  talk. 

X. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

dilah 

lidah 

tongue ; dilah  tanah,  a tongue  of  land, 
promontory. 

dingah 

hear;  fame,  distinction,  reputation. 

dini  ? 

mana  ? 

where  ? 

begimana  ? 

how  ? 

dini-dini 

di  mana-mana 

wherever,  however. 

diri 

self,  oneself. 

dudi 

after,  behind ; dudi  ari,  some  other  time, 
some  other  day. 

duduk 

dudak 

to  sit,  sit  down. 

dugau 

to  be  idle,  have  nothing  to  do,  idle  about ; 
puas  dugau-dugau,  tired  of  doing  nothing; 
unemployed,  without  anything  to  do, 
purposeless. 

duku 

parang  tebas 

chopping  sword. 

dulu 

dahulu 

adverb  of  place  or  time,  before. 

empa 

to  eat. 

empai 

belum 

not  yet. 

empalai 

kabun 

kitchen,  garden. 

empang 

blatt. 

to  adjust,  arrange,  settle ; emparu  lata, 
adjust  a difference,  settle  a case. 

emparu 

putus 

empasa 

ubi  bandong 

tapioca. 

empedu 

empeddu 

gall-bladder. 

empekak 

cluck  of  a hen  after  laying  an  egg. 

empeleman 

mote,  an  insect  which  gets  into  your  eyes, 
also  dust  getting  into  the  eyes  is  called 
empeleman. 

empran 

padang 

a plain. 

empu,  ngempu 

to  own;  owner;  aku  empu,  mine. 

empurau 

semah 

a kind  of  fish. 

enchekak 

chepak 

to  throttle. 

nyekak 

enda 

tida 

not ; enda  me  'tu,  not  if  I know  it ; enda 
alah,  not  able. 

endor 

tempat 

place  ; dini  endor  kita  hulih  ila  ? where  are 
we  likely  to  get  some  by  and  bye  ? Kati 

endor  iya  enda  lekat  ka  ginto  ? how  did  it 
manage  not  to  stick  on  the  hook  ? Utai 
pandok  nadai  endor  iya  enda  angat,  things 
cooked  have  no  place  but  to  be  hot. 

enggai 

tida  mau 

will  not,  won’t,  to  be  unwilling. 

enggau 

dengan 

connective  conjunction,  with,  and;  also  as 
verb,  to  use,  to  wear. 

enggi 

pun 

note  of  possession ; enggi  sapa,  whose ; 
enggi  iya,  his ; enggi  sapa  langkau  nyin  ? 
whose  is  that  shed  ? 

enggikami 

kita-pun 

ours. 

(see  enggi) 

perhaps,  may  be. 

engkah 

barangkali 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xi. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

engkah 

simpan 

to  put,  place,  set,  deposit. 

engkabalu 

widowhood ; empai  tembu  engkabalu,  the 
period  of  widowhood  is  not  completed. 

engkaiyu 

lauk,  saior 

relish,  condiment  (vegetable  or  animal  food 
as  an  accompaniment  to  rice). 

engkalubang 

a pit-fall  (hole  with  calthrops). 

engkasak 

ngrebat 

to  writhe,  wriggle,  struggle  with,  offer 
resistance  to. 

engkelulut 

insect,  a diminutive  fly  ; getah  engkelulut, 
the  wax  deposited  by  a fly. 

engkila 

jaga 

to  watch,  scout,  spy ; aku  engkila  siduai,  I 
was  watching  them  both. 

engklait 

wild  gambir. 

engklaiyu 

to  fade,  to  lose  colour,  tarnish. 

engklis 

miniak  nioh 

cocoa-nut  oil. 

engkraju 

tembaga 

copper. 

engku 

aku  pun  (empu) 

mine,  contr.  from  enggi  aku,  see  enggi. 

engkukok 

the  crowing  of  a cock. 

engkuleh 

rimah  dahan 

tiger-cat. 
'to  give. 

enjok 

ensana 

ari  dulu  (hari) 

day  before  yesterday. 

ensanos 

dahulu 

ensapa 

siapa  pun 

whose,  contr.  from  enggi  sapa. 

ensera 

cherita 

legend,  fable,  myth,  story. 

ensepi 

cheri 

to  taste,  feel,  be  conscious  of,  aware  of ; 

or  sepi 

ensepi  asi,  taste  what  it  is  like;  ensepi  diri 
parai,  I feel  as  though  I were  dead. 

^ensiang 

luasi 

to  clear,  to  prune ; mensimg  tapang,  to 
prune  the  bee  tree  ; mensiang  jalai,  to 
clear  the  road  of  grass,  &c. ; siang,  clear 
light ; ben-  or  men-siang,  to  make  clear, 
to  cause  to  be  light. 

ensilip 

padam 

to  go  out  (of  life  or  sun),  to  fade  away. 

ensuroh 

surok 

to  crouch ; ensuroh  baroh  batang,  to  creep 
under  the  log ; jako  ensuroh,  humble, 
submissive  language. 

entekai 

pumpkin. 

entekok 

bengok 

goitre. 

entelah 

a riddle,  conundrum,  enigma. 

entemu 

tumeric. 

enti 

jekalau 

if ; enti  benama,  if  it  should  be  so. 

entighis 

source  of  a river. 

entran 

batang 

shaft ; entran  sangkoh,  spear-shaft. 

entun,  ngentun 

tarck,  ulur 

to  pull,  haul,  launch;  entun  prau,  to  launch 
the  boat. 

gadai 

pelehan 

gadai-gadai,  softly,  slowly,  gently,  gradu- 
ally. 

gaga 

suka 

glad,  pleased,  delighted  ; gaga  penapat  ati 
aku,  I am  truly  delighted. 

XII. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

gagai,  ngagai 

agar 

to  pursue,  follow  after,  to  arrive  at  ; nadai 
utai  di  gagai,  I am  not  going  after  any 
thing. 

gagang 

sengkar  prau 

thwarts  (boat). 

gaiang 

salang 

to  pierce,  make  a hole  in. 

gaiyu 

tuah 

long-lived ; enda  gaiyu  nyaua  aku,  I am  not 
long-lived. 

galau  (ngalau) 

simpan 

reserve,  keep  by,  reserve  for  another  day, 
save  up ; galau  jiyaka  pagila,  keep  it  for 
to-morrow. 

gama 

to  touch,  feel  (pulse,  &c.) ; rather  a system 
of  stroking,  massage,  &c.,  adopted  by 
medicine  men. 

gamal 

rupa 

appearance. 

gandong 

grip  ; gandong  prau,  bulwarks. 

ganggam 

tegoh  tegah, 

sturdy,  firm,  steady,  sure  (foot,  &c.), 

telap 

secure  ; tiang  ganggam,  the  post  is  firm  ; 
ganggam  moa,  stern,  resolute  face. 

gari 

tuka  kain 

a change  of  clothes  ; nadai  mai  gari,  didn’t 
bring  a change,  &c. 

gasieng 

bergassing 

to  spin  a top. 

gaua 

gago 

busy;  ngaua,  to  bother;  anang  ngatta  udok 
benong  makai,  don’t  bother  the  dog  while 
he  is  feeding. 

gauk 

rindu 

gauk  ka  nuan,  fond  of  you;  gauk  nanya  rita, 
fond  of  asking  for  news. 

gaum,  ngaum 

itong 

reckon,  include,  count. 

gegusu 

curly  (hair)  ; bok  gegusu,  frizzled  ; rambut 
bergulong,  curly  haired. 

gelang 

gelang 

bracelet. 

gelema 

furtively ; pindah  gelema  malatn,  in  secret, 
secretly. 

gempong 

gumpul 

to  collect  into  a heap. 

gempuru 

to  collect  together. 

gemu 

gemok 

fat,  stout. 

genap 

sabilang,  tiap 

each,  every ; genap  taun  bulih  padi,  every 
year  we  get  rice. 

genggam 

genggam 

a handful. 

genselan 

blood  offering,  propitiatory  offering ; genselan 
padi,  blood  offering  sprinkled  at  time  of 
sowing. 

gentieng 

glen,  valley,  ravine,  gorge,  gully. 

gentu 

pisang  kra 

wild  plantain. 

gerar 

gelar 

to  name. 

gerigau, 

gadah 

to  make  a noise ; anang  nyerigau,  do  not 

nyerigau 

make  a noise. 

getah 

getah 

sap,  gum  ; English  gutta  ; getah  tungkun, 
i.e.  the  gutta  used  for  torches  ; dammar. 

getil,  ngetil 

gentu 

to  pick  (flowers),  pluck  (leaves);  to 
pinch. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xiii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

giga,  ngiga 

an  SO 

to  seek,  go  in  quest  of,  to  look  for,  search 
after  ; ngiga  tnenoa  nyarnai,  menoa  grai, 
menoa  chelap,  menoa  lindap,  to  look  for  a 
comfortable,  healthy,  cool  and  pleasant 
country. 

giliek,  ngiliek 

gunchang 

ngiliek  na  pala,  to  shake  the  head  in  token 
of  dissent. 

gilieng 

gulong 

to  roll,  roll  up. 

ginti 

kail 

fish-hook. 

girau 

to  stir  round  (coffee). 

gitang 

guntang 

to  suspend,  hang  up. 

glumbang 

umbak 

wave  (sea),  breaker ; glumbang  raia,  enor- 
mous rollers. 

grah 

slack,  loose  (fit),  opposite  to  tight. 

grai 

baik 

well  (health) ; menoa  grai,  healthy. 

gngang, 

kachoh 

to  trouble,  disturb. 

ngngang 

anting  anting 

grunjong 

man’s  earrings. 

guai-guai 

singgaut- 

singgaut 

in  a hurry  (adv.). 

gunggo 

bayang  bayang 

shadow. 

iban 

the  laity  in  contradistinction  to  manangs, 
medicine  men  ; the  Dyaks  only  in 
contradistinction  to  one  of  another  race 
who  may  be  addressed. 

idong 

idong 

nose. 

iga 

iga  iya  enda  nemu  ! as  if  he  didn’t  know. 

ikan 

ikan 

fish. 

iku 

ikur 

tail. 

ili 

ilis 

sea-ward,  down  stream ; (opposite  to  ulu, 
interior,  up  stream). 

impun, 

limpan,  taroh 

to  take  charge  of,  care  of. 

n gempun 

inda  (?) 

even  (?) 

indai 

ma 

mother. 

indiek, 

tinjak 

to  tread,  trample  on,  step  on. 

ngindiek 

indu 

prempuan 

female,  woman  ; orang  indu,  a woman, 
women  ; indu  utai,  insect ; indu  guang, 
mistress. 

ingat 

ingat 

to  remember. 

mggap 

inggap 

to  settle  (bees),  to  perch,  alight  (birds). 

injun,  nginjun 

gunchang 

to  shake;  nginjun  bilik,  to  shake  the  room. 

ingkoh,ningkoh 

to  cut  round,  separate  from  the  trunk, 
detach  ; ningkoh  bandir  tupang,  to  cut 
away  the  buttress  of  a bee  tree. 

insak 

ingus 

mucus  from  the  throat  or  nostril. 

XIV. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay  - 
(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

insit,  nginsit 

bergerak 

move  away  from,  to  move,  stir;  enda  noinsit 
prahu  ari  nya,  the  boat  doesn’t  move,  stir 
from  its  place,  &c. ; enda  nginsit  ari  rumah 
diri,  he  does  not  move  from  his  own 
house. 

insor 

recede,  abate. 

intu 

ibun 

to  watch,  guard,  take  care  of. 

inyak  (?) 

nyor 

cocoa-nut. 

ipa,  ngipa 

to  wait  for,  to  meet  in  the  way,  to  waylay, 
ambush. 

ipak 

patul 

like,  sort,  commensurate ; ipak  iya,  patul 
dia,  like  his  sort. 

ipar 

ipar 

brother-in-law  or  sister-in-law. 

ipoh 

ipoh 

(i.)  a species  of  palm,  (ii.)  a fermented 
drink  obtained  from  the  palm,  (iii.)  any 
strong  drink  [essence  of  tuak,  old  tuak, 
strong  undiluted  tuak] . 

ipoh 

upas 

poison  ; ipoh  lajah,  arrow  poison. 

irau 

susah,  kachau 

distress  oneself ; trail  ati,  anxious,  uncom- 
fortable, anxiety. 

iri 

tuang 

to  pour  out. 

irieng,  ngirieng 

to  guide  by  the  hand,  to  lead. 

irit 

tarik 

to  drag. 

irup,  ngirup 

minum 

to  drink. 

isi 

(i.)  flesh,  (ii.)  the  body,  (iii.)  to  fill  up,  i.e. 
make  a solid  body  of ; isi  tunggu,  to  pay 
a fine. 

isi 

isi 

flesh ; pengki  isi,  firm  flesh  as  opposed  to 
lenii  isi,  muscular  flesh  ; badas  isi,  fine 
(good)  flesh. 

iya 

dia 

he,  she,  it,  him,  her. 

jagau 

manok  jagau,  fowl  marks,  i.e.  the  markings 
by  which  game  fowl  are  recognised. 

jai 

jahat 

bad,  evil;  jai  mati  (emphatic). 

jaiau 

love-philtre,  potion. 

jako 

chakap 

language,  speech,  talk,  saying  ; nadai  jako, 
nadai  'ku,  he  has  nothing  to  say,  never 
mind. 

jala 

jala 

casting-net. 

jalai! 

jalan  ! 

go ! jalai  de  minta  sida  sa  bilik,  go  you  and 
ask  that  family. 

jalai 

jeraia 

path,  a way,  custom  ; rantau  jalai , on  the 
way. 

jalong 

bason. 

jamah 

to  pitch  into,  jamah  asi,  to  pitch  into  the 
rice. 

jamoh 

grip,  grapple,  clasp,  handle,  tackle. 

jampat 

pantas 

fast,  quick. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xv. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

janggat 

kundur 

a fruit  resembling  vegetable  marrow. 

jani 

babi 

pig,  boar. 

jani 

babi 

pig ; jani  menoa,  domesticated  pig ; jani 
kampong,  wild  (or  jungle)  pig. 

japai,  nyapai 

ambil 

to  pick  up  (something  that  has  fallen), 
lay  hold  of,  catch  hold  of,  to  reach  ; 
japai  roti,  hand  me  the  bread. 

jarejfi,  jarang 

seldom,  rarely  (adv.J,  scarce,  uncommon 
(adj.). 

jari 

tangan 

hand. 

jauh 

jauh 

far,  distant,  long  way. 

jaum 

potong 

to  sacrifice,  slaughter,  immolate  (for  a 
superstitious  purpose). 

jaung 

rerang 

a species  of  spiny  palm. 

jelu  jangkiet, 

monyet 

a climbing  animal  (monkeys,  &c.),  tree- 

nyangkiet 

(monkey) 

walking  animals. 

jemah 

ultimately,  by  and  bye,  subsequently, 
some  other  day,  some  future  occa- 
sion. 

jeput 

as  much  as  can  be  taken  up  between  the 
points  of  fingers  and  thumb. 

jibul 

big  bottle. 

jimbi,  nyimbi  'l 

jimboi,  i 

jimor 

to  dry  in  sun,  put  out  to  dry. 

nyimboi 

jingkau, 

ambil 

to  reach  for,  fetch,  get,  pick  up  (a  thing 

nyingkau 

that  has  dropped),  touch. 

jingkong 

to  bend  into  an  arch  (as  smambu  for  teladok 
prau),  to  force  into  a circular  shape, 
bend  round,  arch. 

ju 

tulak 

to  push. 

jugau 

bodo 

senseless,  imbecile,  ignorant  ; kami  iban 
jugau  penapat,  umpai  tulih  ka  akal,  we  are 
as  ignorant  as  can  be,  we  do  not  yet 
understand. 

jiinggur 

tanjong 

a jutting  out,  promontory. 

jungkang 

lofty  (prau). 

jurieng 

pointed  ; jurieng  mat  a,  sharp  sighted. 

ka 

to,  for,  and  also  to  express  numerical 
order,  e.g.  sa,  dua,  tiga,  i,  2,  3 ; ka  sa,  1st; 
ka  dua,  2nd  ; ka  tiga,  3rd. 

ka,  deka 

mau 

to  want,  wish,  desire. 

ka-dia 

tadi 

just  now,  at  present. 

kabak 

kapala  ( = head) 

skull,  cranium. 

kaban 

company,  clan  ; Samoa  kaban  kalieng  kami, 
the  whole  of  our  tribe. 

kachang 

chabi 

chili,  capsicum,  bean. 

kadeka 

kahandak 

wish,  desire  ; nama  kadeka  ati  nuan  ? what 
is  your  wish  ? 

XVI. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

kadua-kadua 

separu-separu  1 

some  others;  half-half;  kadua  nginti  kadua 

skeda-skeda  ) 

nyimpit,  some  are  angling,  others  shoot- 

kaiang 

ing  with  the  blow  pipe  ; nginti  enda  lama 
bul ih  ikan  mengalan,  we  were  not  long 
fishing  and  we  caught  a mengalan  fish  ; 
nyumpit  enda  lama  bulih  jelu  jangkit,  we 
were  not  long  shooting  and  we  got  a 
jangkit ; kadua  ttda,  kadua  bedau,  some  we 
have,  got,  some  we  have  not  yet  got. 
undecided  ; agi  kaiang,  irresolute. 

kaiau,  ngaiau 

to  go  on  the  war-path,  make  war;  a war- 

kaioh,  ngaioh 

berkaiyuk 

path,  expedition,  campaign, 
to  paddle. 

kaiu 

kayu 

wood. 

kak 

gagah 

a crow  (bird). 

kaki 

kaki 

foot. 

kala 

kala 

ever  do,  ever  have;  kala  nuan,  do  you  ever, 

kala 

have  you  ever ; enda  kala,  never ; enda 
kala,  never  do,  never  have, 
the  scorpion. 

kalah,  ngalah 

berbalik 

to  turn  round,  turn  on  one  side,  change 

(also  pusing) 

one’s  position,  reverse ; kalah  kitu,  turn 

kalalu 

telaluk 

round  this  way,  to  decline,  set,  go  down 
(sun),  to  slope,  slant ; bekalah,  to  change 
places;  de  na  ngalah  ka  orang,  to  want  to 
obtain  the  superiority  over  others;  to 
put  in  the  wrong. 

excessive,  too  far;  bangat  kalalu,  quite  too 

kaleman 

petang 

much. 

dark  (night) ; ari  nyau  kaleman,  the  day  has 

kalia 

mansea 

become  very  dark,  i.e.  moonless, 
of  old,  ancient,  former,  of  yore,  once  upon 

kalieng 

dengan 

time ; adat  kalia,  ancient  custom ; ari 
kalia,  from  old  times. 

companion ; samoa  kubu  kalieng  kami,  all  our 

kaliti 

kupak 

followers  and  companions, 
to  peel  off  (skin). 

kamah 

kotor 

dirty. 

kamaia  ? 

bila  ? 

when  ? kamaia  kabua  dia  ? how  is  the  fort 

kamarau 

kamarau 

getting  on?  kamaia  nuan  datai  dia?  when 
did  you  get  there  ? 

dry  weather,  drought,  spell  of  hot  weather, 

kamari 

kamarin 

the  dry  monsoon. 

yesterday  ; limai  'mari,  yesterday  evening. 

(ari  kamari) 
kambut 

kandi 

satchel. 

kamerieng 

ngerin 

tiger  fly. 

karni 

kita 

we  ; kami  menoa,  wre,  in  contrast  to  others. 

kampong 

utan 

old  jungle,  primeval  forest  ( kyan  titan, 

kanan 

kanan 

virgin  forest), 
right  (distinct  from  left). 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xvn. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

kandong, 

buntien 

pregnant  (woman,  corn,  &c.),  to  get  into 

ngandong 

the  family  way,  to  get  with  child. 

kang 

kandar 

pubes. 

kangau, 

tunggah 

to  call,  shout,  call  out. 

ngangau 

kantok 

shoots. 

kapa  ? 

apa  sebab  ? 

why  ? what  for  ? 

karau 

glap 

dark,  dusty,  misty,  &c. ; agi  kavau-karau, 
while  it  is  still  deep  twilight. 

kasih 

kasih 

to  have  pity  on,  be  kind  enough. 

kasumbar 

kasumbar 

soubriquet. 

kati 

apa 

kati,  what  ? indeed,  affirmative;  hatipemesai 
rerga,  what  is  the  price  ? 

katong, 

angkat 

I lift,  remove,  carry  ; dua  ikan,  aku  katong, 

ngatong 

I carry  off  two  fishes ; end'  alali  katong, 
tiiboh  sepuloh,  ten  men  could  not  lift  it ; 
katong  ka  rumah,  katong  ka  ruai,  carry  it  up 
to  the  house,  carry  it  up  to  the  verandah. 

kebah-kra 

tegal 

wherefore  ? therefore. 

kebok 

tempayan 

a small  earthen  jar. 

kebut 

gago 

to  stir,  bother ; anang  kebut,  don’t  bother. 

kedil 

tebal 

dense  (population),  stout  (cloth). 

kelaiang, 

nebrang 

to  cross  over  (from  one  side  to  another) ; 

nglaiang 

tumu  aku  kelaiang  kitu,  I came  across 
quite  early. 

kelala 

kanal 

to  recognize,  to  know  again. 

kelaung, 

larang 

to  pass  over ; aku  nggai  nglaung  jaku  titan, 

nglaung 

I will  not  cross  the  words  of  the  tuan. 

kelimat 

taroh 

to  save,  keep  for  by  and  bye;  kadua  kelimat 
makai,  some  of  it  keep  to  eat  by  and  bye. 

kelui,  ngelui 

limpas 

to  pass ; tya  udah  di  kalui  kami,  we  have 
passed  that ; superior  to,  surpass,  past, 
beyond  ; an  chapi  nglui,  ari  rusa  ngelui, 
pork  is  superior  to  beef,  &c.,  to  excel, 
exceed. 

kembai 

kembang 

swollen,  to  swell. 

kembuan 

pake,  simpan 

to  keep,  treasure ; binda  tunggu  enda  tau  di 
kembuan,  ko  tuan,  the  fine  cannot  be  kept 
the  tuan  says. 

kempang 

to  feel  it  in  one,  feel  up  to  a thing,  feel 
competent  to;  kempang nuan  munoh  orang? 
do  you  think  you  could  kill  a man  ? 
Diui  aku  kempang  nanggong  umai  pangan 
diri!  how  can  I take  my  companion’s 
farm  ! enda  kempang,  not  up  to  it. 

kempat 

letas 

to  cut  through ; kempat  bok,  to  trim  the  hair ; 
kempat  teladok,  to  sever;  kempat  Hang,  to 
cleave  a post. 

kendua  (contr. 

we  two. 

kami  dua) 

kenyalang 

kinchallang 

rhinoceros  horn-bill. 

kenyilieng 

b 

green  beetle  ( chrysochroa ). 

H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


xviii. 


Sea  Dyak. 


kepit 

kerukor 

kesa 

kesai,  ngesia 
kesat 

ketas,  ngetas 
ketau,  ngetau 

ketawa 

ketieng 

kia 

kiba 

kibong 

kilah,  ngilah 


kilat 
kikil 
kimbiet, 
ngimbiet 
kini  ? 

kini  (amang) 

kitai 

kitu 

klabu 

klai 

klambi 

klau 

klingkang 

koiyu 

kran 


krawang 

krebak, 

ngrebak 

krembai, 

ngrembai 

kresa 

kresiek 

kretum 

krieng,  ngrien: 


Malay 

(Colloquial). 


English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


kurungan, 

sangkar 

krengga 

keboh 

sedjok 

kerat 

ngatam, 

beriihah 

tertawa 

puki 

kasia 

kiri 

klambu 
blakang,  bekas 


kilat 

pelok 


to  squeeze,  jam,  squeeze  in  between, 
cage. 

red  ant. 

to  splash  (of  water),  brush  away,  ward  off, 
to  shake  (mat,  blanket), 
chilly, 
to  sever. 

to  reap,  gather  in  the  harvest. 

to  laugh,  laugh  at. 
clitoris. 

thither  ; anang  kia,  don’t  go  there, 
left  (contrasted  with  kanan,  right.) 
curtain. 

behind,  next  to;  kilah  kitu,  there  and  here; 
kilah  nya,  after  that,  next  to  that ; kilah 
ngetau,  after  the  harvest  ; ngilah  bukit, 
behind  the  hill,  beyond,  &c. ; kilah  ensana, 
the  day  before,  day  before  yesterday, 
lightning. 

1 wart. 

to  embrace,  cuddle. 


kamana  ? 
barang  kali 
ka-situ 


tan  da 

baju 

utap 


kuat 


alun 

silak 


ampar 


barang,  herta 

pasir 

empighit 

kras 


where  to  ? hint  ka  nuan  ? nok  sini  kau  ? 

where  are  you  off  to  ? whither  away  ? 
perhaps  so;  pia  kini!  may  be. 
we,  our,  us  (inclusive  of  person  addressed), 
hither;  kitu  nuan  enda  lama,  come  you  here 
a minute, 
grey. 

token,  mark,  sign,  pattern,  mould. 

coat,  jacket. 

shield. 

hoop. 

cheek. 

to  be  eager;  enti  iya  bangat  kran  nan  kapala, 
tiadai  jaku,  if  he  is  very  eager  in  with- 
holding the  head,  never  mind, 
passage,  channel. 

to  part  open  (curtains),  to  lift  up  (petticoat), 
to  open  letter  (box),  to  lift  open,  uncover, 
lift  the  cover,  remove  the  lid  (bintang). 
to  unfold,  spread  out  (casting  net),  krembai 
ka  kajang,  to  spread  (an  awning) ; krembai 
ka  surat,  open  out  the  book, 
personal  property ; anak  kresa  utai,  small 
articles  of  property, 
sand, 
bug. 

hard,  powerful ; ngrieng,  to  prepare  for  ; 
krieng  rekong,  stiff  necked. 


Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xix. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

krimpak 

maringka 

fragment,  piece  of  brass  or  earthenware. 

kroh 

karoh 

muddy  (water). 

krubong 

skull. 

krukoh 

krukoh 

scrub  (one  year’s  growth  ; kyan  bate,  first 
year’s  growth  after  harvest). 

kuan 

wrist ; mesai  kuan,  as  big  as  the  wrist. 

kubal 

India-rubber. 

kudi,  ngudi,  jai, 

binchi 

cursed,  to  hate,  detest ; kudi  aku  tneda,  I 

rosak 

hate  to  see  it. 

kukok,  ngkukok 

kokok 

a cock’s  crow,  to  crow. 

kukut 

kuku 

claws,  nails. 

kumbai, 

panggil 

to  think,  fancy,  imagine,  suppose,  to  call ; 

ngumbai 

orang  ngumbai  nuan,  someone  is  calling 
you. 

kunye 

grgit 

to  chew,  bite,  swallow,  masticate,  chaw 
up  (dogs). 

kusi,  ngusi 

kupak 

to  skin,  flay,  peel  ; menoa  nyau  kusi,  the 
country  is  worn  out,  worked  out. 

kusieng 

kluang 

bat. 

kusil,  ngusil 

getil,  ngetil 

to  pick  (flowers  or  leaves,  &c.). 

laban 

owing  to;  anti  ai  langkang  nadai  jalai  merau 
laban  bah,  wait  till  the  water  is  shallow, 
there  is  no  road  for  the  boat  owing  to 
the  freshet. 

labang 

putch 

white  ; manok  labang,  white  fowl  ; lang 
labang,  white  kite. 

laboh 

jatoh 

to  fall. 

labong 

dultar 

head-covering,  cap. 

ladong 

selabit 

a pack-basket. 

lagi 

ila 

by-and-bye,  presently. 

laia 

bichara 

quarrel,  dispute,  case  ; laia  empa  ukue,  a 
frivolous  dispute;  emparu  laia,  adjust  a 
dispute. 

laja 

lajah 

a sumpit  dart. 

laki 

laki 

husband,  man,  male. 

lali 

trima 

to  receive,  accept,  harbour. 

laloh 

lebih 

more,  over,  in  excess. 

lama 

lama 

long  (time). 

lancham, 

nglancham 

to  point  (a  pencil,  stake). 

landai 

rata 

inclined  only  very  slightly. 

landiek 

pannai 

clever,  ready ; landiek  bejaku,  to  speak 
fluently  ; to  be  a dab  at  talking. 

lang 

menaul 

a kite  or  kestrel. 

langgai 

the  long  tail  feathers  of  a bird  ( manok,  tagai ) 
as  opposed  to  pumpun,  the  shorter  tail 
feathers  of  a bird. 

langgu 

a pendant ; langgu  tingga,  ear-pendants. 

langkang 

kring 

shallow,  dried  up  ; ai  langkang,  low  water. 

langkau 

dango 

hut ; langkau  umai,  farm  house. 

XX. 


H.  Ling  Roth.— Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dvak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

lanji 

a basket  of  a certain  size  ; sa  lanji  bran,  a 
package  of  rice. 

lanjut 

Ian jar 

distended  (breasts). 

lansiek 

trus 

clear  (sight). 

lantang 

senang 

free  from  trouble ; leisure,  convenient, 
comfortable. 

lapang 

padang 

an  opening,  open  space. 

lari 

lari 

to  run  away,  escape,  to  take  off,  away  ; 
lari  ka  jari  de,  to  take  your  hand  aw'ay  ; 
lari  ka  labong,  off  with  you,  &c. 

latak 

latak 

mud,  muddy. 

lauang,  pintu 

door. 

laun 

lambat 

long  (time),  late  (opposite  to  early). 

laut 

malayu 

the  sea ; the  Malay  word  for  sea  is  laut ; 
the  Malays  came  from  the  sea  and  were 
therefore  called  by  the  Dayaks  orang  laut. 

lebu 

nasib  jahat 

unsuccessful,  without  success,  in  vain,  to 
no  purpose,  fruitless,  disappointed. 

leboh 

point  of  time,  when. 

leka,  meleka 

lepas 

to  let  go,  drop  hold  of. 

leka 

bighi 

sa  leka  jako,  a single  word,  a seed,  grain  ; 
sa  leka  (one  seed) ; leka  pluru,  a bullet. 

lelak 

lelah 

tired. 

lelang 

menahun 

to  sojourn,  wander. 

lelang 

to  wander  away,  stray  ; nyangka  iya  lelang, 
it  may  wander  away,  to  roam. 

lemai 

lebah-hari 

evening. 

lemai-mari 

yesterday  evening. 

leman 

bangsa 

customs,  rites,  details. 

lembaian 

wall  plate  ; lembaian  langit,  centre  beam  ; 
lembaian  rumah,  wall  plate  of  house ; 
lembaian  kajang,  support  of  kajang. 

lembau 

malas 

disinclined,  to  have  no  inclination  for, 
indisposed. 

lemi 

lem  out 

soft,  weak,  feeble. 

lempong 

ringan 

light  (weight). 

lempuang 

abong-abong 

lung. 

lengan 

lengan 

the  arm,  lower  arm,  fore-arm  ; mesai  buaJi 
lengan,  as  large  as  the  biceps. 

lengis 

smooth,  without  irregularities;  parai  anibis, 
all  dead  ; parai  lengis,  all  dead  smoothed 
out. 

lengkiang 

sword-rack. 

lepong 

swell. 

lesong 

lesong 

mortar  in  which  rice  is  pounded. 

limpang, 

to  turn  aside,  wander  from  the  direct  path, 

nglimpang 

take  a wrong  turning  ; samoa  jako  tuan 
aku  nggai  nglimpang,  I will  not  go  beyond 
w'hat  the  tuan  says. 

lindap 

lindang 

shady,  sheltered ; menoa  lindap,  shady 
district. 

lingkau 

a species  of  corn  known  as  “Job’s  tears.” 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xxi. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

lintan 

tripe. 

lis 

halus 

fine,  thin. 

lita 

rabi 

scar,  mark. 

lobah 

larnbat 

slow. 

lubok 

lubok 

pool. 

lulong, 

kaliling 

to  surround,  encircle  ; lulong  rumah,  to 

nglulong 

encircle  the  house. 

lulup 

touch-wood. 

lumat 

alus 

fine  (minced). 

lumiet 

rawai,  women’s  body  ring  ornaments. 

lumpong 

butih 

a length,  piece,  log ; bvapa  lumpong  (kaiu 
api)  bedau,  how  many  lengths  of  fire- 
wood ? sirat  sa  lumpong , not  quite  the 
length  of  a waist  cloth ; sago  dua  lumpong , 
two  lengths  of  sago  (wood) ; lumpong 
jari,  a hand  length  ; lumpong  kaki,  a foot 
length. 

lunchong 

jalor 

a small  canoe  or  dug-out. 

lungat  (?) 

slow. 

lungau 

bodoh 

stupid. 

lungga 

pisau 

knife. 

lupat 

lusa 

the  third  day  after  to-morrow. 

lupong 

medicine-case. 

lus 

lengis 

all  gone,  clean  gone,  none  left  ; kati  buah, 
bedau  menoa  kita?  how  about  fruit,  have 
you  any  still  up  your  way?  nadai  nyau 
lus,  no,  none,  all  gone  ; parai  ambis  lus,  al 
dead,  not  one  left ; lus  Batang  Merandong 
ari  nanga  nyintok  ka  entighis,  throughout 
the  length  of  the  river  Merandong,  from 
mouth  to  source. 

ma 

sikutan 

load,  burden  (carried  on  the  back),  verb, 
to  carry  on  the  back. 

magang 

entirely,  all ; kita  bedau  dia  magang  ? are 
you  still  here  all  of  you  ? kajang  magang, 
all  kajangs. 

maia 

uaktu 

time  ; maia  dia,  about  this  time  of  day  ; 
kati  maia  taun  kita  ? benong  nilgai,  lit. 
what  time  is  your  year,  in  the  middle  of 
planting  ? 

maiau 

pusa 

cat. 

maioh 

banyak 

many,  plenty. 

makai 

makan 

to  eat,  feed. 

mali 

pamali 

tabu-ed,  unlawful  (opp.  to  lawful),  pro 
hibited  (opp.  to  permitted ),  mayn’t  (opp. 
to  may)  ; mali  bula,  may  not  lie  ; mali 
rari,  may  not  run  away. 

malik 

malik 

to  look  at,  glance  towards. 

manang 

a medicine-man. 

manchal 

gauk 

mischievous. 

xxii.  H.  Lixg  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

mandieng 

tampak 

prominent,  showy,  attractive  ; mandieng 
jako,  ostentatious  talk. 

mangah 

marah 

hot-tempered,  quick-tempered,  passion- 
ate, fierce,  vindictive. 

manok 

aiyam 

fowl  ; manok  sabong,  game-cock,  fighting- 
cock,  champion. 

mansang 

surong 

to  go  ahead,  commence,  advance,  move 
forwards  ; ai  mansang,  to  rise,  of  water  ; 
ayer  naik,  opposed  to  surut,  to  fall  ; 
mansang  bmnai,  commencement  of  farm- 
ing ; orang  or  anak  biak  mansang  bha.ru , 
the  rising  generation. 

mansau 

masak 

ripe  (fruit,  &c.),  red  (colour). 

manyi 

lanyi 

bee  ; ai  manyi,  honey. 

mar 

rnahal  (?) 

difficult,  opposite  to  mu  da  ; expensive. 

marik 

manit 

bead 

mata 

mata 

eye  ; lansiek  mata,  clear  sight ; rabun  mata, 
dim  sight  ; tajam  mata,  keen  sight. 

matang 

to  continue  to,  persist,  keep  on ; iya  matang 
minta,  he  keeps  on  asking. 

mata  panas 

mata  hari 

sun. 

mau 

marak 

api  nggai  man,  the  fire  will  not  burn. 

mauieng 

benkok 

crooked. 

mebintang 

malintang 

cross  ways  (opposed  to  unjor,  length  ways). 

meda 

meliat 

to  see,  perceive,  observe. 

mekang 

alang 

insufficient,  not  worth  while  ; mekang  ari, 
not  enough  time. 

melepu 

timbul 

to  float,  buoyant. 

mengalan 

a kind  of  fish. 

menggi,  enggi 

akun 

to  own,  to  belong  to. 

mengkang 

kekal 

lasting,  still. 

menoa 

negri 

country,  region,  district,  place,  home, 
abode  ; isi  menoa  orang  menoa,  the  people 
of  the  country  are  ; kami  menoa,  we  in 
contrast  to  others. 

mentas 

kind. 

mentudi 

dudi 

to  be  behind,  follow  behind. 

menya, 

contr.  from 
maya  nya 

dulu  kamari 

before  (time)  ; some  time  ago. 

menyade,  made 

beradik 

brother,  sister  ; anak  menyade,  nephew  or 
niece. 

menyaua 

to  take  breath  ; sakali  menyaua,  a single 
breath. 

mepan 

pakaian,sinjata, 

costume,  equipment,  accoutrement  ; nyelai 

pekakas 

mepan,  a different  costume. 

merarau 

to  make  a mid-day  meal,  to  dine. 

merenieng 

ningok 

to  peep  at,  peep  over,  to  look  at. 

merinsah 

susah,  sakit 

suffering,  uncomfortable,  unpleasant,  tire- 
some. 

rnerong 

kawang 

to  howl  (dog). 

meruan 

kekal 

lasting,  still. 

Sea  Dyak. 


merunsai 

merurut 

mersap 

mesai, 

contr.  from 
pemesai 
mimit 


mimpi 

minta 


minyarai 

misah 

mit 

moa 

mo-ari 

mrau 

mri 

mubok 


muda 

mudah 

mudik 

munchol 

munoh 

munsoh 

muntang 

munyi 

murai 


nabau 


naga 

nakal 


nama 
nama  ? 
nampik 

nanga 


Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary.  xxiii. 


Malay 

(Colloquial.) 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

I membuka 

to  unfold,  unwrap,  take  off  the  wrappers, 
to  slip,  slide,  to  come  undone  (clothes). 

sessat 

astray,  to  wander  astray,  lose  one’s  way. 

tangah 

size. 

sedikit 

a little  of  quantity,  slightly  (adv.),  (adj.), 
small,  little,  few  ; mimit  'da,  nearly  ; 
mimit  'da  aku  parai,  a very  little  longer 
and  I shall  be  dead. 

, mimpi 

to  dream. 

minta 

to  ask  for,  and  in  a religious  sense,  to 
pray  for  ; minta  ari,  to  pray  for  dry 
weather, 
a kind  of  gong. 

1 tuka 

to  alter. 

kechil 

small,  little  in  size,  young. 

muka 

face,  mouth,  front. 

pengarak  (?) 

rain-cloud,  lowering  clouds,  storm-cloud, 
cloudy  sky. 

travel  by  water  (boat),  to  boat. 

kasih 

to  give. 

buka 

to  settle  ; mubok  menoa,  to  open  up  a 
country,  be  the  first  to  colonize  it  and 
settle  in  it. 

muda 

young,  tender. 

mudah 

easy. 

mudik 

to  ascend  (river). 

buku 

a knob. 

bunoh 

to  kill. 

musoh 

enemy,  foe. 

mintas 

to  cut  across  (country) ; ari  kanan  muntang 
ka  jikang,  take  a short  cut  on  the  right  : 
muntang  tanjong,  cut  across  the  river  bend. 

berbunyi 

to  sound. 

(of  paddy)  the  stage  when  the  corn  begins 
to  form. 

tahan 


nama 

apa? 

muara 


a snake  of  mythology;  ulav  sawa  tai  nabau, 
the  sawa  is  the  excrement  of  the  nabau ; 
sawa  is  the  python, 
dragon. 

to  endure,  suffer ; maioh  nyamok  aku  euda 
nakal  enda  bikibong,  there  are  so  many 
mosquitoes  I cannot  endure  being  with- 
out a curtain, 
a name, 
what  ? 

nampik  nggau  latak,  to  splutter  with  mud, 
pitch  mud  at. 
mouth  of  river. 


XXIV. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Malay  English, 

(Colloquial).  Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


nanyeng 

pingingat 

indu  nanyeng,  a kind  of  wasp. 

nekong 

keti 

to  knock,  to  strike  a light,  knock  at  a door. 

nempoh 

to  overwhelm,  to  attack  with  overwhelm- 
ing numbers;  leboh  moan  nempoh  kubu, 
when  the  clouds  are  overhanging  the  fort. 

nemuai 

to  visit,  pay  a visit. 

ni,  dini  ? 

mana,  seni  ? 

where  ? 

nikal 

balik 

to  turn  back,  double,  return  to  the  original 
point  of  starting,  to  fold  over. 

ninga 

dingar 

to  hear. 

ninting 

sabilang 

each,  every  ; ninting  taun,  each  year ; 
ninting  rumah,  every  house;  ninting  ari, 
each  day;  ninting  tuboh,  every  body, 
person. 

ngaba  bau 

to  smell  of  bad  or  good  (breath) ; nyaua 
de  ngaba  bau  sema,  your  breath  smells 
like  a sema  fish ; bau  ngaba , a strong  scent. 

ngabang 

to  go  to  a feast. 

ngadang 

jaga 

to  look  out,  be  on  the  watch,  to  expect  ; 
ngadang!  look  out  (premonitory)  ; enda 
ngadang  man  datai,  I did  not  expect  you 
to  come. 

ngagai,  nggai 

to  go  towards  ; bejalai  ngagai  nuan,  to  go 
off  to  you. 

ngantok 

to  nod  (drowsy). 

ngapa 

in  vain,  without  result  ; iya  bejalai  ngapa  he 
went  in  vain  ; kevja  ngapa,  useless  work. 

ngaru 

garu 

to  scratch. 

ngau 

to  say  yes,  consent,  agree. 

ngaua  (root 

to  hurt,  bother,  worry,  annoy,  trouble, 

gaua,  to  do 

ail,  to  mind,  to  interfere  with ; nania 

something). 

ngaua  ka  iya,  what  ails  him  ? what’s  the 
matter  with  him  ? anang  takut , nadai  orang 
ka  ngaua  ka  nuan,  don’t  be  afraid,  no  one 
will  do  anything  to  you. 

ngelai,  klai 

to  picture,  to  mark. 

ngeli 

gigi 

tooth,  fang. 

ngema 

to  carry  on  back. 

ngemilut 

ngobe 

to  make  faces,  make  a grimace. 

ngenong 

changok 

to  look  hard  at. 

ngentam 

tolong 

to  succour,  aid. 

ngelalau 

ambil  madu 

to  gather  honey. 

ngelambai 

to  light  up  ; baka  kilat  ngelambai  petang,  like 
lightning  lightens  up  in  darkness. 

ngelaua 

mengagar 

to  approach. 

ngeliat 

to  stretch  oneself  (on  awakening). 

ngeluar 

to  go  beyond,  to  go  outside. 

ngentang 

kapada,  arah 

the  Latin  apud,  at ; iya  diau  ngentang  kami, 
he  lives  with  us  ; nanya  ngentang  iya,  ask 
him  ; utang  ngentang  aku  mudik  ngentang 
nuan,  but  ask  me  to  go  up  and  be  at 
your  place. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


XXV. 


Sea  Dyak. 


ngeraiap 

ngerantam 

ngerara 

ngerejang 


ngetu 

ngiar 


ngidup 


ngili  ai 
ngimbai 
ngimbi 
nginjun 

nginsah 

nginti 

ngipe 

ngosong 

ngramak 
ngranggar (a 
corruption 
from  Malay) 
ngrembang 

ngrimbas 
ngoyum 
nguang 
nguiyo  (root 
kuiyo,  the 
cheeks) 
ngundan 

ngutap 
niang 
ninyok 
nuan 
nubai ) 
nuba  i 
nelap 
nusok 


nya 


nyadi 

nyamai 


Malay 

(Colloquial). 


English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


garu 

melarang 

masok 


berhenti 

buru 


idup 

hilir 

kasih 

gregar 


ngail 

lempah 

agar 

garu 

melanggar 


to  crawl  (baby)  on  hands  and  knees, 
to  rebuke,  reprimand,  forbid, 
to  scratch  (with  nails,  claws), 
to  penetrate  ; arnbi  ai  nggo  ngerejang  lubang 
sumpit,  fetch  some  water  writh  which  to 
wash  through  the  sumpit. 
to  wait,  stop. 

to  compel,  cause,  excite,  urge,  press, 
drive,  to  scatter  ; ngiar  ha  iyapulai,  urge 
him  to  go  away. 

to  keep  alive,  provide  for,  to  nurse  (a  sick 
person)  ; ngidup  ka  nyaua,  to  save  life, 
to  descend  a river, 
to  lie  alongside,  side  by  side, 
to  give. 

to  tread  heavily,  shake  with  one's  stamp  ; 

nginjun  bilik,  to  shake  the  room, 
to  drag  (a  person  by  the  heels), 
to  angle, 
to  boil. 

to  arrive  at,  to  visit  ; enggai  aku  ngosong  de, 
I will  not  visit  you. 
to  scratch  (nails), 
to  collide  with. 


presca 


to  hold  on  to  grass  or  trees  in  descending 
a hill. 

to  graze  (of  a bullet  grazing  one’s  flesh), 
to  fester. 

to  reconnoitre,  explore,  to  pursue, 
to  suck. 


kulit 

ramula 

kita,  kau 
menuba 


itu 


jadi 

nyaman 


to  follow  behind,  to  be  according  to  ; 

ngundan  tajau,  to  come  after  a jar. 
to  bark  (a  tree), 
late  (deceased), 
to  pry,  peep  through, 
you  (singular  number), 
to  tuba,  see  tubai. 

kind. 

to  string  ; nusok  marik,  to  string  beads  ; 
nusok  engkrimok,  to  string  leaves  together, 
to  thread,  stitch. 

that  there  ; bri  nya  ka  aku,  give  that  to 
me  ; anang  ngaga  nya,  don’t  do  that  ; 
an  nya,  from  there, 
to  create. 

nice,  pleasant,  agreeable,  comfortable. 


xxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

nyamok 

nyamok 

mosquito. 

nyampau  ! 

kakan  ! 

how  ! 

nyanda 

to  borrow. 

nyandih 

to  lean  upon,  lean  one’s  back  against. 

nyangkar 

to  cage. 

nyau 

gone,  become  ; menoa  nyau  kusi,  the  country 

nyaua 

herga,  suara 

is  lost. 

(i)  life,  voice  breath;  (2)  worth,  value; 

nyauk 

bidai  nyaua,  value  of  mat  ; dinga  nyaua 
aku  ngiar  China,  hear  my  voice,  drive 
away  the  Chinaman, 
to  dip  and  fill  (water  gourds). 

nyau  ka 

nearly  ; nyau  ha  lama,  after  a while,  after 

nyelai 

lain 

some  time  ; nyau  ha  datai  da,  almost 
come. 

different  ; orang  nyelai  bulu,  men  of  a 

nyelipak 

different  race ; nyelai  inepan,  different 
costume, 
to  creep  past. 

nyen 

nun 

yonder. 

nyepi 

cheri 

to  feel,  to  taste. 

nyeregu 

berdidi 

to  bristle  ; bulu  de  nyeregu  asai  buah  nangka, 

nyerungkong 

your  hair  bristles  like  jack-fruit, 
to  sit  with  the  arms  across  the  knees  and 

nygelancham 

the  chin  resting  on  them, 
to  sharpen,  point  (a  stake  or  post). 

nygensong 

bersiol 

to  whistle. 

nyidi 

ikut 

to  track. 

nyingkar  (sin- 

mebintang 

athwart  ; batang  maioh  nyingkar  sungai,  a 

kar  thwarts 

great  many  trees  lie  across  the  river. 

of  a boat) 
nyintok 

sampai 

until,  down  to,  up  to  ; nyintok  ha  dia,  till 

nyungkup 

now  ; ari  tanas  nyintok  ha  malam,  from 
daylight  till  dark, 
cf.  sungkup. 

padi 

paddi 

paddy  (rice  in  husk)  ; padi  sumbar,  half 

pagi 

pagi 

ripe  paddy. 
morning. 

pagila 

besok 

to-morrow ; tumu  pagila,  early  to-morrow 

paiya 

krapa 

morning  ; lemai  pagila,  to-morrow  even- 
ing. 

swamp. 

pajoh 

antam ; kaparat 

to  slip  into  ; parai  di  pajoh  long,  dead  from 

paku 

paku 

slipping  into  a chasm, 
fern  (edible  fern). 

pala 

kapala 

head  ; antu  pala,  head  taken  in  war. 

pa  m bar 

scattered,  dispersed,  broken  up,  separated 

pain  bus, 

micah 

from. 

to  break  (a  boil),  to  burst,  to  scatter,  &c., 

mambus 

as  patnbar. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


XXVll. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

pampul, 

gengam 

to  clutch  in  one’s  hands  ; pampul  pala, 

mampul 

to  clutch  at  the  head. 

panchur 

water-fall,  a channel,  drain. 

pan  dam 

bukut 

to  hit  with  the  fist,  beat  with  the  palm  of 
the  hand. 

panga 

simpang 

branch  (tree,  river). 

pangan 

sahabat 

kinsman,  clansman,  comrade,  fellow  to  a 
pair. 

panggal 

bantal 

pillow  ; any  horizontal  support. 

panggau 

katil 

bedstead. 

pangka, 

to  strike  severely. 

manka 

pangkal 

scrub,  young  jungle. 

pangkang, 

to  live  near,  in  neighbourhood  of  ; nggai 

mangkang 

aku  mangkang  kubu,  I will  not  live  near 
the  fort  ; adu  ka  lembaian  kajang  barang 
ka  mangkang,  arrange  the  horizontal 
side  support  of  the  kajang  whoever  is 
nearest ; enda  kala  bebuah  sakumbang 
kami  bepangkaitg,  it  never  fruited  as  long 
as  we  lived  there. 

pangkong, 

tuku,  gual 

to  strike. 

mankong 

panjai 

panjang 

long. 

panjong, 

triak 

to  shout,  scream,  yell,  whoop ; a yell,  &c. 

manjong 

pass  by. 

pansa,  mansa 

lalu 

pansap,  mansap 

sirap 

to  slice  off,  scrape  off. 

pansut,  mansut 

kaluar 

to  emerge  from,  come  out  of,  issue  from, 
exude. 

pantang, 

lantak 

to  drive  in  (nail),  to  prick,  to  puncture, 
sting  ; pantang  nyamok , mosquito  pricks  ; 
auak  iya  pantang,  let  it  bite  you. 

pantok,  mantok 

gigit 

to  dart  at,  shoot  out  (snakes),  the  young 
shoots  of  various  plants,  young  leaves 
not  yet  opened  out. 

pantu 

rhumbia 

wild  sago  tree. 

pantup 

kena 

to  hit,  overtake,  strike,  knock  against, 
come  into  contact  with. 

papal,  mapal 

to  clip  off,  to  pare  off. 

parai 

mati 

to  die,  dead  ; parai  nyaua,  dead  of  the 
breath  ; parai  antu,  dead  of  the  spirit ; 
parai  nyabong,  dead  with  regard  to  cock 
fighting. 

pati 

simpang 

branch  (river,  tree). 

patok 

patok 

beak  (of  bird) ; patok  ketieng,  clitoris. 

patong 

patong 

knee. 

paung 

a shoot,  a cutting  for  planting ; paung 
mulong,  sago  cutting. 

peda,  meda 

meliat 

to  see 

pedis 

sakit 

to  hurt,  sore  ; pedis  prut,  stomach-ache. 

H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


xxviii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

pedil,  medil 

tahan 

to  detain  ; hap  a de  medil  ka  utai  aku  ? why 
do  you  detain  my  goods  ? 

pedua 

bhagi 

to  divide. 

pejulok 

to  nick-name. 

pekat 

pesan 

order,  command. 

pelaba,  nglaba 

jangka 

to  guess,  surmise,  conjecture  ; enda  ahi 
nemu  pelaba,  I cannot  venture  to  make 
a guess  ; aku  pelaba  ngapa,  a mere  guess, 
surmise  ; enti  nemu  pelaba,  if  one  might 
venture  to  guess. 

pelieng,melieng 

gulong 

to  wind  round ; melieng  ai,  to  follow  the 
windings  of  the  river;  aku  nggai  bepelicng, 
I don’t  want  to  go  a round  about  way  ; 
umai  aku  pelieng  umai  iya  ; my  farm  goes 
round  about  his  farm. 

pelimping 

pesaghi 

having  angles  ; pelimping,  four  angles= 
square. 

pelulong 

to  surround,  encircle,  to  beat  into  a ring 
(deer,  &c.). 

pemadu 

end,  in  order  of  time  ; pemadu  rumaJt,  end 
of  houses,  last  house. 

pemai 

pesaka 

inheritance,  heritage,  that  which  one 
brings. 

pemakai 

makan 

food. 

pemanah 

elok,  chanteh 

beauty. 

pemandi 

bathing-place. 

pemangah 

asperity,  fierceness,  ferocity. 

pemanggai 

a rest,  a shelf. 

pemanjai 

panjong 

length. 

pemanyak 

baniak 

quantity,  number. 

pemarai 

kamatian 

manner  of  death  or  cause  of  death. 

pemedis 

ka-sakitan 

illness. 

pemegai 

pegang 

a handle,  thing  to  hold  by. 

pementi 

a tabu. 

pemerap 

pemelok 

girth. 

pemesa 

quantity ; pemesa  ai  pemesa  arak,  how  much 
water,  how  much  arak  ? pemesa  nuan 
tungga  iya  ? how  much  do  you  fine  him  ? 

pemesai 

besar 

size  (sub.). 

pemidick 

nasib 

fortune,  luck. 

pemintas 

pintas 

a short  cut,  a cut  across. 

pemrat 

kabratan 

weight. 

pemuput 

kipas 

a fan. 

penabin 

demmum 

sickness. 

penagang 

a stopper,  preventive  ; penagang  ari,  some- 
thing to  prevent  the  rain. 

penama 

nama 

name. 

penapat 

benar-benar 

as  well  as  one  is  able ; dua  ari  mudik penapat 
ingot,  remember  with  might  and  main, 
in  two  days  we  go  up  river. 

penatai 

asal 

origin. 

penawan 

harpoon,  barbed  javelin,  fish-spear. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  V ocabxdary . 


xxix. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

pendai 

tepian,  iilatong 

wharf. 

pendiau 

abode,  place  of  residence. 

pendieng 

telinga 

ear  ; lubang  pendieng,  orifice  of  the  ear  ; 
anang  tikup  lubang  pendieng,  don’t  close 
the  orifice  of  the  ear ; tinsa  pendieng, 
ear-drops. 

penebal 

thickness. 

penedat 

blantan 

a cudgel,  bludgeon,  staff,  truncheon. 

peneka 

nafsu 

wish,  pleasure,  desire. 

penelap 

kindness,  good-nature. 

penembu 

habis 

end,  finish,  conclusion,  completion. 

penemu 

bijak  sana 

knowledge,  understanding. 

pengabang 

an  invited  guest  at  a feast. 

pengamat 

truth,  genuineness. 

pengapus 

extinction,  exhaustion,  end,  finish ; pengapus 
menoa,  throughout  the  country ; pengapus 
ai,  throughout  the  river  ; pengapus  ulu, 
throughout  the  highlands. 

pengaroh 

a charm. 

pengawa 

kreja 

work,  business,  occupation. 

pengeraja 

source  of  wealth,  means  of  subsistence, 
means : aku  nadai  jai  ati  enggau  laut 

enggau  China  iya  anjong  pengeraja  kitai, 
I have  no  ill  feeling  against  the  Malays 
and  Chinese,  they  bring  us  wealth. 

pengerang 

secondary  jungle,  which  must  be  cut  down 
with  the  biliong  and  not  the  duku. 

penggau 

pake 

to  wear,  use ; anang  di penggau,  don’t  wear  it. 

penggi,  menggi 

to  own,  possess,  to  appropriate ; sapa 
menggi?  who  owns  this  ? 

pengiong 

vedette,  picket  ; pengiong  bala,  advance 
guard,  scout ; prau pengiong,  reconnoitring 
boat. 

pengki 

firm,  as  opposed  to  lemi,  soft  ; pengki  isi, 
firm  flesh. 

penglantang 

leisure,  ease,  convenience. 

pengorang 

korang 

deficiency. 

pengrieng 

kuat 

strength,  hardness. 

pengrujak 

pengantar 

a ramrod. 

penguan 

succour,  reinforcements,  pursuit. 

penindok 

bilik  tidor 

bed-room,  bed-stead. 

peninggi 

height. 

peninjau 

vice,  prospect. 

penti,  bepenti 

forbidden,  proscribed,  tabu-ed,  tabu. 

penuai 

umor 

age,  how  old  ? 

penudah 

dudi 

last. 

penuduk 

krusi 

seat,  chair. 

penyadi 

condition  ; kati  baka  penyadi  padi  kita  taun 
tu  ? what  is  the  condition  of  your  padi 
this  year  ? nama  penyadi  tua  ? what  is  to 
become  of  us  two  ? 

penyalah 

ka  salahan 

fault,  crime,  offence,  misdemeanour. 

XXX. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

penyampau ! 

kakan  ! 

how!  how  much?  penyampau  badas,  very 
good  ; penyampau  ka  pinta  ? how  much 
do  you  ask  ? 

penyangkai 

pengkalan 

landing-place. 

penyauh 

distance  ; penyauh  ari  nanga  ? how  far  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river  ? 

penyurieng 

leader,  commander;  penyurieng  bala,  leader 
of  a force. 

pepat 

api-api 

fire-fly. 

pepat,  mepat 

chin  chang 

to  chop  up,  mince,  hash,  cut  into  fine 
pieces. 

peraka,  meraka 

to  cross. 

perejok, 

melompat 

to  jump,  leap,  bound,  spring  (fishes, 

merejok 

animals). 

perenieng, 

preksa 

to  look  at,  examine,  inspect. 

merenieng 

perok,  merok 

prah 

to  squeeze,  to  strain  ; tuak,  spirit. 

perong 

merong  and 

a howl  (dog) ; di  dinga  perong  udok,  as  far 

kawang 

as  the  howl  of  a dog  may  be  heard,  a 
measure  of  distance. 

pesemaia 

perjanjian 

agreement,  compact. 

pesok 

bubus 

to  have  a hole  in. 

petunggal 

suku  pupu 

first  cousin 

pichal,  michal 

pichit 

to  squeeze  ; pichal  tusu  indu  dara,  squeeze 
the  breasts  of  girls. 

pinchai, 

pegang,  simpan 

to  hold,  take  hold  of,  to  keep. 

minchai 

pindah,  mindah 

pindah 

to  remove,  to  change  ; mindah  ka  penama, 
change  one’s  name  ; pindah  kresa,  to 
inherit  property  of  a defunct. 

Pinggai 

pirieng 

place. 

pinjar 

suapang 

musket. 

pipis 

nipis 

thin. 

pisa 

bisul 

boil. 

pisah,  misah 

ubah 

to  change  (one’s  name). 

pisang 

pisang 

plantain. 

pisang  brunai 

nanas 

pine-apple. 

pisau 

sum  pit 

narrow  (?) 

prai 

halus 

tanah  prai,  friable  mould,  loose  soil. 

pransang, 

a stimulant,  incentive,  to  stimulate,  urge 

meransang 

on,  excite  ; meransang  uktie,  orang,  & c., 
urge  on  the  dogs,  men,  &c. 

prengka 

pekakas 

thing,  effect,  appliances,  instruments, 
tools,  toys. 

prut 

prut 

stomach,  belly. 

pua  kumbu 

salimut 

coverlet,  blanket. 

puchau, 

to  mutter,  to  speak  incoherently,  to  recite 

muchau 

an  incantation. 

puchong 

a very  small  jar,  small  bottle,  phial. 

pudut  (k’wit) 

rambu 

a tassel  (necklace). 

pugar 

to  scrub,  rub  ; pugar  moa,  clean  your  face  ; 
pugar  pinggai,  clean  the  plate. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


XXXI. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

pukat, 

sarong, 

cobweb,  lit.  the  spider’s  nest. 

empelawa 

empelawa 

to  go  home,  go  back,  return,  to  restore, 
make  restitution. 

pulai,  mulai 

balik,  pulang 

pulau 

pulau 

island,  jungle  which  has  a clearing  round 
it. 

to  cut  off,  dissever  (head  from  trunk). 

pumpong, 

mumpong 

the  short  tail  feathers  of  a bird  ( manok , 
tajai,  kinyalang ) as  opposed  to  langgai, 
the  long  ditto. 

pumpun 

pun 

reason,  why  ; pun  dgi  aku  ka,  all  the  more 
reason  I should  desire  it. 

punas 

punas 

sterile,  barren  (animal  or  vegetable). 

pungkang 

korangan 

to  run  short  of,  be  in  want  of ; kami  enda 
kala  pungkang  garam,  we  are  never  short 
of  salt. 

pungga, 

pungga  batang,  to  cut  a way  through. 

mungga 

pupu 

bueh 

froth,  foam  ; a tax. 

pupus 

habiskan 

to  finish. 

puput,  muput 

muput 

to  fan,  breathe  upon,  blow  upon,  be  blown 
upon  ; aku  nyarnai,  puput  ka  ribut,  I am 
comfortable  when  I am  fanned  by  the 
wind. 

putieng 

ujong 

end,  edge  ; putieng  rambut,  p.  biliong, 
p.  rumah,  the  point  of  the  beard,  the 
edge  of  the  axe,  the  end  of  the  house. 

rabun 

sebun 

dim  sight,  blindness. 

raga 

pagar 

fence. 

ragum 

janggut 

beard  ; forceps,  pincers. 

raia 

bright,  festal,  large  ; buah  raia,  plentiful 
fruit  season ; pasang  raia,  king  tides  ; 
jalai  raia,  well  cleared  roads,  i.e.  bright 
roads. 

raja 

kaia 

rich,  well-born,  free-born,  king  royal. 

rambai 

cock's  comb  ; mint  a manok,  enti  bujang  barn 
turnboh  rambai,  ask  for  a fowl,  if  it  is  a 
young  cock,  its  comb  will  be  just 
appearing ; anti  inda  dara,  anti  laki  turnboh 
rambai,  if  it  is  a young  hen,  we  call  dara, 
if  a cock  the  comb  appears  ; also  a 
species  of  fruit. 

rambau 

uaktu 

what  time : sarambau,  of  the  same  age ; 
sararnbau  enggo  aku,  my  contemporary. 

rampas 

rampas 

to  despoil,  sack,  pillage,  loot. 

rampu 

timun 

cucumber. 

randau 

akar 

creeper,  parasite. 

randau 

conversation,  talk,  conference,  discussion, 
chat ; nadai  utai  ka  randau,  nothing  to 
talk  about. 

xxxii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

rangai 

entreatingly,  in  a pressing,  earnest  manner ; 
rangai-rangai  aku  ngasoh  iya  pulai,  very 
earnestly  I asked  him  to  return ; rangai- 
rangai  aku  ngasoh  iya  nganjong  pupu,  very 
pressingly  I told  him  to  pay  his  tax. 

rangau 

rangau  - rangau , pit  eo  usly . 

rangkah 

lifeless  ; parai  rangkah,  stiff  (of  a corpse) ; 
nyau  rangkah  bangkai,  the  corpse  has 
become  stiff. 

rangkah 

greedy. 

rangki 

kuna  shell. 

ranjur 

salalu 

to  pass  through;  kati  man  ranjur  ka  S' wak, 
well  did  you  manage  to  get  through  to 
Sarawak. 

ransi,  ngransi 

used  up,  bare,  stript,  exhausted ; udah 
ransi  babas,  stripped  of  bush  ; to  blame, 
suspect ; takut  di  ransi  iya,  I fear  to  be 
blamed  by  him. 

rantau 

ranto 

a reach  on  a river ; besabong  rantau  jalai, 
to  meet  on  the  way ; kami  bepansa  rantau 
ai,  we  passed  each  other  on  the  river. 

rarah 

gugor 

to  shed  (hair,  leaves,  blossoms,  horns),  to 
drop  (ripe  fruit). 

rau 

dead  leaves,  drift,  dead  twigs,  branches. 

raung 

katak 

f*og. 

rawan 

takut 

nervous,  apprehensive,  timorous,  afraid. 

redas 

kabun 

a sugar-cane  garden. 

regas 

sigat 

active  ; iya  regas  bendar  di  tanah,  as  active 
as  can  be,  &c. 

remang 

awan 

light  fleecy  clouds  (not  rain  clouds,  moan). 

remaung 

rimo 

tiger. 

rembus 

trus 

through. 

rempah 

saior 

condiments,  fruit  and  vegetables,  greens. 

rendang- 

completely  (adv.)  ; bulih  bangan  burak 

rendang 

rendang-rendang,  we  caught  a padi  bird 
completely  white. 

renga 

ensema 

rheum,  cold  in  nose,  hay  fever,  catarrh. 

rentap 

ruboh 

rentun 

chabut 

to  pluck  out,  eradicate. 

renyuan 

honey-comb. 

repa 

reboh  ? 

overgrown,  tangled  with  grass  and  weeds. 

rerak 

pesi 

to  open,  untie  (bundle  or  parcel),  to  undo, 
a kind  of  native  bean. 

retak 

kachang  tandas 

ribut 

angin 

wind,  breeze,  gale,  squall. 

rigau 

maioh  utai  ka  rigau  di  rumah.  many  things 
that  noise  about  the  house. 

rimba 

rimba 

a forest-clearing. 

rimbai 

rakit 

alongside ; pran  rimbai  batang,  the  boat  is 
alongside  the  wharf. 

rirnbas, 

ngrimbas 

to  graze  (a  bullet  the  flesh). 

rimpak 

pitchah 

to  break  into  pieces. 

Ska  Dyak. 


rindang, 

ngrindang 


ringat 

ringin 

ringka,  ringka 


ringka 

rintai 

rintong 

rintong 

ripih 

rita 

royak 

rugin 

rujak 
rumah 
rum  an 

rumbang 

rumbau 

rumpang 


rumpong 


rungan 

runtoh 


sa 

sabak,  ngabak 

sabau 

sabau 


Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary.  xxxiii. 


Malay 

(Colloquial.) 


English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


lekar 


gusar 

embrang 


raga 


tekoyong 


cherita 

rosak 

sulok 


rumah 


puang 


masak 


bete 

tumbung 


satu 
nangis 
perch  oma 
kuah 


detained,  to  linger,  loiter,  tarry,  dawdle, 
delay  ; rindang  duduk  enggan  orang,  I 
was  detained  sitting  with  the  people  ; 
rindang  idup  menyadi  aku  sakit,  my  sick 
brother  still  lingers  ; sigi  iya  ngrindang 
dirt,  he  is  simply  dawdling, 
angry,  vexed,  anger  : nama  kx  ringat  nuan  ? 

what  are  you  angry  at  ? 
otter. 

to  weave  a rattan  frame-wo  k or  basket ; 
nya  japai,  mangkok  di  ringkai,  lay  hold  of 
that  there,  the  cup  in  the  rattan-frame; 
mati  salai,  mati  ringkai , die  and  be 
smoked,  die  and  be  caged  (curse), 
a football  of  cane  work, 
to  array,  set  in  line,  arrange  in  order, 
a ladle, 
snail. 

aku  ripih  sida,  I am  for  them,  I am  on  the 
other  side,  I am  retained  for  the  other 
side,  partizan. 

news,  information,  intelligence, 
torn,  undone. 

a species  of  plant,  the  leaves  of  which  are 
used  medicinally, 
to  ram  down,  force  down, 
house. 

the  stalk  ; ruman  padi,  which  carries  the 
grain. 

deserted,  empty  ; rumbang  bilik,  empty 
room . 

barren  (tree  fruit),  sterile  (soil),  unfruitful, 
to  wane  (moon)  ; rumpang  ulit,  to  go  out 
of  mourning,  to  abolish  the  ulit,  the 
waning  moon  ; rumah  rumpang,  to  de- 
molish the  house. 

to  come  to  a head  (boil)  ; nyau  rumpong 
mata,  the  boil  come  to  a head  ; a species 
of  dried  prawn. 
kapai,  as  fruit. 

to  fall  in,  tumble  in,  to  give  way  ; runtoh 
langit,  the  sky  falls  ; runtoh  rumah,  the 
house  is  falling. 


one  (numeral). 

to  cry,  scream,  cry,  scream  (subst.). 

bootless. 

gravy,  juice. 


C 


XXXIV. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial*. 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

sabong, 

to  join  forces,  of  cocks  to  fight  ; wanok 

nyabong 

sabong,  a fighting  cock ; ai  Skerang 
nyabong  Ulu  ai  Padi,  the  source  of  the 
Skerang  river  joins  forces  with  the  upper 
Padi  river. 

sadau 

padong 

loft,  attic,  upper  room. 

sajalai 

the  one  road,  to  be  the  same,  to  go  hand 
in  hand,  agree,  correspond,  coincide, 
together  in  company,  to  keep  one 
company ; jako  tua  enda  sajalai,  our 
languages  are  not  the  same. 

sakai 

crew,  hands ; prau  kami  nadai  sakai,  our 
boat  has  no  crew. 

sakali 

sakali 

at  once. 

sakang 

tulak,  nyilat 

to  push  off,  ward  off,  keep  off,  repulse,  to 
avert ; aku  sakang  pia,  I turned  off  the 
blow  thus ; iya  ka  merap  aku,  aku  sakang 
pia,  he  wanted  to  throw  his  arms  round 
me,  but  I kept  him  off  thus. 

sakumbang 

as  long  as,  all  the  time  ; enda  kala  bebuaJi 
sakumbang  kami  bepangkang , never  fruited 
so  long  as  we  lived  near ; sakumpang 
bulan  'tu,  during  this  month. 

salah,  nyalah 

salah 

to  find  fault  with,  to  put  in  the  wrong,  to 
make  out  a case  against;  adj.  wrong. 

salai,  nyalai 

sale 

to  smoke,  dry  in  the  smoke ; salai  ikan, 
salai  kain,  salai  pala,  smoke  the  fish,  dry 
the  clothes  (over  the  fire),  smoke  a head. 

salam,  nyalam 

bertapok 

to  conceal. 

salapan  > 

sambilan 

nine  (numeral). 

samilan  ) 

samegat 

soul,  spirit. 

samembai 

klebar 

butterfly. 

sampal 

collectively,  all  together,  all  at  once. 

sampok 

ani  ani 

the  white  ant. 

sampu,nyampu 

buka 

to  open  by  fire  (boat). 

samujan 

burong  maiat 

burong  samujan,  a bird. 

san 

pikul 

to  carry  on  shoulder. 

sanda  nyanda 

jame 

to  borrow,  nyanda. 

sandiek 

to  hang  round  one's  shoulder,  slung  round 
the  shoulder,  to  carry  a child  on  the  hips. 

sanentang 

sebah 

opposite  to  ; belaboh  sanentang  rumah, 
drop  [the  anchor]  opposite  the  house. 

sanepa 

at  the  same  time,  simultaneous. 

sangka, 

tekan 

to  imagine,  suspect. 

nyangka 

to  take  passage ; nyangkai  manang,  to  take 

sangkai, 

singga, 

nyangkai 

singgahi 

manang  as  a passenger. 

sapa  ? 

siapa  ? 

who  ? what  ? 

sarang 

sarang 

a case  ; sarang  ipoh,  poison  case  ; sarang 
burong,  a bird’s  nest ; sarang  jam,  a pig’s 
J stye. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


XXXV. 


Sf.a  Dyak. 


sareba 
sari  'tu 
sarok,  nyarok 


sarugan 

sebrai 

sedi 

segau 

segieng 

sskut 


Malay 

(Colloquial). 


sama-sama 
’mi  hari 
menumpang 


(duan  sulok) 
sebrang 


sendat,  selut, 
sumpit 


selapok  kopiah 

seliah,  nyeliah 


selong 

semaia 

semerai, 

nyemerai 

sempurai 

sengaioh 

sepu 

serak 


serang, 

myerang 

serangkong 

serara 

serarai 


beyanji 

nembrang 


pen gay ah 
tiup 


tanggong 

cherr6 

angus 


English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


simultaneously. 

to-day. 

to  take  lodging  ; nyarok  rumak  orang,  to 
put  up  at  somebody’s  house  ; isa  aku 
nyarok  orang,  I had  better  lodge  with 
someone. 

a leaf  of  a certain  plant, 
across,  opposite  side, 
gambier  (wild). 

orang  segau-segau,  idle  vagabond, 
to  foul  (of  boats) ; besigieng  enda  blaia,  not 
sailing  they  fouled. 

narrow,  confined  (space),  cramped  up  ; 
sekut  dalam,  uneasy  (in  mind),  unhappy  ; 
sekut  ati,  sekut  dalam,  stuffy  feeling  from 
cold  in  head, 
cap. 

to  run  away,  move  out  of  the  way  or  aside, 
clear  out,  secrete,  isolate,  separate  ; 
kit  a ka  mimit  nyeliah  orang  lain  undur,  if 
you  will  get  out  of  the  way  a little  bit 
the  men  can  go  on  ; nyeliah  kita,  clear 
out  of  this,  you  ; nyeliah  ka  napal,  get 
out  of  the  way  of,  &c.,  to  clear  away 
(the  things  after  a meal)  ; badas  kayoh 
mimit  ulih  seliah  kitai,  it  is  better  that 
we  paddle  a little  and  we  shall  be  able 
to  move  out  of  the  way  ; ninga  rita  nuan 
datai  iya  nyeliah  ka  tanah,  hearing  of  your 
arrival  he  disappeared  ; nyeliah  ka  pupa, 
to  move  away  from  the  tax  ; nyeliah  ka 
pintu,  to  push  aside  the  door, 
a wire  hoop,  thence  brass  wire  of  a certain 
stoutness, 
to  promise. 

to  cross  over,  to  swim,  to  visit. 

paddy,  2 or  3 years  old  (?). 
paddle. 

to  blow  (out  of  a blow  pipe), 
a fold,  a layer,  an  understood  period,  a 
generation,  time  ; serak  dudi,  next  time, 
next  opportunity  ; serak  tu,  this  time  ; 
rumah  3 serak,  3 storied  house  ; klambi 
dua  serak,  two  folds  of  coats,  i.e.,  two 
coats, 
to  attack. 

to  take  up,  to  become  responsible  for. 
to  separate,  part, 
scorched  (by  fire),  parched. 


XXXVI. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Malay  English. 

(Colloquial).  Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


serta 

at  same  time  with,  together  with  ; sapa 

serta  mum  ? who,  together  with  you  ? 
serta-serta,  all  together. 

serungkai 

buka 

to  open  (a  bundle),  unpack. 

seruri,  nyeruri 

baiki 

to  mend,  repair  ; seruri  jala,  mend  your 
net  ; seruri atap,  mend  the  shingles  (roof). 

sibali  ari 

sindiri  ari,  lain 

of  the  one  time  ; orang  sibali  ari,  men  of 

hari 

our  own  time. 

sida 

them,  those,  3rd  person,  plural,  pronoun. 

siduai 

kita  dua 

you  two,  they  two,  both. 

siga 

unsafe,  dangerous,  unsettled,  on  the  alert, 
vigilant  ; siga  also  means  wild  ; menoa 
siga,  wild  country,  jungle. 

sigi 

sig'nir 

one  seed,  or  things  resembling  seeds. 

sigi 

saj  a 

simply  ; sigi  pemeiiti  kami  an  klia,  simply 
our  tabu  from  times  gone  by  : sigi  iya 
ngrindang  diri.  he  is  simply  dawdling. 

siko 

sikor,  sikor 

siko  (sa,  one  ; iko,  tail)  ; of  all  living  crea- 

orang 

tures,  one;  iya  siko  sapa  peuama  ? what 
is  the  name  of  the  other  one  ? 

siku 

siku 

elbow. 

silau 

silau 

bright,  dazzle  (of  sunlight),  exceedingly. 

silau 

jerinih 

clear,  transparent  (water),  the  grey  of 
the  morning  or  dusk  evening  ; silau 
tanas,  peep  of  day. 

silih 

ganti 

to  exchange. 

silok 

a fish  ( ikan  silok). 

silu 

home  sick  ; dara  silu-ilu  nubong,  ka  nyabak, 
the  girl  is  very  home  sick,  does  nothing 
but  cry. 

simbieng 

crooked,  on  one  side,  aslant. 

simbieng 

sir  on  g 

awry,  askew. 

sindap 

kelawa 

bathing. 

sinera 

a presentiment,  harbinger. 

singkap 

a slice,  or  sheet,  or  layer,  anything  which 
presents  a broad  flat  surface  ; singkap 
pinggai,  one  plate. 

sintak,  nyintak 

chabut 

to  draw  out  : sintak,  to  unsheathe,  to 
catch  with  a noose. 

sirat 

chawat 

loin  cloth. 

siti 

sabuti 

one,  of  small  things. 

skali 

skali 

sa-kali,  one  time  : sa-kah  da,  once  more  ; 
skali  'da,  once  more,  next  time,  once 
again  ; skali  nyawa,  a single  life. 

sligi 

a wooden  javelin. 

sua,  nyua 

to  hand,  offer,  present  to. 

suah 

puas 

often. 

suba 

dulu  (time), 

the  other  day,  before  (time),  a little  while 

kamari 

ago. 

subang 

krabu 

ear-ring 

subong 

kladi 

kladi,  cladium 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary.  xxxvii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

sukat 

ukur 

what  time;  to  measure,  the  measurement, 
the  destined  period  ; sukat  kaki,  one  foot 
long  ; sukat  iya  grai,  grai,  sukat  iya 
tabin,  tabin,  for  the  destined  period  of 

his  time  he  will  be  well,  for  the  destined 
period  of  his  illness  he  will  be  ill ; sukat 
angat,  angat  sukat  chelap,  chelap  penapat 
angat,  for  the  proper  length  of  summer 
it  will  be  hot,  for  the  proper  length  of 
winter  it  will  be  cold. 

sulieng 

a flute,  a whistle  (steamer’s),  fife. 

suman 

well  after  sickness,  recovered. 

sumbar, 

to  gather  the  first  ears  of  padi  just  us  they 

nyumbar 

begin  to  turn  ripe  ; mansang  sumbar,  time 
for  gathering  first  ripe  padi ; nyumbar, 
to  gather  the  half  ripe  paddy  ; padi 
sumbar,  first  ripe  years  of  padi. 

sumboh 

healed,  to  heal,  heal  up  ; utai  sumboh,  a 
curable  complaint,  &c. 

sumiet 

tighin,  loke 

stingy. 

sumpieng 

pasah 

peg,  screw. 

sumpit, 

a blow  pipe,  to  shoot  with  the  blow-pipe. 

nyumpit 

sungai 

sungi 

river  or  stream  which  is  a tributary  of  a 
main  river. 

sungkit, 

to  insert,  to  pierce,  prick,  hence  to  vac- 

hungkit 

cinate,  occulate. 

sungkup, 

erection  over  a grave. 

iiungkup 

sup 

benghah 

swollen. 

suruan,  seruan 

mediator,  interpreter,  advocate,  go-be- 
tween. 

surut 

surut 

to  fall  (opposed  to  mansang,  to  rise),  water; 
ai  tu  sakali  mansang,  enda  surut,  the  water 
is  continually  rising  and  does  not  ebb. 

taban 

rebut 

to  seize,  carry  off,  run  away. 

tabin 

sakit 

ill,  poorly,  sick,  ailing,  feverish,  generally 
fever. 

tachu 

temparong 

cocoanut-shell. 

tagang 

tahan 

to  stop,  prevent,  make  to  stop  (steamer), 
forbid. 

taia 

kapas 

cotton  ; klantbi  taia,  a padded  jacket  or 
coat  of  quilted  cotton. 

tajam 

tajam 

sharp,  keen  ; tajam  mata,  keen  sighted. 

taju 

a sort  of  jar. 

taju 

brian  (barian’l 

dower. 

takah 

antara 

between,  apart,  a division. 

takang 

tahan 

H.  Ling  Roth.  — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


xxxviii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

takar 

sampai 

a measure,  to  measure  out,  until ; takar 

takup 

ambis,  until  finished  ; takar  nyaua  parai , 
until  the  hour  of  death, 
fellow  to. 

tal  ( Kat.) 

tahan 

to  endure,  put  up  with,  bear  (pain). 

talar 

to  level,  smooth,  a row,  even  line. 

talun 

papan 

plank,  board. 

tama 

to  enter. 

tamang 

poh 

name-sake  ; tamang  akn  siko,  a name-sake 

tambah 

tambah 

of  mine,  or  my  other  name-sake, 
to  add  to. 

tambai 

flag. 

tambak 

to  transplant,  a sapling,  suckling,  shoot, 

tambit 

seedlings. 

to  close  up,  to  shut,  to  tie  up,  to  fasten 

tampal,  nampal 

tampal 

with  thongs;  tambit  lanang,  shut  the 
door  ; tambit  moa  pisau,  shut  up  the  edge 
of  the  knife. 

to  cover,  to  patch  (a  hole  in  curtains) ; 

tampang 

tampal  mata,  cover  the  eyes,  to  bandage, 
a plant  ; tampang  tebu,  a shoot  of  sugar 

tampil,  nampil 

tampong 

cane  ; tampang  pisang,  banana  shoot ; 
vaccine. 

to  join  on,  join  to  ; orang  nampil  bala,  men 

tampong 

sambong 

just  joined  on  to  us  (forces), 
to  join  on  to,  to  sew  on,  patch,  splice  on  to ; 

tampun 

menyadih  tampong pala,  lit.  brothers  join- 
ing heads,  i.e.  own  brothers  v.  cousins  ; 
tampong  orang  jako,  add  to  what  he  has 
said. 

to  impale,  transfix. 

tanan 

utang 

debt. 

tanchani 

salang,  tebok 

to  pierce  a hole  in. 

tanchang, 

ikat 

to  make  fast,  fasten,  tie. 

nanchang 

tanggoi 

cherindak 

sun  hat,  umbrella,  sun-shade. 

tanggong, 

angkat 

to  lift,  raise,  to  become  responsible  for. 

nanggong 

tangkai 

tandan 

bunch  (fruit)  ; an  ear  (paddy)  ; jako 

tangkal, 

tetak,  jaku 

betangkai,  collection  of  opinions, 
to  notch,  make  a note  of,  treaty. 

nangkal 

tangkien, 

ikat 

to  buckle  on,  gird  on. 

nangkien 

tangkir, 

grip,  timbo 

side-plank,  to  wall  in,  fence  round  ; tangkir 

nangkir 

pran,  put  on  the  side  planks  of  the  prau; 

tangkong 

tangkir  umai,  fence  in  the  farm, 
horn  (bird) ; tangkong  tajai  kinalang,  the 

tangkup 

horn  on  the  beak  of  the  hornbill. 
tangkup  enggau  jalong,  to  invert  a vessel  as 

« 

a cover. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary.  xxxix. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English. 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

tanjak,  nanjak 

pejal 

to  go  against  an  opposing  force,  e.g. 
against  wind  or  tide. 

tanjong 

tanjong 

a point  (river,  coast),  headland,  a bend  in 
the  river. 

tansa 

tansa  pendieng,  ear-studs. 

tapa 

tapak 

palm  (hand),  sole  (foot). 

tapak 

tempat 

the  whereabouts ; tapak  ni  rumah  nya  ? 
where  is  that  house  ? 

tarang 

tarang 

brightness,  light. 

tasau,  nasau 

tibas 

tasiek 

lautan 

sea. 

tasih 

sewar 

rent,  hire,  tax. 

tatai 

tebieng 

precipice. 

tatieng 

to  weigh  down,  to  suspend. 

tau 

to  be  able  to,  know  how,  may ; cnda  tau, 
mayn’t. 

tauar,  nauar 

to  beat  down  in  price. 

tauas 

luas 

clear,  light  ; path  ; (opposed  to  repa). 

tauieng, 

nauieng 

to  hang  on,  to  tow. 

taun 

tahun 

year ; taun  denipa , last  year ; taun  padi  di 
sadati,  last  year’s  paddy;  taun  ka  udah, 
last  year;  taun  kadai,  taun  padi  di  tanah, 
present  year,  this  year  ; taun  ka  empai, 
next  year ; taun  siti  kawari,  last  year  ; 
taun  siti  ka  empai,  next  year  or  year  after 
next ; taun  dulu  kamari,  year  before  last. 

tebah,  nebah 

to  play  a wind  instrument ; nebah  sulieng, 
to  play  the  flute,  to  cause  the  steamer 
to  whistle  ; tebah  gendang,  to  beat  tom- 
tom ; tebah  tauak,  to  beat  the  gong,  &c. ; 
tebah  nyaua,  to  sing. 

tebieng 

rinjan 

steep. 

tebieng 

tepi 

shore,  bank. 

tebu 

tebu 

sugar-cane. 

tedai,  teda 

katihggalan 

leavings,  remains,  remainder,  residue. 

tegalan 

the  burnt  land  prepared  for  seed-planting. 

tegar 

kuat 

strong  ; tegar  tulang,  strong,  powerful  ; 
tegar  nyaua,  a loud  voice  ; tegar  blanda  or 
blaua,  swift  runner. 

tegian 

hadat  (?1 

teguran 

bogo 

tekah 

tarah 

to  plane. 

tekang 

adhesive,  clayey,  pasty  ; tanah  prai , cnda 
betekang,  loose  soil,  not  clayey. 

tekap 

to  stutter. 

tekat 

tegah 

to  prevent,  forbid,  stop. 

tekenyit 

tekejut 

sudden,  surprised,  taken  by  surprise, 
astonished,  frightened,  startled. 

tekul 

tahan 

crowded,  confined,  prevented  by  circum- 
stances. 

xl. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 


Malay 

(Colloquial). 


English. 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  o'  die  word. 


tela,  nela 

liat 

telanjai 

tilanjong 

telenga 

terbuka 

telis 

tilis 

telok 

tilok 

telu 

telur 

tembrawai 

tern bang 

tembu 

sudah 

tempalong 

proam 

tern  pap 

tampar 

tempelak 
tempias 
tern pong 

kampong 

tempuan 

tempuan 

temu,  nemu 


temuai,  nemuai 
temuda  temuda 

temuku 

tengah,  nengah  tengah 


tenggau  pake 


to  see,  perceive  ; tela  nuan ! do  you  see  ! 
di  tela  avi  nya,  to  be  seen  (visible  from 
thence), 
naked. 

to  open,  come  undone  ; breach  of  a rifle, 
a window,  door, 
a cut,  wounded,  wound, 
a recess,  the  recess  formed  in  the  bend  of 
a river  ; telok  sungai,  backwater. 

ptrer 

coo 

deserted  dwelling,  ruins,  the  site  of  an  old 
habitation. 

to  finish,  be  at  an  end,  end,  conclude, 
accomplish,  have  done  ; pechara  udah 
tembu,  udah  badu,  the  case  has  been  con- 
cluded, brought  to  an  end  ; enti  tembu 
lavgkau,  kadua  hginti  hadua  nyumpit , if  the 
shed  has.been  finished  some  will  fish 
and  some  will  shoot  (blow-pipe) ; anti 
tembu  makai  kejang  hitai.  wait  till  we  have 
done  eating  and  we  will  start, 
to  fling  (ship’s  lead)  ; parai  di  kena  tempa- 
loug,  it  would  be  death  to  be  hit  with 
the  ship’s  lead. 

the  palm  of  the  hand,  to  slap  ; satempap, 
a handbreadth. 
to  confront. 

to  beat  in  (rain),  exposed  to  the  storm, 
cluster  (stars),  clump  (trees),  cluster 
_ (houses). 

the  passage  in  a Dyak  house  from  end  to 
end,  the  thorough-fare, 
to  know,  understand,  to  discover,  find 
by  accident ; nalai  temu  aku,  I do  not 
know  ; eitda  temu  edup , he  does  not  know 
how  to  live, 
visitor,  to  pay  a visit, 
young  jungle. 

to  knot : udah  temuku  ka  tali , he  has  knotted 
the  string. 

to  traverse,  pass  through,  go  between, 
follow  a beaten  path  and  figuratively 
to  follow  a precedent,  established  cus- 
tom ; anti  ai  langkang  eitda  tail  tengah 
merau , jalai  oraug  nengah  aku,  wait  for 
the  water  to  ebb,  there  is  no  way 
through  for  the  boat,  go  along  by  me. 
to  use,  wear  ; kati  udah  enggau  dc  ? have 
you  done  using  it  ? fanjai  sirat  laka  enda 
alah  enggau,  the  loincloth  is  long  and  so 
that  it  cannot  be  worn. 


Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xli. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English, 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

tenggau 

bersuloh,  iiuloh 

to  torch  ; tenggau  enggo  api,  to  light  up 
fire  brand. 

tengkani 

plihara 

to  feed  (animals),  rear  (fowls,  pigs,  fish). 

tengkebok 

lobang 

a hole. 

tengkira 

pakaian 

personal  effects,  effects. 

tengkuang 

to  quiver,  vibrate,  swing  (lamp)  ; batang 
tengkuang,  the  log  sways  ; lanipu  tenkuang- 
kuang,  the  lamp  keeps  swinging  about. 

tengok 

iris 

to  long,  yearn,  desire  strongly. 

tepak 

uaktu 

tepak  kami  pindah  tepak  iya  muiioh  orang,  at 
the  time  that  we  removed,  at  that  time 
he  killed  a man. 

tepan,  nepan 

inggapp, 

to  settle  (bees),  to  alight,  perch  (birds)  ; 

numpan 

nepan  prau  orang,  to  get  into  someone’s 
boat. 

tepang,  nepang 

to  bewitch,  to  blight  (with  the  evil  eye). 

tepanggai 

aground,  stranded,  stuck  fast,  run 
aground. 

terengkah 

fixed,  settled. 

tiang 

pole,  post,  mast ; tiang  kapal,  a ship's  mast. 

tiap,  niap 

itong 

to  count  up;  tiap  an,  every  day;  tiap  orang, 
each  man. 

tibar 

kibar 

to  cast  net,  to  scatter  (of  seed). 

tikai 

tikar 

mat. 

tikal 

lipat 

to  fold. 

tikong,  nikong 

padain 

to  suppress,  smother. 

tikup,  nikup 

tutup 

to  close,  shut  ; anang  nikup  pintu  pendieng, 
do  not  close  the  doors  of  your  ears. 

timbal,  nimbal 

jawab 

to  reply,  answer,  rhyme. 

tinchin 

chinchin 

a ring  for  the  finger. 

tindok 

tidor 

to  sleep. 

tinggang 

to  fall  upon  ; parai  tinggang  kayii,  crushed 
to  death  by  fall  of  a tree. 

tingik 

tengkar 

wrangle,  quarrel. 

tingkap 

jatoh 

to  tumble  down. 

tinja 

morsels  of  food  that  in  eating  get  into 
hollow  teeth. 

tipan 

lipat 

to  fold,  fold  up  ; tipan  pua,  fold  up  the 
blanket. 

tipok 

basoh 

to  lave  ; betipok  woa,  to  wash  one’s  face. 

titi,  niti 

kupak 

to  skin,  flay,  peel  bark  of  a tree. 

titih,  nitih 

ikut 

to  follow. 

tisi 

pinggir 

brink,  edge,  frontier,  border,  fringe,  skirt 
(jungle)  ; tisi  menoa,  border  frontier  ; 
tisi  langit,  horizon. 

tisil 

gial 

unlucky. 

tisil 

saiat 

tisil  gundai,  to  cut  off. 

trabai 

telabang 

shield. 

trap 

trusu 

to  stumble,  trip. 

tras 

blian 

iron-wood. 

trebai 

trebang 

to  fly. 

xlii. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Malay  English. 

(Colloquial).  Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 


trumbu 

snag. 

tua 

kita  dua 

we  two,  us  two,  our  two  including  person 
addressed  ; aram  tua  bcjalai,  come  and 
let  us  two  walk. 

tuah 

wind-fall,  piece  of  luck,  fortunate,  God- 
send. 

tuai 

tuah 

old,  a chief,  elder. 

tuak 

arrack 

toddy. 

tubai  (tuba) 

tuba 

a plant,  the  juice  of  which  is  used  to 
stupify  the  fish  in  a river  ; verb  to  fish 
with  this  juice. 

tuboh 

body,  people,  person  ; bisi  tuboh,  to  be 
enciente. 

tubu 

rebong 

edible  shoots  of  the  bamboo. 

tuchol,  nuchol 

tunu 

to  burn  ; nuchol  nmai,  burn  the  farm. 

tuchong 

puchuk 

a peak,  pinnacle,  a shell ; tuchong  siwpurai, 
bracelet  shell. 

tuchum 

sinum 

to  smile. 

tudoh 

tiris 

to  leak,  to  drop  (as  water). 

tugal 

a dibbler  used  in  planting,  to  dibble. 

tujah 

to  explore,  examine  ; tujah  enggo  sanghoh, 
to  probe  (the  bottom  of  river)  with 
spears,  feel  the  bottom  ; ainbis  ulu  sungai 
tujah  hami,  we  have  explored  the  whole 
of  the  head  of  the  waters. 

tukang 

to  open  (door,  window,  or  roofing). 

tukang 

a skilled  workman. 

tulat 

tulat 

day  after  to  morrow. 

tulih 

to  acquire,  obtain;  hami  iban  jagau  penapat, 
umpai  tulih  ha  ahal,  we  are  an  ignorant 
people  and  have  not  yet  acquired 
cunning ; jai  iban  enda  tulih  ha  utai,  a 
bad  people  cannot  gain  anything;  bangat 
cnda  tulih  ha  hresa,  can  by  no  means 
obtain  tools. 

tumbit,  numbit 

to  kick  with  heel. 

tumboh 

tumboh 

to  spring  out  of  the  ground  (as  plant?), 
to  grow  up,  to  commence,  begin  ; dini 
endor  tanjong  tumboh?  where  does  the 
river  bend  begin?  umpai  tumboh  mata- 
panas,  datai  din,  you  will  get  there  before 
sunrise ; ari  ni  tumboh  jaho  ? how  did 
the  argument  (words)  originate  ? 

tumbok 

kali 

to  bury,  to  dig  up  the  ground. 

tumbong 

lubang  burit 

the  anus. 

tunda,  nunda 

turut 

to  imitate. 

tundi 

to  coax,  cajole,  to  tease,  mock. 

Sea  Dyak,  Malay  and  English  Vocabulary. 


xliii. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English. 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

i 

tunga 

tujuh 

to  turn  towards,  to  aim  at,  to  have  an 
object,  reason,  cause  ; enti  aku  salah 
nadai  tunga  aku  dian  di  menoa,  if  I am  in 
the  wrong  there  is  no  reason  why  I 
should  remain  in  the  country  ; kati 
tunga  ? what  is  the  reason  ? nanta  tunga 
baka  'tu  ? what  is  the  meaning  of  this  ? 

tunggal 

separately,  one  by  one ; tunggal,  single 
(adj.) ; tunggal-tunggal,  singly,  one  by 
one  (adv.). 

tunggu, nunggu 

hukum 

to  accuse,  to  lay  a charge  against ; to 
fine ; a fine  ; tunggu  menoa,  a fine  for  an 
offence  against  the  people  in  general  ; 
tunggu  butang,  a fine  for  an  offence 
against  an  individual. 

tungkah 

uaktu 

what  time;  tungkah  aku  mudik  kalu,  at  such 
time  as  I go  up  river. 

tungkal 

perfidy. 

tungkul 

jantong 

heart. 

tungkun 

to  light  (fire,  cigarette),  to  kindle. 

tungkup, 

lunkup 

to  turn  upside  down,  bottom  upwards,  to 

nungkup 

upset. 

tunjok 

finger,  toe  ; tunjok  javi,  finger  ; tunjok  kaki, 
toe. 

tunlong 

Brookei  shell  (helix). 

tuntong, 

nuntong 

to  reach,  arrive  at. 

tupi 

ibun 

nourish,  maintain,  keep,  support  (parents, 
&c.),  of  animals  to  domesticate. 

tusok  pendieng 

krabu 

an  ear-ring  (woman’s). 

tusu,  nusu 

insap 

the  breasts ; to  suck,  to  suckle  ; ai  tusu, 
milk. 

tutok,  nutok 

to  pound,  bruise. 

tutus 

to  clip  off  (prepuce),  to  lop  off  (bough),  to 
trim  (vine)  ; tutus  botoh , to  circumcise. 

tuyu 

paloi,  bodo 

silly,  idiotic,  crazy,  half-witted. 

uan  nguan 

ibun 

to  take  care,  occupy;  besai  ai  skali,  kati  bisi 
nguan  prau  kitai  ? the  river  (water)  is 
very  high  (great),  have  you  anyone  to 
look  after  our  boat  ? nguan  rum  ah,  to 
take  care  of,  be  in  charge  of  the  house. 

ubong 

benang 

cotton  thread. 

uchu 

chuchu 

grand-child. 

udah 

sudah 

it  is  done,  expressed  completion  of  action 

udok 

asu 

dog 

udu 

kuat,  kras,  dras, 

severely  hard,  strong  ; udu  bendar  iya  be- 

bisa.  kinchang 

jamah,  he  argued  very  vigorously  ; udu 
singat  nya,  to  be  severely  stung  ; udu  ai, 
water  strong  (current)  ; udu  ribut,  wind 
is  strong  ; udu  jako,  loud  talk. 

xliv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Sea  Dyak. 

Malay 

(Colloquial). 

English. 

Together  with  Examples  of  the  use  of  the  word. 

uji 

chob 

to  try,  test,  prove  : alau  uji , come  and  try. 

ukai 

buka 

denial,  it  is  not ; ukai  benama  maioh,  he  has 
not  got  many  names. 

ukoi 

asu 

dog. 

ular 

ular 

snake. 

ulieng 

kamudi 

rudder,  helm. 

ulih 

dapat 

to  be  able  to,  to  get  at  ; cnda  ulih-ulih, 
absolutely  unable. 

ulit,  ngulit 

mourning,  to  throw  into  mourning. 

ulu 

ulu 

interior  (opposed  to  ill),  up  river,  up 
country. 

umai. 

uma 

a farm  [paddy). 

umang 

miskin 

poor. 

urnbok 

ugut,  pejal 

to  urge,  press,  importune,  to  force,  compel, 
oblige. 

umpan 

umpan 

bait. 

undai 

udang  sessar 

shrimp,  prawn. 

undur 

ilir 

to  descend  (river). 

unggoi 

spleen. 

ungkup 

bhagian 

share,  division,  portion,  lot. 

unjor 

bujor 

to  stretch  out  (legs,  &c.)  ; lengthways 
(opposed  to  mebintang)  ; alongside. 

unsai 

simbur,  siram 

to  splash,  splutter,  syringe,  sprinkle,  to 
water  flowers. 

unus 

bracelets  of  fine  black  fibre  worn  round 
the  calf  of  the  leg  or  upper  arm. 

uong 

riam 

rapid,  water  fall. 

upa 

umbut 

the  cabbage  of  a palm. 

upah 

gaji 

reward,  wages,  bribe  ; to  bribe. 

upun 

pith  of  a dart. 

utai 

barang,  ano 

a thing,  things. 

utap 

bark  canoe. 

A VOCABULARY 


Collected  by  the  late  H.  Brooke  Low,  Esq. 

The  locality  not  specified  in  the  MS.,  but  Mr.  Hose  informs  me  the  Vocabulary  is 
that  of  a Dialect  of  a Rejang  River  Tribe. — H.L.R. 


English. 

Dialect  of 
Rejang  River  Tribe. 

English. 

Dialect  of 
Rejang  River  Tribe. 

alive 

gosh 

fowl 

manok 

alligator 

bahaia 

fruit 

buah 

ant 

hieb 

go 

chib 

banana 

telui 

gold 

mas 

belly 

eg 

bird 

chiap 

hair 

soop 

black 

lengah 

hand 

tig  (i) 

blood 

lod 

head 

chauog 

blowpipe 

belau 

honey 

tabal 

boat 

prahu 

hot 

bud 

body 

tit 

husband 

tau 

bone 

tulag 

iron 

best 

child 

kuad 

coco  nnt 

nor 

jungle  ' 

masrok 

cold 

dekad 

come 

bei  (madoh) 

large 

menu 

leaf 

sela 

day 

jungiah 

dead 

tebus 

male 

baboeu 

deer 

rusa,  penguin 

man 

sil 

dog 

chuo 

mat 

apil 

drink 

im  org 

moon 

ghicheh,  ghucheh 

mosquito 

sebeg 

ear 

ngentok 

mother 

oeng 

earth 

te 

mountain 

jelmol 

eat 

cha 

mouth 

naag 

egg 

lap 

elephant 

adon 

nail  (finger-) 

charos 

eye 

mad 

night 

lauit 

nose 

merh 

face 

kapb  (au) 

father 

boeu 

Pig 

changgak 

feather 

sentol 

female 

babo 

rain 

ujan 

finger 

jarastig 

rat 

tikus 

fire 

osh 

rhinoceros 

: agab 

fish 

kaa 

rice 

charoi' 

flower 

bunga 

river 

tiu 

foot 

j«g 

root 

tingtek 

xlvi. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dialect  of 
Rkjang  River  Tribe. 

English. 

Dialect  of 
Rkjang  River  Tribe. 

salt 

empoig 

wife 

kedol 

sea 

laut 

wind 

parug 

seed 

kebeu 

woman 

kedol 

silver 

perak 

wood 

jihu 

skin 

gelo 

sky 

lahu 

yesterday 

hatab 

sleep 

selog 

small 

mishong 

snake 

taju 

Numerals : — 

spear 

bulush 

star 

paloy 

one 

ser 

ne  (nay) 

sun 

ish 

two 

dua 

nal 

three 

tiga  (ne) 

ne  (sharp) 

thunder 

engku 

neh 

tin 

timah 

four 

am  pat 

ampat 

to-day 

nate 

five 

lima 

lima 

to-morrow 

yakal 

six 

anarn 

anam 

tooth 

moin 

seven 

tujut 

tujut 

tongue 

lan tag 

eight 

lapan 

lapan 

tree 

jihu 

nine 

sambilan 

ten 

sepuloh, 

ne-puloh 

waistcloth 

web 

eleven 

ne-blas 

water 

auk  (ork) 

twelve 

nal-blas 

wax 

keluai 

twenty 

nal-pulol 

1 

white 

biorg 

one  hundred 

saratus 

Kanowit,  Kyati,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Matu  Vocabularies,  xlvii 


lxviii. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Matu  Vocabularies.  xlix 


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H.  Ling  Roth 


Natives  of  Sarawak 


Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Main  Vocabularies 


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H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


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Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Main  Vocabularies 


liii. 


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H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Main  Vocabularies 


lv. 


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lvi. 


H.  Ling  Roth 


Natives 


of  Sarawak. 


6 

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Kanuwit,  Kyaii,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Main  Vocabularies.  lvii. 


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lviii 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


< 3 

J a* 

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'C'C'C'T'O'lD'CTD'O'a'O'O'O'U'OTJu 


Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Matu  V ocabularies 


lix 


-C 

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Kanowit,  Kyan,  Bintulu,  Punan  and  Main  Vocabularies. 


'OS 

a, 

o 

CTJ 

0) 

aj 

C/) 

n 

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sc 

be 

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C cj  ci 
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O 


rt  Sc 

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a.  a. 

rtf  cC 


xciii. 


VOCABULARIES  OF  NORTH  BORNEAN  LANGUAGES. 

Collected  by  Lieut.  C he  Crespigny,  R.N.  The  seven  first  columns  appeared  in  the  Proc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Soc.,  July,  1872.  The  last  column, 


xciv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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Vocabularies  of  North  Bornean  Languages 


xcv 


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xcvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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Vocabularies  of  North  Bornean  Languages.  xcvii. 


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Vocabularies  of  North  Bornean  Languages — continued.  English  and  Malanau. 


xcvm. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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A COLLECTION  OF  FORTY-THREE  WORDS  IN  USE  IN 
TWENTY-FOUR  DIFFERENT  DISTRICTS 
Made  by  the  Rev.  Chas.  Hupe,  of  the  Rheinische  Mission. 

“ Karangan  is  American  Mission  at  Pontiana ; the  others  I have  collected  on  the 
West  Coast,  and  others  I copied  from  Brooke  in  Sarawak.” 


English. 

Malay. 

Buginese. 

Banjerese. 

Dyak 

Pulopetak. 

D. 

Karangan. 

D.  Sinding 
and  Meratei. 

one 

satu 

sedi 

asa 

idja 

nyeu 

ka-ah 

two 

dua 

dua 

dua 

dua 

duweu 

duoh 

three 

tiga 

telo 

talu 

telo 

taroh 

taruh 

four 

ampat 

opa,  mpa 

ampat 

iipat 

ampat 

apat 

five 

lima 

lima 

lima 

lima 

rima 

limot 

six 

anam 

onong,  nam 

anam 

djehawen 

inum 

niim 

seven 

tudju 

pitu 

pitu 

udju 

idjo 

tudju 

eight 

delapan 

harua 

walu 

hanja 

mai 

maih 

nine 

sambilan 

hasera 

sanga 

djulatien 

pre 

pri-i 

ten 

sapulu 

sepulu 

sapulu 

sapulu 

samung 

smui 

man  ( homo 
sapiens) 

manusia 

(vcrgleiche  mensch,  mas,  ist, 
angenommen) 

wo  es  ist  unverdndert  ans  dent  Malaiischen 

homo 

orang 

tawu 

orang 

olo 

na 

nu-uh 

persona 

man  and 

laki-laki 

horo-ani 

laki-laki 

hatua 

dari 

husband 

woman 
and  wife 

perampuan 
(wife,  bini) 

makonrai 
(wife,  bini) 

bini 

bawi  (wife, 
sawa) 

dajung 

father 

bapa 

ambe-ma 

bapa 

apang 

ma 

mother 

head 

ma 

kapala 

indo-na 

ulu 

uma 

kapala 

indu 

takolok 

no 

eye 

ear 

mata 

telinga, 

kupin 

mata 

dutjuling 

mata 

telinga 

mata 

pinding 

matun 

nose 

hidon 

inga 

hidong 

orong 

nukn 

tongue 

lidah 

lila 

ilat 

djela 

djura 

tooth 

gigi 

isi 

gigi 

kasinga 

djapan 

hair 

rambut 

welua 

rambut 

balau 

bok 

hand 

tangan 

lima 

tangan 

lenga 

ende 

tangan 

day 

hari 

so 

hari 

andau 

ano 

ndo 

night 

malam 

weni 

malam 

hamalem 

sakalupm 

sun  (eye 

mata  hari 

mata  so 

matahari 

matanandau 

matun  anui 

of  dav) 

moon 

bulan 

wulan, 

ulong 

bulan 

bulan 

bulan 

bulan 

star 

bintang 

bitoeng 

bintang 

bintang 

taing 

fire 

api 

api 

api 

apui 

api 

sepui 

water 

aier 

wai 

banju 

danum 

pitu 

pi-in 

earth 

tanah 

tana 

tana 

petak 

tana 

tana 

good 

baik 

madatjeng 

baik 

bahalap 

bait 

madih 

bad 

djahat 

mejak 

djahat 

papa 

djet 

dja-at 

dead 

mati 

mate 

mati 

matei 

kubeus 

kabus 

big 

besar 

maradja 

basar 

hai 

aijuh 

little 

ketjil 

baitju 

katjil 

kurik 

si-it 

white 

putih 

mapute 

putih 

putih 

bede 

black 

itam 

malotong 

hirang 

bebilem 

senget 

bird 

burung 

manuk 

burung 

burung 

manok 

manuk 

fowl 

ajam.manok 

manuk 

ajam 

manok 

manok 

siok 

Pig 

babi 

babi 

babi 

bubui 

pangan 

fish 

ikan 

baleh 

iwak 

lauk 

ikei 

c, 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 


one 

two 

three 

four 

five 

six 

seven 

eight 

nine 

ten 

man  ( homo 
sapiens) 
homo 
persona 
man  and 
husband 
woman 
and  wife 
father 
mother 
head 
eve 
ear 
nose 
tongue 
tooth 
hair 
hand 
day 
night 
sun  (eye 
of  day) 
moon 
star 
fire 
water 
earth 
good 
bad 
dead 
big 
little 
white 
black 
bird 
fowl 

Pig 

fish 


D. 

Kajan. 

D. 

Sau. 

D. 

Bulan 

D. 

Meri. 

D. 

Lundu. 

D. 

Bintulu. 

dji 

indi 

siti 

si 

djia 

dua 

dua 

dua 

duveh 

ha 

tello 

taruh 

tigah 

tellau 

telau 

ampat 

pah 

; ampat 

pat 

pat 

lima 

remo 

; lima 

lima 

lima 

anum 

anum 

anam 

nom 

nom 

tudjak 

djuh 

tudjuh 

tudjoh 

tudjoh 

saija 

moi 

delapan 

madeh 

madeh 

petan 

pri-i 

sambilan 

supei 

supi 

pulo 

simohong 

sapulu 

pulo 

pluan 

daha 

dari 

laki 

lakei  (hns- 

kneah 

manei  (litis- 

band,  ideh) 

band,  bubok) 

do 

indu  (wife. 

dvung 

tarei 

dvung 

reddu 

him) 

tamei 

sama 

apei 

tama 

tama 

inei 

indo 

indei 

tina 

tina 

kuhong 

bak 

palla 

uho 

bak 

ulau 

mata 

button 

mata 

mata 

botfm 

mata 

pendiang 

telinga 

kedjit 

telinga 

urong 

indong 

idong 

singota 

nong 

urong 

dela 

djillah 

ihra 

nipun 

djepon 

gigi 

nipon 

djapon 

nipon 

bf.k 

bOk 

bf.k 

fok 

bf.k 

bok 

uwau 

tangan 

langon 

tudjoh 

tangan 

agum 

dau 

ungnu 

ari 

allau 

dau 

dahalum 

narom 

mallom 

dillom 

kolom 

mata  dau 

buttanuh 

mata  ari 

mata  dollo 

bitarnanu 

mata  dau 

bulan 

bulan 

bulan 

tukka 

buran 

bulan 

pandau 

fatak 

bitang 

apui 

opui 

api 

igon 

apue 

djara 

danum 

pi- in 

ai 

feh 

pe-in 

ba 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

pagu 

badas 

djia 

dijar 

dji-i 

djahas 

mati 

kobos 

mati 

matei 

misso 

bisi 

adjar 

met 

disi 

budah 

burak 

putei 

mapo 

singut 

tjilum 

metom 

itam 

manok 

bj  urong 

manuk 

do-ut 

sijau 

manok 

ahal 

siok 

sijioh 

djani 

baha 

pangan 

bak  as 

masek 

ikan 

ikan 

futah 

kaen 

djeing 

Hupi's  Vocabularies 


ci. 


English. 

D.  Millanau 
and  Muka. 

D.  Berang 
and  Sabungo. 

I). 

Bukar. 

D.  Santan 
and  Gurgo. 

D. 

Sinan. 

I). 

Sumpo. 

one 

djia 

indi 

ni 

indi 

indi 

indi 

two 

dua 

duo 

dua 

dua 

dua 

dua 

three 

tellau 

taruk 

taruk 

taruk 

taruk 

taruk 

four 

pat 

pat 

ampat 

pat 

pat 

pat 

five 

lima 

remo 

rema 

remma 

remma 

rema 

six 

nom 

naum 

anaum 

anung 

anung 

anum 

seven 

tudjoh 

djoh 

djoh 

djoh 

djoh 

djoh 

eight 

eian 

meii 

meihi 

mii 

mi-i 

mei-i 

nine 

ulan 

pri-i 

pri-i 

pri-i 

pri-i 

pri-i 

ten 

man  (homo 

pluan 

somong 

simahung 

simung 

simung 

simong 

sapiens ) 
homo 
persona 

dyah 

man  and 
husband 

malei 

dari  (hush., 
dyah) 

dari  (hush., 
dyah) 

dari  (hush., 
dyah) 

dyah 

woman 

malei 

dvong 

dvong 

dyong 

dyong 

sawan 

and  wife 

father 

ama 

sama 

amang 

sama 

sama 

sama 

mother 

tina 

sindo 

anu 

sindo 

sindo 

anu 

head 

ulau 

bak 

bak 

bak 

bak 

bfi  k 

eve 

mata 

buttoh 

buttoh 

buttoh 

buttoh 

buttoh 

ear 

kadjit 

kapin 

kedjit 

kedjit 

kapin 

nose 

udong 

nong 

unong 

undong 

nong 

indong 

tongue 

djeha 

djile 

irna 

irna 

djeha 

tooth 

nipon 

djepo 

djepo 

djepo 

djepo 

djepo 

hair 

hand 

buok 

tudjoh 

bok 

tangan 

burok 

tangan 

ubok 

bok 

boks 

day 

lau 

gno 

(s.  ungnu) 

ungnu 

ungnu  djava 

ungnu 

gno 

night 

mallam 

narom 

mungaru 

ungnu  karim 

sanarun 

narom 

sun  (eve 

mata  lau 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

of  dav) 

moon 

bulan 

buran 

buran 

buran 

buran 

buran 

star 

bitang 

bitang 

bintu 

bintang 

bitang 

bitang 

fire 

apui 

poi  (s.  apoi) 

apoi 

apui 

apoi 

apui 

water 

niam 

pe-in 

umo 

aoh 

pi-in 

pe-in 

earth 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

good 

dia 

muni 

(s.  mundi) 

pagu 

kunna 

mundi 

pagu 

bad 

ra-as 

be-ik 

drap 

drep 

drap 

dead 

matei 

kabos 

kabos 

kabos 

kabos 

kabos 

big 

ba-as 

ahi 

ba-as 

ahi 

ahi 

little 

pi  it 

djahek 

tju 

sjuh 

tj  uk 

white 

apo 

budak 

budak 

budah 

budah 

budah 

black 

belom 

singut 

behis 

singut 

singut 

behis 

bird 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

fowl 

ahal 

siok 

siok 

siok 

siok 

pig 

babui 

i-oh 

i-oh 

ioh 

ioh 

fish 

djikbn 

kean 

ikan 

ikian 

ikian 

ikian 

H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


cii. 


English. 

D. 

Budanok. 

D. 

Stang. 

D. 

Sibugau. 

n. 

Tubbia. 

15. 

Sabutan. 

D.  Sering, 
Gugu  & Matan. 

one 

indi 

indi 

sa 

indi 

indi 

indi 

two 

dua 

duo 

dua 

duo 

duo 

duo 

three 

taruk 

taruk 

tiga 

taruk 

taruk 

taruk 

four 

pat 

pat 

ampat 

pat 

pat 

pat 

five 

re  mo 

remo 

lima 

rema 

remo 

rema 

six 

anum 

naum 

anam 

anting 

naum 

anaum 

seven 

djuh  • 

djuh 

tudjuh 

djoh 

djuh 

djoh 

eight 

mei- 

mei-i 

delapan 

meihi 

mei-i 

meii 

nine 

pri-i 

pri-i 

sambilan 

pri-i 

pri-i 

pri-i 

ten 

simung 

simong 

sap  ul  u 

simong 

simong 

simong 

man  (homo 
sapiens) 
homo 
persona) 

man  and 

dari  (hush., 

dyah 

laki 

dari  (hush  , 

dyah 

dvah 

husband 

woman 

dyah) 
saw  an 

dyong 

indo 

dyah) 

dyong 

dvung 

dyong 

and  wife 
father 

sama 

sama 

apei 

sama 

sama 

sama 

mother 

sindo 

sindo 

indi 

sindo 

sindo 

sindo 

head 

bilk 

bilk 

kapala 

bak 

biik 

bilk 

eye 

buttoh 

buttoh 

mata 

buttoh 

buttoh 

buttoh 

ear 

kadjit 

kadjit 

punding 

kadjit 

kapin 

kadjit 

nose 

undong 

undong 

idong 

nong 

nung 

nung 

tongue 

djeha 

djeha 

delah 

irha 

irha 

irha 

tooth 

djepu 

djepo 

gigi 

djepoh 

djepoh 

djepo 

hair 

ubok 

book 

bok 

burok 

book 

book 

hand 

day 

ungnu 

ungnu 

ari 

ungnu 

ungnu 

gnu 

night 

ungner 

narom 

malam 

karom 

narom 

narom 

sun  (eye 

karim 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

matiari 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

buttanuh 

of  day) 

moon 

b u ran 

buran 

buran 

buran 

buran 

buran 

star 

bitang 

bitang 

bintu 

bitang 

bitang 

fire 

apui 

apui 

api 

apui 

apui 

apui 

water 

pi-in 

pi-in 

ai 

pi -in 

pi-in 

pi-in 

earth 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

tana 

good 

kanna 

kanna 

bad  as 

panat 

kunna 

munni 

bad 

drap 

drap 

djai 

raap 

nip 

dead 

kabos 

kabos 

mati 

kabos 

kaboi 

kabos 

big 

ba-as 

ba-as 

besi 

ba-as 

ba-as 

little 

white 

sjuh 

budah 

tji-it 

budah 

putih 

budah 

soak 

budah 

so-oh 

budah 

black 

singut 

singut 

tjilum 

singut 

bi-i 

singut 

bird 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

manuk 

fowl 

siok 

siok 

siok 

siok 

siap 

siok 

Pig 

pangan 

pangan 

babi 

eioh 

da-ung 

eioh 

fish 

ikian 

kian 

lauk 

kian 

ikian 

ikian 

A SHORT  COLLECTION 


Made  by  Chas.  Hose,  Esq.,  Resident  of  the  Baram  District. 

There  are  sixteen  dialects  spoken  in  the  Baram  district,  the  most  important  being 
Kayan,  Kenniah,  Punan,  Kalabit,  Narom,  Sibop,  Brunei  Malay,  and  Malay. 

1 subjoin  nine  words  as  an  example  : — ■ 


English 

Kayan. 

Kenniah. 

Punan. 

Kalabit. 

Narom. 

Sibop. 

Brunei 

Malay. 

Malay. 

wild  pig 

baboi 

bawi 

bakas 

bakar 

san 

bakas 

bai 

babi  utan 

man 

daha 

kalunan 

ulun 

lumulun 

ideh 

ulun 

jilama 

manusia 

to  walk 

panoh 

massat 

malakau 

nylan 

malahau 

malakau 

jalan 

jalan 

a fish 

masik 

siluang 

luang 

luang 

futar 

enjin 

lauk 

ikan 

dog 

asau 

asu 

asoh 

uteh 

ou 

asu 

koyuk 

anjing 

water 

atar 

sungei 

bah 

fah 

fer 

bah 

aying 

ayer 

good 

sayoh 

layar 

dian 

dor 

jeh 

dian 

bisai 

bagus 

no 

nusi 

naan 

bi 

naam 

naan 

abi 

nada 

tida 

a fowl 

yap 

manok 

deek 

laal 

aal 

deek 

manok 

1 ay  am 

(Geographical  Journal,  March,  1893) 


A VOCABULARY  OF  THE  KAYAN  LANGUAGE  OF  THE 


NORTH-WEST  OF  BORNEO. 

By  R.  Burns,  Esy. 

From  Logan's  “ Journal  of  the  Indian  Archipelago.'' 

The  following  is  a Vocabulary  of  the  dialect  spoken  in  the  district  of  the  rivers 
Bintulu  and  Rajang  and  their  branches. 


English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

Knglish. 

Kayan. 

earth 

tana  lint 

shell 

sell 

sharping  stone 

batu  asa 

sky 

langit 

garden 

luvo 

chisel 

pan  j ok 

sea 

kala 

mountain 

knalang 

awl 

tuel 

sun 

matin-dow 

cave 

luvong 

spear 

bakier 

moon 

bulan 

house 

oma 

crowbar 

kali 

star 

kraning 

room 

tilong 

hoe 

weying 

light 

mala 

door 

taman 

gold 

ma 

darkness 

lidam 

window 

batave 

iron 

titi 

lightning 

kilat 

loft 

parong 

steel 

titi  mying 

thunder 

balari 

floor 

tasu 

magnet 

titi  lakin 

eclipse 

sowang 

stairs 

san 

copper 

kavat  bla 

heat 

laso 

railing 

krahan 

brass 

kavat  nvmit  or 

cold 

laram 

partition 

dinding 

knymit 

cloud 

lison 

beam 

bong 

tin 

samha 

rainbow 

langi  hatong 

boards 

liap 

medicine 

tabar 

tide-flow 

wap 

rafts 

kaso 

gun 

pulot 

fire 

apui 

laths 

laha 

rozin 

lutong 

smoke 

lison 

thatch 

apo 

camphor 

kapon 

sparks 

wur 

nails 

tapak 

opium 

pune 

flame 

mala 

table 

talam 

trees 

pohun 

ashes 

havo 

mat 

brat 

root 

aka 

fuel 

tvon 

mattress 

luto 

trunk 

batang 

charcoal 

lusong 

pillow 

hilan 

bark 

kul 

water 

atta 

curtains 

kalabo 

branch 

dahan 

river 

hungie 

screen 

dindingkalabo 

leaf 

iton 

rain 

usan 

box,  trunk 

pati 

flower,  bios- 

pidang 

current 

kasi 

basket 

alat 

som 

lake 

bawang 

plate 

pigan 

| fruit 

bua 

dew 

lipot 

cup 

pigan  dui 

orange,  lime 

lavar 

fog 

ap 

knife 

knoe 

pine  apple 

orusan 

wind 

bahoie 

handle 

houp 

mangostin 

kitong 

storm 

1 ovan 

pot 

taring 

plaintain 

puteh 

land 

tana 

jar 

goasi 

jack  [fruit! 

badok 

country 

dali 

torch 

lutong 

mango 

sapam 

village 

dolia 

candle 

J lutong  la 

J durian 

dian 

town 

dali 

beeswax 

la  hingit 

beetle-nut 

gahat 

island 

j busang 

wick 

wang 

cocoa-nut 

knoh 

cape  point 

I tujol 

sieve 

ilik 

kernel,  seed 

wang 

whirl-pool 

ivak 

bucket 

lima 

vegetables 

tango 

plantation  ] 

| scales,  balance 

tibang 

yams 

uvi 

field  | 

hammer 

tukol 

sugar-cane 

tuvo 

plane 

j tana  padit 

anvil 

taranan 

salt 

knah 

wood  jungle 

| tuan 

file 

isa 

pepper 

lia 

sand 

hyt 

gimlet 

knivo 

ginger 

lia  tana 

rock 

batu 

hatchet,  axe 

asey 

oil 

tilang 

Burns'  Kay  an  Vocabulary 


cv 


English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

journey  provi- 

maso 

frog 

jowi 

blood 

daha 

sions 

toad 

bunang 

entrails 

tanei 

sugar 

tuvlang 

lizard 

silowit 

lungs 

praha 

padi 

pari 

alligator 

bava 

stomach 

batuka 

rice 

baha 

guana 

kavok 

liver 

pley 

boiled  rice 

kanan 

tortoise 

kalovi 

bladder 

na 

dried  rice 

kartip 

butterfly 

langoto 

brains 

otak 

flour 

tapa 

fly 

lango 

spirit 

brua 

fish 

masik 

mosquito 

trokok 

mind 

kanip 

beef 

sin 

small  kind 

hamok 

love 

masi 

eggs 

tilo 

mosquito 

anger 

mano 

boat 

haruk 

flea 

koto  naso 

joy 

barkam 

oar 

say 

bee 

hingit 

grief 

mahal 

gun 

ban  in 

firefly 

ada 

hope 

lay 

ball 

panglo 

ant 

klavirang 

dumb 

hamang 

powder 

tabar  banin 

birds 

manok 

deaf 

madang 

wheel 

ilier 

kite 

knahu 

blind 

pisak 

needle 

loe 

pigeon 

poni 

cough 

nikar 

thread 

tali 

fowls 

knap 

mad 

billing 

fish  hook 

pisey 

sparrow 

bayong 

boil,  pimple 

tuko 

tobacco 

jako 

smallpox 

klapit 

cigar 

loko 

mankind 

kolonan 

rheumatism 

niviksal 

surf,  wave 

bangat 

man 

laki 

scurf 

key 

throne 

tagan 

woman 

doh 

itch 

gatan 

dress 

akave 

child 

hapang 

fever 

padam 

hat,  cap 

lavong 

body 

loang 

asthma 

iy 

coat,  jacket 

basong 

head 

kohong 

wound 

gga 

shoes 

tadok 

hair 

bok 

sick 

prah 

cloth 

kain 

beard 

bulo 

ague 

padam  bilong 

woollen  cloth 

sakalat 

eye 

mata 

lunatic 

blanin 

satin 

dasu 

face 

mang 

toothache 

prah  knipan 

ear 

apang 

kindred 

paharin 

tiger 

lijow 

nose 

urong 

king 

maran 

leopard 

koli 

cheek 

pinga 

queen 

maran  doh 

bear 

buang 

tongue 

jila 

lord 

hipoy 

dragon 

nang 

mouth 

ba 

master,  Mr 

hibo 

rhinoceros 

tandoh 

teeth 

knipan 

nobleman 

pan van 

deer 

payow 

neck 

kran 

slave 

dipin 

hart 

payow  wang 

chin 

jan 

husband 

laki 

roe 

payow  doh 

shoulder 

hone 

wife 

hawa 

mouse  deer 

planok 

back 

loung 

father 

amay 

goat 

hading 

heart 

kanip 

mother 

inei 

wild  hog 

bavoi 

rib 

ha 

grandfather 

huko 

boar 

bilangnvan 

hand 

kama 

father-in-law 

ivan 

SOW 

miray 

right  hand 

tow 

mother-in-law 

ivan 

pig 

uting 

left  hand 

maving 

brother 

arin 

boar 

batuan 

arm 

lipe 

brother-in-law 

han  go 

bow 

hinan 

wrists 

uso 

sister 

arin  doh 

pole-cat 

bukulo 

elbow 

hiko 

sister-in-law 

hango  dch 

dog 

aso 

finger 

ikin 

son 

anak  laki 

cat 

sing 

thumb 

taval 

daughter 

anak  doh 

squirrel 

pinnyamo 

nails 

hulo 

twins 

anak  apir 

rat,  mouse 

lavo 

breasts 

usok 

orphan 

anak  ula 

monkey 

brok 

abdomen 

butit 

uncle 

mamo 

ape 

poinang 

knee 

aliv 

aunt 

mamo 

mias 

orong  tuan 

leg 

itat 

nephew 

nakan 

tail 

eko 

feet 

kasa 

niece 

nakan 

skin 

blanit 

toes 

ikin  kasa 

bastard 

tuyang 

snake,  serpent 

knipa 

heel 

tumin 

friend 

savila 

boa  constric- 

panganan 

skin 

blanit 

enemy 

iow 

tor 

bone 

tulang 

God 

Tanangan 

black  snake 

jilivan 

flesh 

sin 

Lord 

Hipov 

worm 

halang 

sinew 

uat 

ghost 

knito 

centipede 

diripan 

reins 

uat  daha 

mercy 

masi 

scorpion 

diripan  kitip 

pulse 

uat  nitit 

time 

rua 

leech 

atak 

. milk 

1 so 

season 

doman 

CV1. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

beginning 

aring 

bold 

lakin 

lost 

pabat 

end 

bya 

bright 

mala 

low 

liva 

year 

doman 

broad 

brang 

mad 

buling 

month 

bulan 

cheap 

lvang 

many 

liba 

day 

dow 

clever 

haman 

meagre 

nywang 

dav-light 

dow  mala 

course 

kudal 

merciful 

limer 

mid-day 

dow  nagrang 

cold 

laram 

middle 

tahang 

morning 

pisol 

crooked 

kowi 

might 

likap 

night 

malarn 

customary 

barik 

modest 

hv 

mid-night 

malani  kag- 

dark 

lidam 

more 

la'an 

rang 

dead 

matei 

mournful 

lumo 

to-morrow 

jima 

deaf 

madang 

naked 

loang  tua 

yesterday 

dow  dahalam 

deep 

dalam 

narrow 

jali 

last  night 

malam  daha- 

defective 

hang  hang 

near 

jilang 

lam 

defded 

lumi 

neat 

diva 

to-morrow 

jima  pisol 

difficult 

baval 

new 

maring 

morning 

dilatory 

padara 

next 

jilang 

dav  after  to- 

duji 

distant 

su 

nimble 

ipat 

morrow 

drunk 

mavok 

noble 

savu 

dumb 

hamang 

noisy 

nyom 

dry 

magang 

numerous 

liba 

easy 

malai 

old 

ava 

Pronouns. 

empty 

gohang 

open 

ovar 

enough 

tami 

outward 

tawa 

I 

akui 

equal 

pia 

pale 

nuwang 

thou,  you 

ika 

even 

padit 

passionate 

laso  kanip 

he,  she,  it 

hia 

evil 

jak 

past 

lalu 

we 

ita 

expect 

haman 

perfect 

lim  sayu 

ye,  you 

ika 

false 

kalok 

plain 

lani 

they 

da'a 

fast 

kiga 

polite 

hy 

who 

hey 

fat 

munang 

poor 

jak 

which 

nono 

feeble 

kangan 

pretty 

diya 

what 

none 

few 

ok 

proper 

marong 

my,  mine 

akui  hipon 

first 

aring 

pungent 

hanit 

they,  thine 

ika  hipon 

fit 

tinang 

putrid 

muvok 

his,  hers,  its 

hia  hipon 

foolish 

ombak 

quick 

ipat 

ours 

ita  hipon 

free 

jitua 

rapid 

kasi  • 

yours 

ika  hipon 

future 

bya 

raw 

ata 

theirs 

da'a  hipon 

glad 

ikam 

ready 

ouna 

this 

ini 

good 

sava 

red 

bla 

that 

iti 

great 

ava 

rich 

kaya 

all 

lim 

guiltv 

hala 

right 

marong 

everv 

lint  lim 

handsome 

diva 

ripe 

sak 

either 

ini  iri 

hard 

mying 

rough 

patong 

some 

bali 

heavy 

bahat 

round 

bilong 

other 

dap 

high 

bo 

rustv 

higan 

anyone 

tilana  ji 

hollow 

goang 

same 

pia 

such  as  this 

nonana 

hot 

laso 

scarlet 

bla 

such  as  that 

notika 

hungry 

lou 

shallow 

nivo 

ignorant 

magave 

sharp 

knat 

improper 

divan  tinang 

1 short 

bek 

indigent 

jak 

sick 

prali 

Adjectives. 

innocent 

diyant  hala 

silent 

milo  tua 

kind 

tigam 

sincere 

lan 

acid 

sam 

knotty 

buki 

slack 

liko 

aged 

ava 

languid 

ly 

slanting 

alan 

alike 

pia 

large 

ava 

slow 

dara 

alive 

murip 

late 

dara 

small 

ok 

bad 

jak 

lazy 

duya 

smooth 

jilura 

bald 

lasang 

left 

maving 

soft 

lima 

bashful 

hy 

less 

korang 

sorry 

mahal 

beautiful 

diya 

level 

padit 

spotted 

kalong 

becoming 

marong 

light 

knyan 

straight 

tuto 

bent 

kowi 

little 

kahang 

strong 

ley 

black 

pi  tarn 

living 

murip 

sweet 

may 

blind 

pisak 

long 

aru 

swift 

kiga 

Burns'  Kayan  Vocabulary.  cvii. 


English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

tall 

bo 

catch 

sigam 

grit 

parak 

tame 

malai 

change 

patoyu 

grind 

lani 

thick 

kapal 

chase 

livo 

grow 

tubo 

thin 

knipi 

choose 

mileh 

halt 

milo 

thirsty 

magang  ba 

chop 

nitak 

hang 

jat 

timid 

takot 

circumcise 

knilo 

have 

teh 

tree 

lan 

clean 

myang 

hear 

naringa 

uncertain 

divan  djam 

climb 

nakar 

help 

mahap 

unequal 

divan  pia 

collect 

mi  pang 

hire 

niba 

useless 

divan  non 

come 

ating 

hope 

kina 

valiant 

lakin 

comprehend 

djam 

inherit 

kalui  taman 

warm 

laso 

conquer 

alia 

inquire 

mitang 

weak 

weary 

ly 

knila 

copy 

cover 

nangrua 

nabon 

invade 

invite 

nasa 

bara 

wet 

basa 

covet 

mi  pang 

itch 

key 

white 

puti 

cough 

nikar 

keep 

n ymi 

wicked 

jak 

count 

mujap 

kill 

mamatei 

wide 

brang 

craw  1 

namang 

kindle 

avat 

wise 

udi 

cut 

mitnang 

knot 

tivukang 

wrong 

hala 

dance 

najar 

know' 

haman 

yellow 

nvmit 

decav 

lala 

lade 

maso 

young 

minor 

deceive 

pakalok 

laugh 

kasiang 

zealous 

niga 

decide 

mitnang 

leak 

pisit 

delay 

padara 

lend 

mujam 

deliver 

horn  teh 

lie 

pamo 

VERBS. 

descend 

nili 

live 

murip 

abide 

milo 

desire 

mon 

look 

knynang 

abuse 

avay 

destrov 

tasa 

loose 

paday 

accept 

oukapi 

devour 

nilo 

love 

masi 

accompany 

beh 

die 

matei 

make 

kna 

advise 

lavara 

dig 

knali 

meet 

pahabo 

answer 

tagulang 

disguise 

nangrua 

melt 

nilong 

arrest 

sigam 

dive 

misar 

mend 

sayuna 

arrive 

atang 

divide 

patular 

mix 

pahivar 

be  ashamed 

tehv 

double 

patibin 

mount 

moan 

ask 

mitang 

drag 

jat 

murmur 

lidah 

assist 

mahap 

dream 

nupeh 

nail 

patapak 

awake 

mower 

dress 

nakave 

obev 

tangaran  dyn 

bake 

noyyo 

drink 

dui 

obtain 

ala 

bargain 

tira 

drown 

gnini 

occupy 

tuman 

bark 

man  gang 

eat 

koman 

open 

ovar 

bathe 

doe 

ebb 

mila 

oppose 

piti 

bawl 

nangi  lan 

end,  done 

pahna 

order 

teh  aim 

be 

teh 

enlighten 

malaka 

overcome 

alia 

bear  fruit 

tubo 

expect 

kavi 

overturn 

takala 

beat 

nukol 

extinguish 

param 

own 

paju 

become 

murip 

fall 

lagak 

paddle 

basay 

beckon 

nyap 

famish 

palau 

pardon 

masika 

beg 

aky 

fast 

ipat,  kiga 

part 

patular 

begin 

aring 

fear 

takot 

pay 

iay 

behold 

knynang 

fight 

panoh 

perish 

kam 

believe 

I miteh 

file 

pino 

please 

ikam 

betroth 

pahawa 

find 

ala 

point 

tujol 

bind 

katong 

finish 

pahna 

prepare 

ouna 

bite 

mat 

fish 

misey 

promise 

kalok 

bleed 

nisa 

follow 

livo 

pull 

jat 

blow 

mahar 

forbid 

asam  mon 

punish 

mukum 

boil 

maro 

forget 

hado 

push 

haro 

borrow 

ujam 

forgive 

masika 

put 

dahy 

break  off 

punang 

forsake 

milo  tinan 

quench 

param 

bribe 

duoya 

founder 

1 kam 

rain 

usan 

bring 

gree 

fry 

naga 

reach 

utang 

brush 

mipa 

gape 

| nivanga 

receive 

oukapi 

buy 

pavlay 

gather 

pang 

reckon 

mujap 

call 

muvoy 

get 

ala 

rent 

nebaka 

carry 

kna'an 

give 

my 

repair 

sayuna 

cast  account 

mujap 

go 

kaka 

reside 

milo 

H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


cviii. 


English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

English. 

Kayan. 

return 

uli 

long  since 

arupa 

one 

ji 

rise 

mower 

yesterdav 

dow  dahalam 

two 

dua 

rob 

nako 

to-morrow 

jima 

three 

tulo 

roll 

lu  Ion 

not  vet 

diyan  pa 

four 

pat 

row 

basav 

afterwards 

bva 

five 

lima 

run 

lap 

sometimes 

halak  tesee 

six 

anam 

say 

korin 

perhaps 

mahapa 

seven 

tusyu 

see 

knvnang 

seldom 

mijat 

eight 

saya 

sell 

bili 

when 

hi  ran 

nine 

pitan 

send 

kato 

much 

kahom 

ten 

pulo 

sew 

jinhut 

little 

ok 

eleven 

pulo  ji  whin 

share 

patular 

how  much 

kori  liba 

twelve 

pulo  dua  whin 

shove 

haro 

how  great 

kori  aya 

thirteen 

pulo  tulo  whin 

sit 

milo 

enough 

tami 

twenty 

dua  pulo 

skin 

blanit 

abundantly 

kahom 

twenty-five 

dua  pulo  lima 

sleep 

smell 

tudo 

bun 

wisely 

foolishly 

udi 

ombak 

whin 

smoke 

lison 

justlv 

marong 

snatch 

nako 

quickly 

kiga 

Kayan  Proper  Names 

sow 

nugal 

slowlv 

dara 

speak 

tangaran 

badly 

jak 

OF 

Men. 

stand 

biti 

truly 

lan  lan 

Gong 

starve 

lou 

yes 

I 

steal 

stop 

swear 

sweep 

take 

talk 

teach 

think 

throw- 

tie 

trust 

turn 

uncover 

understand 

use 

wait 

walk 

weep 

wipe 

wither 

wonder 

work 

wound 

wrestle 

yawn 


nako 

naring 

mamyan 

mipa 

api 

tangaran 

cakali 

palamana 

bat 

nupot 

kina 

kaluvar 

paovar 

djam 

tuman 

kavi 

pano 

nangi 

mipa 

lala 

dimisi 

knadoi 

gga 

payo 

nivanga 


here 

there 

where 

before 

behind 

upward 

downward 

below 

above 

whither 

backward 

whence 

now 

to-day 

lately 

just  now 


Adverbs. 
hini 
hiti 
hino 


ona 

baloung 

bahuson 

bahida 

hida 

huson 

hinopa 

baloung 

manino 

mahoup 

dowini 

maringka 

mahaupini 


no.  not 
not  at  all 
how 
why 

wherefore 

more 

most 

good 

better 

best 

worse 

worst 

again 


divan 
diyandipa 
nonan,  kori 
nanonan 
non  pohun 
laan 

lalu  kahom 
sayu 

lalu  sayu 
sayu  lan 
lalu  jak 
jaklan 
rua 


Prepositions 


from 

maniti 

at 

bara 

by 

mutang 

with 

dyn 

in 

halam 

into 

pahalam 

through 

mutang 

out 

habay 

out  of 

nymo 

without 

pahabay 

on,  upon 

huson 

under 

hida 

between 

tahang 

near 

jilang 

beyond 

lawat 

Swift 

Leopard 


Serpent 

Tiger 

Durian 


Rock 

Sugar-cane 


Conjunctions. 


and 

panga 

Tipong 

if 

jivang 

Jilivan 

Snake 

both 

koa 

Bulan 

Moon 

because 

lavin 

Pidang 

Flower 

wherefore 

lavin  non 

Balalata 

therefore 

lavin  iti 

Sidow 

Day 

as 

noti 

Lavan 

though 

barangka 

Lango 

yet,  also 

sica 

Puteh 

Plantain 

— 

Buah 

Fruit 

Madang 
Koli 
Hajang 
Sajin 
Tamalana 
Samatu 
Knipa 
Lijow 
Dian 
Lidam 
Parran 
Lia 
Batu 
Tuva 
Lasa 
Owin 

Akan.  This  is  a prefix  applied 
to  the  name  of  anyone  who  has 
lost  by  death  one  or  more  of 
his  children,  as  Akan  Lasa, 
Akan  Kinpa.  It  is  more  com- 
monly appropriated  by  the 
higher  than  by  the  lower 
classes.  Laki,  the  name  for 
man,  husband,  is  also  made 
use  of  as  a prefix  to  the  names 
of  married  men  to  denote  that 
the  person  to  whose  name  it  is 
prefixed  is  a father,  as  Laki 
Dian,  Laki  Lidam.  Like  the 
former  word,  it  is  chiefly 
applied  to  the  higher  order. 


Names  of  Women. 


St.  John's  \~ocabitlnrics. 


cix- 


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DAYAK  LANGUAGES. — Continued. — Specimens  of  the  Dayak  Language 


cxiv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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•'  The  following  Vocabulary  is  compiled  from  materials  furnished  me  by  the  late  Mr.  Brereton.  The  Sea  Dayak  language  is  spoken  by  the 
aborigines  on  the  Bating  Lupar  and  all  its  tributaries,  the  Seribas,  Kalaka,  and  the  streams  which  How  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rejang.  The  Bugaus, 
who  live  in  the  districts  bordering  the  great  Kapuas  River,  speak  the  same  language.  There  are  local  variations,  tut  they  are  of  minor  importance. 
The  Malau  is  the  language  of  the  aborigines  living  at  the  very  interior  of  the  Kapuas,  and,  it  is  said,  not  many  days  walk  from  the  gieat  mountain 


cxvi. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


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cxvii. 


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H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


cxviii. 


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St.  John's  Vocabularies. 


cxix. 


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St.  John's  Vocabularies. 


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cxxiv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — 


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VOCABULARY  OF  ENGLISH 


AND  SARAWAK  I)  AVARS. 


By  the  Rev.  Wm.  Chalmers. 


[Originally  printed  in  1861  at  the  St.  Augustine's  College  Press,  Canterbury,  England. ] 


The  Dayak  Column  is  the  Dialect  spoken  by  the  Sentah  Tribe  on  the  Southern 
Branch  of  the  River  Sarawak.  The  pronunciation  of  the  other  tribes  of  the  same  branch 
of  the  river  varies  slightly  from  that  of  Sentah,  the  chief  difference,  however,  is  the 
substitution  of  the  letter  "o"  for  the  Sentah  “u." 

The  Dialect  of  the  tribes  of  the  Western  Branch  of  the  river  is  also  substantially  the 
same  as  that  of  those  of  the  Southern  Branch,  but  variations  in  words  as  well  as  in  their 
sound  is  not  unfrequent.  Words  marked  "(W)”  belong  solely  to  the  Dialect  of  this 
branch  of  the  Sarawak  River. 

W.  C. 

Kuap,  Sarawak,  Borneo, 

January,  1861 . 


System  of  Pronunciation. 


a is  pronounced  as  a in  father, 
a somewhat  shorter  than  this. 


ft  is  pronounced  as  the  French  u. 
u „ „ ,,  oo  in  too. 


( ft  is  pronouncec 

as  a in  sot. 

( u „ 

,,  u in  up. 

l e ,,  ,, 

, a in  some. 

au  ,, 

,,  ow  in  now. 

t e ,, 

, e in  li’t, 

ai  ,, 

,,  the  English  i. 

ei  ,,  ,, 

, ay  in  lay. 

ch  final  ,, 

,,  the  German  ch. 

i ,,  ,, 

, the  English  e. 

g is  always  hard,  as  in  goat. 

( * » » » 

, aw  in  lot;1. 

o » f » » 

, o in  go. 

{ o .. 

, o in  pot. 

English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

able 

shaun 

advance 

odi ; ponu 

able  (physically) 

shin  on  u 

advance  gradually 

mupok  ; mutik  (W) 

about  (future) 

an 

afflicted ; affliction 

susah-atin 

about  (in  number) 

sekira-kira 

afraid 

taruh 

above 

disombu 

after  that 

rasu 

abuse  (revile) 

mangu ; ngamun 

afterwards 

sekambuch  sepagi 

accept 

mit ; kambat 

again 

dinge ; biiuch 

accomplished 

jadi 

ago 

much 

accompany 

dingan  ; suah 

age 

ashung  udip 

acquainted  with 

kunyet 

agree 

bepaiyu 

across  (river) 

kadipah,  porad  (W) 

agreement 

paiyu 

across ; athwart 

ngiparang 

agree  together 

bejerah 

accustomed  to 

kunyet 

air 

sobak 

accuse 

kudaan 

alarm , raise  an 

ngada 

accuse  falsely 

niipu ; ngituma 

( guguch-atin 

( gugach  (at  working) 

i gupoch-atin 

active 

ringgas  (at  walking) 

all 

peruk 

( buke  (at  can y ing) 

all,  in ; altogether 

kaiish-i ; kiang-kiang 

adrift 

aman 

alligator 

buai 

add 

tambah 

also 

dinge ; giich 

adjoin 

bebaat 

alternately 

bekireiis 

adultery,  commit 

tiingach;  bejorah(W) 

although 

semuki-kach 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


English. 

Dayak. 

always 

seriiru;  paiich 

always  (from  begin- 

! taun 

mng) 

ancestors 

j somuk-babai 

anchor,  an 

sauh 

anchor,  to 

berlabuh 

anchorage 

labuhan 

anciently 

jiman  diu  ; jiman  jach 

angel 

melaikat 

anger ; angry 

tuas ; boji 

another 

bukun 

ant 

subi 

ant,  white 

rungupod 

anoint 

berangir 

announce  ) 

daan 

announce  (proclaim)  j 

any  (man) 

setudu-tudu  (dayah) 

any  (thing) 

setudu-tudu  (kayuch) 

anxious  about  (one 

jabfing  ■ 

absent) 

apart  (disjoined) 

renggang 

apostle 

dah  ; penyuruch 

appearance 

(thing)  mun  ; (person) 
rah  ; (face)  raiin  * 

appeased 

munos 

approach  (visit) 

tudu 

arch 

burung 

arise 

burah  ; mokat 

around 

miming ; krurung 

arms 

buku  burus 

arrange 

rnishun 

arrive 

menug 

artizan 

tukang 

ascend  (a  river) 

mudefik 

ascend  (a  hill) 

maad 

as  far  as 

i ngah  ; nug  (distance) 
( kud  (height  or  length) 

ash  of  wick  ; ashes 

biitiip ; apuk 

ashamed 

mungiich  ; dasah 

ask  (beg) 

mite 

ask  from  door  to  door 

nyukah 

ask  (enquire) 

sikyen 

assemble 

nguruk  ; ngudung ; 
besinun 

assist 

tolong 

astonished 

tekiiniid  ; nguwa  (W) 

astonished  (startled) 

giiguch 

astringent 

kud 

at 

di 

attack,  an 

serang 

attack,  to 

nyerang 

ataps  (thatch) 

ilau 

ataps,  to  make 

to 

ataps,  to  make  stick 

riiis 

(on  which  the 
leaves  are  laid) 

atone  (by  fine) 

berutang 

auction 

lelong 

avoid  (a  blow) 

saan  odiip 

awake 

burah 

axe,  large 

kapak 

axe,  small 

biliong 

English. 


back,  come  ) 

back,  go  / 

back,  man’s 

bad 

bag 

bald 

bald,  sham 
bamboo 

bamboo,  split  and 
flattened 

bamboo,  young  shoots 
of  (used  as  vegetable) 
banish 

bank  of  stream 

bark  of  tree 

bark,  to  (as  a dog) 

barb  of  spear 

barren 

barrel 

basin 

basket,  fishing 


basket  for  carrying 


bat,  a 
bathe 
bay 
beard 

beat  (strike) 
beat,  with  stick 
beat,  with  fist 
beat,  against  a stone 
beat  out  paddy 
beat  with  open  hand 
beat,  as  heart 
beat  a drum 
beads 

beams  of  house  (cross) 
beams  of  house  (paral- 
lel) 

beak  of  bird 

bear,  a 

beans 

beast 

beautiful 

because 

become 

become,  make  to 

bee 

beetle 

before  (place,  time) 
beginning  (of  any- 
thing) 

beginning,  in  the 

behind 

believe 

belly 


* Rev.  F.  W.  Aim's  Vocabulary,  published  by  Mr.  Nora.  Denison. 
Vocabulary. 


cxxxiii. 


Dayak. 


; Par> 

| punok 

j l arap  ; biikok 
[ ( penyamun  ( rascal ) 
putir ; rajut 
j rakas  (in  front) ; tiinda 
betundo 

buru  ; buti ; taring 
tertap 

umugn 

taran 

pang  tubing 
kurit  kayuch 
nukang 
buk  id 

oboch ; manang 

tong 

makuk 

sikup ; nobang 
| bakol 

! juach  ; jumoa  (W), 
j tambdk  (small)  [/.] 
(rangi 
kada 
mamuch 
teruk ; ungung 
gagap 
mukong 
mukong 
mutug 
kupok 
pitch 
nupap 

kamobak  ; komujut 
milk 

tumbis ; likich  (W) 

parang 

parang 

tukuk 

buang 

retak 

dang 

paguch  ; romus ; sigat 

sebab 

jadi 

bodah  jadi ; bodah 
I bunyich  (tree) 
j nyowan  (house) 
beriang ; rukuii ; 

berubut 
diu  ; dawu 
tugug 

( bungash 

I se  bungash-bungash 
di  kunang ; sundich 
sabach 
tiiin 


See  note  at  end  oi  this 


CXXX1V 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

belch 

tang 

Body,  Human  -cont. 

beloved 

nyirot 

jaw 

raang 

below 

ribr> ; sogan  ; di  dau 

ear 

kojit 

bell 

loching  [ (W) 

face 

jo  win 

bell,  hawk 

grunung 

hair  (head) 

ubok 

belt 

shishut 

hair  (body) 

buruch 

bend 

nai  rikog 

neck 

tungo 

betel-nut 

bai 

throat 

gang-gong 

brass  stand,  on  which 

karas 

windpipe 

kor 

betel-nut  is  placed 

side 

tigang 

betray 

juah 

shoulder 

kowin 

betroth 

biiimbai 

breast 

sudo 

betrothed 

timbai 

belly 

tain 

between,  interval 

baat  ; usach 

waist ; loins 

kupong 

between,  enter 

ngiisach 

navel 

poshid  ; pisod  (W) 

bird 

manuk 

back 

punok 

bite 

kout 

bottom 

kunang 

bite  (peck) 

ngingut 

arm  (whole) 

hireling 

bite  (peck),  mark  of 

berun 

arm,  shoulder  to 

pupung 

bitter 

pait 

elbow 

black 

singut ; sungot  (\V) 

arm,  elbow  to  wrist 

brungo 

Blacksmith  : — 

pandai 

elbow 

sukuch 

smithy 

boran 

hand 

tangan 

smithy,  go  to 

odi  ng-ambang 

fingers 

trinyu 

forge  iron 

moba 

nails 

siruch  ; silun  (W) 

red-hot  iron 

masak 

thumb 

sindu-trinyu 

fire-place 

dinding 

wrist 

brungo 

anvil 

dasan 

knuckles 

buku  tangan 

hammer 

bobah 

thigh 

punch 

shafts  of  bellows 

tuba 

calf 

bites 

blow  bellows 

muput 

leg  or  foot 

koja : poon  (W 

wind  box 

putan 

knee 

ubak  karub 

tubes  of  wind  box 

jupen 

ancle 

buku  siok 

blaze 

begirod  ; bejireb 

sole  or  palm 

pura 

bless 

ngven  berkat 

heel 

tiga 

blessing 

berkat 

boil 

tanuk  ; riimu  (water) 

blight  (paddy) 

bangas 

boil  rice 

tanuk 

i kerak 

boil,  a 

prukis 

i komeitt  (of  one  eye) 

boiling 

didich  : ngigurak 

blood 

deyah 

bolt,  a ; bolt,  to 

obut : ngobut 

blot  out 

ngutosh 

bone 

tulang 

blow 

pooch 

book 

kitab 

blow  pipe,  see  "sum- 

jupen 

born,  be 

jadi 

pitan  ” 

born,  first 

penuai 

blow  nose 

suan 

born,  last 

sebushu 

blue,  see  “colour" 

bore  (in  river) 

benah 

blunt 

taju 

bore,  place  in  which 

benahan 

blunt  (notched) 

riibang 

to  await  the 

blunted  (point) 

papii 

bore,  to 

girik ; tubuk 

boat  ) 

, 

borrow 

mite  minjam 

boat,  small  j 

bosom 

pukd 

Body,  Human  : — 

purung  ; gunan  ; t’.bu 

bother  (trouble) 

owang-owang : kakuch 

head 

ubak 

bottle 

serapak ; jabul  (W) 

forehead 

aru 

bottom  (of  a thing) 

koja  ; kunang 

cheeks 

panding  ; pf>up 

boundary 

baat 

eye 

betuch 

bow  (of  boat) 

ubak 

eye-brow 

buruch  kiining 

bow  (head) 

mutu 

eye-lash 

buruch  kirat 

box 

peti 

nose 

unugn 

boy 

anak  dari ; gishu 

nostrils 

rubang  unugn 

brain 

atiik 

mouth 

boba 

branch  (of  tree) 

dahan 

teeth 

jipuch  ; jipon  (W) 

branch,  forked 

sokap 

tongue 

jura 

brave 

pogan  ; berasap  ; 

1 bibich  ; bibin  (W) 

tiitud  (fearless) 

1 tukuk  (up pet  lip) 

brass 

tambaga 

chin 

serAka 

bread 

roti 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


cxxxv. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

break 

pope  ; butach 

care  of,  take 

kingat 

break  string 

putrid 

care  of  children,  take 

nyude 

break  stick 

put  ah 

carry 

bebuat 

break  oft 

kadi 

carry  on  shoulder 

g lining 

break  law 

ngirawan 

carry  as  tarnbok 

kabich 

break  promise 

putiid 

carry  in  arms 

pukf> 

breast 

sudd 

carve,  see  “engrave’’ 

breasts,  woman's 

shishuch 

cat 

bushing ; ngiau  (W) 

breath 

ashung 

catch 

nakap 

breath,  out  of 

kihvuk  ; paiyah  ; 

Catholic  Church 

Ekklisia  Katholika 

joro  (W) 

cave 

tang 

breathe 

ngashung 

ceremony,  a 

ad  at 

bridge 

teboian 

certain  : certainly 

tiintu 

bridge,  long,  built  on 

besdwuch 

centipede 

repipan 

posts  crossed 

chafe  against 

gmgf-s 

bright  1 

brightness  f 

bringeang 

chaff 

chain 

aping ; budang 
parik 

bring 

ngah  ; toban 

chamber 

ariin  ; romin  (\V) 

bring  (convey) 

tud 

change 

besambi 

brittle 

rapich 

change  (alter) 

berubah 

breadth  ; broad 

ramba 

change  (money) 

tukar  besambi 

broken,  so  as  to  be 

bubuch 

change  (clothes) 

kabarui ; nean 

useless 

change  (name) 

nyiresh  adun 

brother 

madich 

change  (position  of 

terigen 

brother,  elder 

kaka 

body) 

brother,  younger 

sude 

channel 

alor ; arong 

brethren 

sude-madich 

charcoal 

ubii 

broom 

pipis 

charm,  a 

setagan 

bruise 

kudas  ; butot 

chase 

bekiiduch ; tudak 

buffet 

nupap 

chasm 

rubang 

bug 

flkak 

cheap 

udach 

bug,  flying 

pungu 

cheapen 

tawar 

bunch 

aiyan ; tundun 

cheat 

mujuk 

bundle 

l moas 

chew 

m lipah 

1 barun 

chief  of  tribe 

orang  kaya 

buoyant 

jangan  ; tepuang 

chief  of  tribe,  second 

pengara 

burn 

mupun  ; sight  ; 

chief,  war 

panglima 

nyitungan 

j chief  of  a house 

tuah 

burn  (person) 

raus 

child 

anak 

burnt 

sauu 

chilis 

sebarang 

burning  place  for  dead 

tiniingan 

chisel 

piiut 

burner  of  dead 

peninu 

choke  (in  eating) 

kangiin ; situn 

burst 

riiak 

choose 

mien 

bury 

kubur 

church 

( ramin  Sambayang 

busy 

dfich  poiyah 

I ramin  Allah  Taala 

but 

puk 

circumscribed  (con- 

kfitich 

butterfly 

beriimbang 

fined) 

button 

kanching ; dbut 

circuit,  make  a 

mulling 

buy 

mirich 

clap 

nupap 

by 

bodah ; dah 

clean 

bisig 

by  and  bye 

te 

cleanse 

ngushu  ; ngu  ; ngutosh 

clear  (water) 

kining 

cackle  (as  a hen) 

nyitukak 

clear  (affair) 

jowa 

cage 

< kiirungan  (large) 

clever 

bijak 

i kariru  (small) 

climb 

jukuch 

call 

bogan  (when  near) 

close  (thickset) 

pishung , bringut 

call  out  to 

matau  (when  far) 

close  (near) 

sinduk 

call  out 

nai  kiak 

close  (together) 

piinet 

call  upon 

nishung ; tudu 

close  (together),  place 

bedindar 

calm 

toduch  ; saiyah 

close  (confined) 

kutich  , sekidiin 

candle 

bian 

close  to  ground 

rapat 

cane 

ui 

close  up,  to 

ngobut 

cane,  a Malacca 

semiimu 

closed  up 

papot 

canoe 

orud 

cloth 

benang 

care  for 

paduli 

clothes 

benang 

care,  take 

ingat ; jaga 

clothes,  swaddling 

putong  bodung 

CXXXV1. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

cloud 

abun 

corner 

sukuch 

cloud,  rain 

keruman 

corpse 

tfidang 

clump  of  bambus,  a 

punan 

correct 

ngajar 

coarse 

baga 

cotton  (thread) 

benang 

coax 

nyibudoh  (with  intent 

cough 

mokfid  ; nyingok 

to  deceive) 

council,  a 

itong 

cocoa-nut 

butan 

counsel  together,  to 

beritong ; minyu 

cocoa-nut  water 

pi'in  butan  : juh  butan 

take 

cocoa-nut  shell 

tapurung ; boru  (W) 

count 

niap 

cockroach 

randing 

country 

raich 

cold 

madud ; rnobus 

course,  of 

tafin 

cold,  a 

aim 

covenant 

paiyu 

collapse 

k fining 

covet 

lipfing 

collect 

nguruk  ; besinun 

cover,  see  "cork ” 

Colour  : — 

crab 

kiuch 

black 

singiit 

craft 

akal 

blue 

barum 

crafty 

cherdik  ; bijak 

grey 

apak 

cracked 

mu  rang 

green 

bar  ft  m 

crackle 

rutop 

red 

bire 

crank 

ringgang 

yellow 

sla 

crank,  to  be 

muguyung 

white 

budah  ; mopuh  (W) 

crawl 

gawang 

comb 

sindd 

create 

bodah  jadi 

comb,  fowl's 

terfiping 

crooked 

bedikok  ; rikfig  ; 

comfort  (console) 

nyaduch 

mudug 

command,  to  ) 

cross  (river) 

mfitash  kadipah 

command,  a 

semainya 

cross  (hill) 

i moa  darfid 

commandment  ) 

l nyirube  darfid 

commit 

nai 

cross,  a 

regang ; tebfikang 

come 

men  fig ; nug 

crucify 

masak  ka  regang 

come  along 

jameh 

crow,  to 

kukok 

come  hither 

jah  : tep  kamati  ; 

crow,  a 

kak 

di  kamati 

crowded  together,  see 

come  out  through 

berambus 

"in  disorder” 

come  out  of 

ruach  ; rfipus 

crumple  up 

nyiriuk 

come  to  pass 

jadi ; tfik 

crush 

rara 

companion 

dingftn 

cry 

sien 

company  with,  in 

beaiyo  ; bepajak 

cry  out 

nai  kiak 

complete,  to  1 

raput 

cucumber 

timun 

complete  i 

cunning,  see  ' ' crafty 

compass,  the 

padoman 

cup 

makuk 

compassionate 

si  fit 

curl,  see  “ frizzle  ” 

adat 

complex  (not  simple) 

bisirat 

customs 

concave 

surok ; sekibang 

curse,  a 

pangu 

conceal 

chukan ; miman 

cut 

kapfig 

conceived  in  womb 

bite 

cut  in  two 

mfitud 

conduit,  water 

sekibang 

cut  down  trees 

tabling 

conduit,  mouth  of 

aivak 

cut  down  jungle 

nauu 

conduct,  to 

tfid 

cut  (lop  off) 

nyube 

confused  in  mind 

berishut 

cut  (split) 

mire 

conquer 

ngarah 

cut  (chop) 

jfipa 

conscience 

nyam-atin 

cut  (in  pieces) 

nyirib 

consult  birds  of  omen 
contagion 

I ngabah  kushah  (day) 
I nyimanuk  (at  night) 
sawit 

cut  (open) 

cut  off  the  top,  as  ear ) 
from  paddy-stalk 

nidi 

nyangut ; mutfid ; 
ngfitfim 

continually 

awet 

cut  down  paddy  ) 

contented 

mu  nds 

cutting  paddy,  knife 

kutam 

contrary  to 

ngirawan 

for 

convey 

tfid 

converted,  be 

berubah-atin 

dam,  a 

suang 

convex 

mudu  ; mudug 

dam  (fishing) 

jimbai ; ranyu 

cook,  to 

tanuk 

damp 

nyiput ; dfipop 

cook-house  (or  fire- 

apfik 

dance 

i berejang 

place) 

i ngigar  (W ) 

cork,  to 

nyfikub ; natfip 

dandle 

nyandfi 

cork,  a 

tutfip 

dangerous 

mar 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary . 


CXXXV11. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

dare ; daring 

pogan  (in  war) ; puus 

Disease — continued : 

dark  ; darkness 

karum  ; mopung  (\Y) 

enlargement  of  the 

barid 

dash  down 

pan 

spleen 

date-fruit 

khruma 

disjoined 

renggang 

daughter 

anak  dayung 

in  disorder  (crowded 

kakok 

dawn 

kok  siok  ; anu  jowah 

close  together) 

day,  a 

anu 

dissolve 

ririch 

dav  (opposed  to  night) 

jowah 

distance  between 

juan-i 

daily 

ni-anu-anu 

places 

dazzled 

shiu 

distant 

jo 

dead 

kubus 

disturbed  (in  mind) 

bepushid 

dead  body 

tudang 

disturbance 

gutoi 

deadened  (sound) 

puot 

disturbance,  make  a 

nai  gutoi ; nai  dudu 

deaf 

bungam 

ditch 

parit 

dear 

mar 

dive 

ngobu 

debt 

hutang 

divide 

berutung 

decayed 

an  nutash 

division 

utung ; kutung 

deceit 

deceive 

bujuk 

mujuk  ; nyibudoh 

divorce 

i bu  ; sebarai 
i betogan  (W) 

deceived 

budcih 

do  (make) 

nai 

deer  (large) 

paiyu 

do  not 

1 

duchnyach  ; dunyach 

deer  (medium) 

jerak 

manyach 

deer  (small) 

pranuk 

doctor 

dukun 

deep 

turup ; au-au  (very) 

( barich  (female) 

defend 

gerindung 

doctor  (conjurer) 

- dukun  ) , , , 

1 davah  beruri  j 111  a ^ 

deficient 

korang 

deliver 

ruach 

doctor,  to  (by  incan- 

barich 

demand  (a  debt) 

nunggu 

tation) 

deny 

miman 

dog 

kushong 

| pengaroh,  (applied  to 

door 

tiban 

deposit,  a 

charmed  stones,  &-c., 
used  by  the  Dyak 

doting ; dotard 
down,  let 

babf> 

bishor ; bitun 

( “berobat" 

drag 

tarik  ; ngajut 

descend  (hill) 

mun 

drag  on  boat 

batak 

descend  (river) 

uman 

draw,  see  “drag" 

deserted 

pujam  moog 

draw  out 

dimut 

desire  (wish) 

handak 

dream 

pomuch  ; p’moch  (W) 

desire  (lust) 

lipong 

Dress  : — 

desirous  of 

gagah 

jacket 

j'PO 

deserving  of 
destroy 

patut 

niitash : rusak 

head-dress 

i bung  ubr>k 
i burang  (W) 

destroyed 

rusak 

petticoat 

jomuch 

dew 

abun 

trowsers 

sinyang 

die 

different 

difficult  ) 

kubus 

biikiin 

bisirat  ( complex ) ; mar ; 

armlets  (brass) 

1 tanggam  / (««•'•) 

iS’g  }(««•') 

difficulty  j 

paiyah ; susah 

dig 

karech 

armlets  (shell) 

kara 

dip 

kujok ; kurom 

women's  leg  rings 

roti 

diligent 

butach ; gugach 

men's  waist-cloth 

taup 

dirty 

kr.ich ; puder 

basket 

juach  ; jumoa  (W) 

disabled  (for  work) 

mutang  ; bujang 

small  basket  worn 

tambok  ; pengupa 

disappointed  (balked) 

asa 

by  the  side 

Disease  : — 

berandam 

small  knife  worn  at 

sindah 

boils 

prukich  ; kibu 

side 

dysentery 

tuki  di-yah 

sheath  of  small  knife 

randung 

fever 

sungfih 

worn  at  side 

itch 

ku 

sirih-case 

upich 

looseness 

merubus ; bawosh  ( W) 

boxesinsidetambok 

dekan 

scrofula 

bagi 

ordinary  parang,  or 

buk.l  tukin 

small-pox 

teboro 

chopping  knife 

ulcerated  sores 

gedag ; biikang 

visiting  parang 

penat  ; bai  (W) 

worms 

munam  regyu 

sheath  of  parang 

sibdng  ; duong  (W) 

elephantiasis,  when 

m.utud 

waist  chains  1 worn  by 

i perik 

the  leg  is  perma- 

waist  wire  i women 

i kawat 

nently  swollen 

I bead  necklace 

tumbis 

H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


cxxxviii. 


English. 

Dayak. 

Dress  of  the  Barich 
head-cloth 

sepauung : serapai  (W) 

bead-cap 

segubak ; sipia  (\V) 

bead  necklace 

setagi ; panggia  (W) 

bead  scarf 

semudn : sombon  (\V) 

drink 

nf>k  ; mok 

drunk 

mabok 

drive  (nail) 

i masak 

drive  (peg) 

i mabak 

drive  away 

kushig  ; pibu 

drop,  a 

ni-titeg 

drop  out  or  off,  to 

dimbut 

drown 

rungiid 

drowsy 

nunu 

drum,  a 

gundang 

dry 

i bodiich 

\ pishtik  ('withered) 

dry,  to 

i dowan  (in  air) 
1 dan  (in  house) 

dry  new  rice  in  a pan, 

nyirandang 

to 

duck 

itik 

dumb 

bawa ; bakii 

dung 

tuki 

dusk,  see  "twilight'1 
dust  (ashes) 

apiik 

dust  (litter) 

ronash 

duty 

sedang ; patut 

dwarfish 

mukung 

dwell 

ruu 

dye,  a red 

semungu 

dye,  a yellov 

tumu 

ear 

kojit 

ear,  in  (as  corn) 

murai 

ear,  full  corn  in 

mu  rah 

ear,  an  (of  paddy) 

aiyan  ; tundun 

ear-ring 

i subang  (woman's) 

1 ateng  (man's) 

early 

ishan-ishan 

earth,  the 

ong 

earth  (ground) 

tanah 

earth  (dry  land) 

dry uch 

ease,  at 

senang 

ease  oneself 

tuki 

easy  (to  do) 

senang ; mudah 

eat 

man 

eat  sirih 

pah 

eaves  of  house 

penogang  ilau 

ebb  tide 

piin  surud 

echo 

angu 

edge  (bank) 

pang  tubing 

edge  of  weapon 

shiid 

edge,  teeth  on 

shiin 

eddy 

ulak 

effervesce 

ngigurak 

egg 

turoch 

eggs,  lay 

menuroch 

egg-plant 

tiung 

elastic 

kunyoi 

embrace 

( puko ; diikfip 
betiipang 

empty 

( kiikun  (seat  on  lap) 
ungan ; gagong 

enclose 

nyikapung 

end  (extremity) 

tubun 

English. 

Dayak. 

endure : enduring 

tiian ; kukoh 

enemy 

pungiinyu  ; bishirun  ; 

penyerang 

engrave 

mutik  ; bitik  (W) 

enough 

raput : sedang 

enlighten 

bodah  jowah 

enlarge  (widen) 

bodah  baiyah 

enquire 

sikyen 

entangle 

bekarut ; jukut 

enter 

enter  to  a short  dis-j 

murut 

tance  (as  a spear 
or  splinter  into  i 

kudish  masuk 

the  body)  ) 

enter  to  a consider- 
able depth 

( tiiriip  masuk 
omu  masuk 
( arum  masuk 

enter  as  far  as  ex- 

repufin  masuk 

tremity 

entwine 

bukur 

envy 

equal,  see  "same” 

shinah 

erase 

ngutosh 

erring 

manyap 

espouse, see'  betroth' 
ever,  for 

niig  se  tui-tui 

European,  a 

Biranda 

everlasting 

ditch  bisa  obo ; babu 

every  (each) 

setiap-tiap 

every  (all) 

perug-perug  ; kaiish-i 

examine  (enquire) 

sikyen 

examine  (look  at) 

koduk 

exceeding 

exceedingly 

( raru 

- pushu  (in  size) 

1 niikung  (in  thickness) 

excepting 

kiang 

exchange 

besambi 

exchange  labour 

ngirich 

expand  (swell) 

bungkak 

expense 

balanja 

explain 

bodah  piian 

extinguish 

pura 

eye 

betnch 

eye-lid 

piinu  betuch 

eve-lash 

buruch  kirat 

eye-ball 

anak  betuch 

face 

jowin 

fade 

rayu : kilning 

faded  (dry) 

pishiik 

faded  (in  colour) 

bonus , buus 

faint,  to 

mujup 

fame ; famous 

beragach 

family,  having  a large 

piipach  powun 

famine 

seburiik 

fall  down 

robu 

fall  out,  see  “drop  out" 
fall  (as  tree) 

rumak 

fall  upon 

nyatfik ; nyondug  (W) 

fall  in  ruins,  see  "ruin" 
fall  off  (as  leaves) 

ruruch 

false 

kadong 

fan,  a 

kipas 

fan,  to 

nyipas 

far 

jd 

far,  how 

juan-ki 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


CXXX1X. 


English. 

Dayak. 

far-sighted  (physi- 

suki 

cally) 

farm,  a 

umuch 

farm,  to 

beru  milch 

farm,  a house  on 

bori 

farm,  an  old 

tebai 

farms,  a small  collec- 

sebubd 

tion  of 

farms,  large  collec- 

ratau 

tion  of 

farm,  a,  discontinued, 

bogag 

after  cutting  the 
jungle 

fast  (quick),  see 
"strongly  ” 

fasten  (tie) 

milling ; ngobut  (close 

fasten  (nail) 

up) ; bokosh  (W) 
mabak  ; masak 

fasten  up  by  suspend- 

ngatir 

mg 

fat 

giimu 

fat  (greasy) 

berinyiib 

father 

sama 

fathom,  a 

dupuch 

fatigued 

kowilk  : mara 

fawn  (as  a dog) 

nanyak 

feast 

begawai 

female 

dayung 

feast,  funeral 

man  baiya 

feast,  harvest 

man  sawa 

feather 

buruch 

feeble 

dudut ; dilch  shinonu 

feel 

nyam 

feel  (by  touch) 

kfip 

feel  one's  way 

gagap 

feelings 

nyam-atin 

feign,  to  (to  give),  see 

piasa  ; ngunur 

under  “strike" 

fence,  a 

buang 

fence,  to 

bebuang 

ferns  (used  as  a 

pokuch  : baiyam 

vegetable) 

fever 

sunghd 

few 

nishit : nishil 

fickle:  fickleness 

bimbang-atin 

fight  with 

bekai 

fight  against 

ngirawan 

fight  cocks 

besabung 

file,  a 

kikir 

file  teeth,  to 

( bertajar 

( ngasah 

fierce 

rilkang ; gauk 

fill 

ngisi 

fill  rice-pot  for  cooking 

nyukad 

find 

dapud 

finished 

obd  ; mobd  ; kubd  ; 

fine  (thin) 

mokd ; milch 
linilk 

finger 

trinyu 

fire 

opui 

fire  a gun 

tinyilg : mak 

fire  at 

nimbak 

firefly 

bilkarilp 

firewood 

wang  ; shiru  (W) 

firm  ; fixed 

bukiit : tegap 

fish 

ikyen 

English. 

Dayak. 

fish,  to,  by  tubah 

nubilch 

fish,  to,  by  hook 

misich 

first  (in  order) 

sebungash 

first  (time  or  place) 

dawn  : did 

first-born 

penuai 

first-fruits,  the 

jangut 

first-fruits,  gather 

nyipaan 

first,  at 

sebungash-bungash-i 

fit 

sedang 

flame 

jireb 

flee 

bu 

flesh 

ishin 

flexible 

liat 

float 

tepuang 

flock,  a (birds,  &c.) 

kaban 

flood, a 

i plin  obah 
1 obah  krambu 

flood  tide 

piin  pasang 

flour 

teboduk 

flow  out 

nyibfulk 

flower 

suat 

| tura  (house)  [ing 

fly,  a 

rilngil  (maggot  breed- 
( ishet  (eggs  of  run  ml) 

fly,  a dragon 

sedanau 

fly.  a horse,  or  painted 

i pigfiring 

fly 

1 adud  (large) 

fly,  to 

mukabur;  timirib(W) 

flying  fox,  a 

rungowat 

foggy 

kabut 

follow 

tundah  ; suah ; 

ngajach  ; nudug 

follower 

dingfin 

fold,  a 

siak 

fold  up,  to 

ngupet 

food 

man 

foot 

koja 

foot  (of  hill) 

koja ; sigun 

footprint 

inyuk  koja 

foolish 

bodoh 

foolish  (mad) 

gila 

foolish  (doting) 

babo 

foolishness 

babal-atin 

for  (because) 

sebab 

forbid 

nang  : niah  ; jaman  ; 

jumba;  mapak 

forbidden 

parich 

forest 

tarun 

forefathers 

somuk-babai 

forget 

kambut 

forgotten 

opung-opung 

fork,  a 

garfu  : garapu 

forked 

besilkap 

formerly 

dawn  : jiman  dill 

formerly  (of  old) 

sarak  dill 

fornicate 

bejerah  ; nainyung 

fortress 

kota ; kubu 

Fowl  : — 

siok  ; siap  (Setang) 

cock 

babang 

hen 

dayung 

chicken 

anak  ungild 

fragment 

tildilch 

fragrant 

buuch  rilmak 

frequently' 

awet 

freed 

fresh,  a,  see  "flood' 

merdika 

cxl. 


H.  Lixg  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

fresh  (not  salt) 

madud 

go  back  from 

pari 

friend 

dingan  ; dumpu 

go  down  (hill) 

mun 

frizzle 

menikur  ; budukung 

go  down  (as  swelling) 

kerung 

frog 

tukang ; beratak  ; 

goat 

kambing 

tegorag ; sai 

God 

Allah  Taala 

from 

SO 

gold 

berowan 

froth 

tegurak 

gong  (bass) 

tertawak 

fry 

nyirara 

gong  (medium) 

gong 

Fruit  : — 

gong  (treble) 

btinde 

eatable  fruits 

buah-buah-jijak 

good 

paguch  ; kena  ; sigat ; 

durian 

dean 

romus 

mangustine 

sikuk 

goods 

buat ; perambut 

manggo 

muporam 

good-natured 

munich 

sibau  or  rambutan 

sibu 

government 

prentah 

small  jungle  ram- 

pijuan 

gradually 

mupok : mukun ; 

butan 

jack-fruit 

tibudak  : nangka 

grasshopper 

mutik  (W) 
kadich 

tampoi 

tapui 

grain,  a (of  rice) 

ni-sirach 

langsat 

lishet 

grandfather 

babai 

papaya 

pay an g 

grandmother 

somuk 

plantain 

borak 

grandchild 

sukuch 

naw-palm 

inyok 

grass 

i uduch  ; pai-pasang 

nipah-palm 

nipah  ; apong 

I pudam 

fruit  (full-grown,  but 

tuuch 

grate 

ungosh 

unripe) 

grate  (cocoa-nut) 

nukur 

fruit,  to  bring  forth 

buan 

ipenukur;  kukuran 

fuel 

wang 

l ungosh 

fulfil 

betutuk 

grave,  a 

kubor 

full 

piinoh ; giigiip 

grease ; greasy 

remak  ; berinyab 

fun,  make  of,  or  with 

berubi ; patla  (W) 

great 

baas 

fungus 

kulat 

greedy 

sibut ; bedogich  ; bidi 

funnel 

churut 

green 

barum 

gain 

ontong 

grey  (hair) 
grey  (ash  coloured), 
see  • ' colour  ’ ’ 

berubuk 

gambir 

gambir 

gap  (fissure) 

rubang 

grieved 

susah-atin  ; ngurid 

g»pe  (yawn) 

kuab 

grin 

betujit 

garden 

teyah 

grind  (by  hand) 

kisar : giling 

gather  together 

besinun  . nguruk 

groan 

nyideing 

gather  (pluck) 

nyuked  ; nupas ; 

grow  up 

tumbu 

mutud 

grown  up  with  grass 

jukut 

gather  fuel 

nuh  wang 

growl 

ngur 

gaze  upon 

tingah 

guard 

nguan 

gaze  upwards 

ngigurrah 

guava 

buah  jambu 

generous 

munich  ; tatich 

guess 

jangka 

gentle 

munich 

guide,  a 

malim 

gently  (not  roughly) 

nakit 

gum 

putuk 

gimlet 

grodi 

gutta  percha 

nyatoh 

ginger 

rai 

gums 

samad  jipuch 

gird  on 

niikin 

gun  (cannon) 

( miriam 

girl 

anak  dayung ; gishft 

l Fla 

give ; grant 

ngyen;  jugan 

pop-gun 

panah 

( 

raan-atin 

gun-powder 

obat  bedil 

glad  ; gladness 

gaun-atin 

gush  out 

menapus  ; m unisit 

l 

glisten, see  "twinkle” 
glory  (renown) 

ginaiyun  (very) 

(liquids) 

beragach 

hades 

sabayan 

glory  (halo) 

kumakab 

hair  (head) 

ubok 

glory  (effulgence) 

jowah  shiu  tingah 

hair  (body) 

buruch 

glossy 

nyerinyak 

half,  a 

rapiit 

go 

odi ; di ; metak 

halve 

1 nyiraput 

go  (imper.) 

shush  odi ; shush  ponu 

i mire  nyinuuch 

go  (visit) 

( 

tudu 

hammer 

bobah 

mori  (from  far) 

happy 

senang 

go  back  (return) 

maad  (from  near) 

hand 

tangan 

t 

motash  (from  near)  (\Y) 

hand,  right 

taiich 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


cxli. 


English. 


Dayak. 


hand,  left 
handful 


handkerchief,  head 

handle  (sword) 
handle  (of  vessel) 
handrail 

hang 

hang  oneself 
hang  up 
hanging  down 
(pensile) 
hard 

hard  (hearted) 
harlot 
harvest 
harvest  mid 


harvest  feast,  keep 


haste,  be  in 
haste,  make 
hasten  after 
hasten  away 
hastily 
hat,  Dayak 
hate 
hatred 
haul  up 
have  (possess) 
head,  see  “ body  ” 
head-dress,  see 
“handkerchief" 

head  house 

head-hunting,  go 
headache 
heal ; healed 
heap 

hear 

I 

heart  (seat  of  affec- 
tions) 

heat  (sunshine) 

heated,  see  “hot  ” 

heathen 

heaven 

heavy 

hell 

heel  over 
helm 
help 
hence 

henceforth ; hereafter 

here 

hiccup 

hide 

high 

hill 

hill,  a low 


bait 

ni-agiim  ; ni-akup 
(both  hands  together) 

I bung  ubuk 
t burang  (W) 
ubak 
kojit 
utag 

( begatung 

l beramboi  (by  hands ) 
betukii 
tungid 

bikidiung;  rambfung 

riang ; semutak 
tunyeak ; durach 
perambai 
ngah  ngiitiin 
piaun  ngiitiin 
1 1st.  nyipaan  ( gather 
first  fruits) 

1 2nd.  nyitungid,  or 
man  sawa 

3rd.  nyipidang  men- 
I yiipong,  or 

' nyisupen 

begaut ; gopoh 
likas 

bekoduch 

betiidak 

likas 

serdung 

tuas 

boji 

piiad 

ogi ; biiin 


( pang-ach;  baruk(W) 
| balii  (R.  Sadong) 
ngunyu 
ubak  miinam 
buah 
nambun 

dingah ; keringah  (W) 

ngojit  (W) 

atin 

surah 

dayah  kapir 

shurga ; rfiich  shurga 

biit 

opui  Naraka 
singit 
mudich 
turung 
so  iti 
repas  ati 

diti ; digiti ; diginii 

sedu 

chukan 

omu ; segatung 
darud 

terunduk ; dug  (long) 


English. 


Dayak. 


hinder, to,  see  "forbid’ ' 

hinderpart 

hire 

history 

history,  to  relate  a 
hit 

hit,  be 
hither 
hoarse 
hold 

hold,  take,  of 
hole 

hole  in  bed  of  a river 

hole,  make,  in 

hole,  make,  through 

holes,  in 

hollow 

holy 

Holy  Ghost 
hook,  fish 
hooked  on  to 
hope  in 
honest 
honey 

honeycomb 

hop,  to 
horse 
horn 
hot 


hot  or  heated,  as  air 
near  hot  water 
hot  or  heated,  as  air 
near  large  fire 
hot  to  taste 
House  : — 
house,  small,  in 
jungle 

house,  small,  on 
farm 

house,  small,  near 
village  for  stor- 
ing goods 
a Dyak  house,  con- 
taining several 
doors 

outside  platform  of 
a Dyak  house 
verandah,  or  com- 
mon room 
private,  or  family 
room 
fire-place 

wood-place 

water-place 
garret 
below  floor 
floor 
how  ? 

how  much,  or 
how  many  ? 


budich 

gagi ; pach  (W) 
susud  (genealogy) ; 

duda;  suse;  dundiin 
nuse ; nyiduda 
dog 

dog  jokad 

kamati ; kamanii 

piau 

digfing 

digen 

rubang 

lubok 

tubiik  ; karech  (in 
earth) 
nubot 
tubot 

perubang ; begagong 
kudus 

Roh  Al  Kudus 

pisich 

begagit 

harap  ; sabach 
tunggun 
juh  bfinyich 
J penubak  bunyich 
i idang  bunyich 
ngitijong 
kuda 
tandok 

sekisu  gunan  (body) 
paras;  bongo  (W)  ; 
surah ; petiak  (W) 
paras  begungam 

sadak 

semarach 
ram  in 
bishun 

I bori  (on  farm) 

I purung  (for  goods) 
pungau 


biitang 


tanyu 

awach 

arun  ; romin  (W) 

apuk 
( paiyuch 
l poiyo  shiru  (W) 
pawad 
rungah 
ribo 
lantei 

munki ; semuki 
kiangki 
kudu  kiangki 


cxlii. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

how  large  ? 

mutiki 

jaw 

raang 

howl  (as  dog) 

kaong  ; kieung 

jealous 

mishe  ; monyash  (\Y) 

humble 

tiiknn  • temungun 

Jesus  Christ 

Isa  Almesih 

hungry 

seburiik  ; pilai  (W) 

Jew 

orang  Jehudi 

hunt 

ngashu  ; tudak 

Jew's  harp 

traing ; setubiung 

hurricane 

ribut ; sobak-ribut 

jingle 

jawun 

husband 

bonuch 

join  together 

tubu 

hymn 

pujian 

joint 

bukuch  turang 

hypocrisy 

bujuk 

joists  of  flooring 

geraggar 

hypocrite,  to  act  as 

mujuk 

joke 

berubi ; patla  (W) 

judge,  to 

hukum 

I 

aku 

Judgment,  Day  of 

anu  kiamat 

idol,  an  (image) 

berhala 

judgment  of  God,  a 

tulah 

if 

kamui 

jump  over 

melompat  ; merftkid  ; 

ignorant 

babal ; bawa 

menyakir  (as  frog)  ; 

ill-will 

geraka 

metaran 

impudent 

duch  bifin  munguch 

jump  down 

stabung ; nyungung 

in 

darum 

jump  up 

menanjong 

in  jungle 

abong  tarun 

jungle 

tarun 

incite 

ngajak 

jungle  (old) 

tiiuch  ; tuan  ; tuan 

incur 

dog 

randam  (trees,  large) 

Indian-rubber 

putuk  Gemuan 

jungle  (young) 

miirah ; tebai 

individually 

sekushin-kiishin 

jungle  (low  grassy) 

kupai 

industrious 

gugach 

just  (man) 

tunggun 

infant 

anak-pira 

just  (thing) 

betul ; patut 

infect ; infectious 

sawit 

just  ? is  it  (or  fair  ?) 

pas  inap 

inflated 

meruap 

just  come 

moran  menug 

ingenuity 

akal 

just  now  (past) 

tejach ; jach 

inheritance 

pusaka 

just  now  (future) 

te 

inoculate 

sungkit 

jut  out  from 

nogang 

instead  of 

ganti ; besambi 

interior  of  a country 

si  jo 

keep  (take  care  of) 

ingat ; jaga ; nguan 

interrogative  affix 

kah 

keep  alive 

kudip 

interrupt  (talk) 

nyirlbur 

keep  (put  by) 

kingat ; shitah 

interest  (of  money) 

anak 

key 

kunchi 

interval  of  rest  be- 

penunguch 

kick  forwards 

ngikak 

tween  the  stages  of 

kick  backwards 

nigah 

farm-work 

kill 

sin  ; nyoo  (W) 

inundation 

( pi'in  ubah 
i pi'in  apuch  deyuch 

kind ; kindness 

( tatich ; miinich 
I masi  (merciful) 

invest  with  name  or 

bekadun ; bergelar 

kindle 

tung 

office 

kindled 

sukut 

invite 

ngajak 

kiss 

chium 

iron 

besi 

kite  (bird) 

bouch 

iron-wood 

taas 

Kling,  a (native  of 

tambe 

irresolution 

bimbang-atin 

South  India) 

ubak  karub 

is 

ogi 

knee 

is  not 

meting  ; doi  (\V) 

kneel 

sedikang;  bekunyug 

island 

puloh 

knife  (large) 

buko  [ (\\ ) 

itchy 

tl 

knife  (small) 

sindah 

itself,  by  (not  mixed 

shidaru 

knock  at 

gutog 

with  others) 

knock  off 

tampir 

Interjections  : — 

know 

puan ; (redah) 

expressing  surprise 

aruch  ; ade 

know  (person) 

kunyet 

expressing  pain 

adi ; adoh 

know,  do  not 

iintah ; duch  puan 

known,  make 

agach 

jack-fruit 

J tebudak 
j nangka 

knot,  a 
knot,  to 

muku 

jacket 

jammed 

jar  (large) 

jipo  ; sekindang 
serupot 

ladder  (Malay) 

tengah  ajan 

( bonda 

ladder  (Dvak) 

tungoch 

’( ipang 

laden,  over-  (boat) 

sarad 

jar  (small) 

( iron ; mando 
] blane 

laden,  over-  (person) 
lake 

gunggur-gunggur 

dunu 

jar  (high) 
jar  (pitcher) 

tajo;  jabir 
buyong 

lame 

( nijoug 

i bojang  (limping) 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


cxliii. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

lament  over 

muas 

lift  up  in  arms 

samdt ; taten 

lamp 

plita ; lampo 

light,  the 

jowah 

land 

tanah 

light  (adj  ) 

jangan 

land,  a (country) 

raich 

light,  to  (fire) 

tung 

land,  dry  (not  sea) 

deyuch 

light  upon,  to 

map 

land  round  and  be- 

biidag 

lightning 

kijat 

tween  houses  and 

like  as 

nimun  ; kaya  ka 

villages 

like  to 

nimun ; mun 

land  round  a whole 

rimbang 

like  as  if 

mlnyam 

village 

lime 

binyuch 

land  near  houses,  hard 

pukan 

lime,  a (fruit) 

rimu 

and  cleared  of  grass 

line,  a 

didi 

land  at,  to 

singgah ; ngesah 

lining 

turap 

landing-  place 

pangkalan 

lip 

bibich 

language 

peminyu 

litany 

litani 

I bails  ; aiyuch  (\V) 

litter  (dust,  &c.) 

ronash  ; supok 

tebond ; sindu-i  (very) 

little  (bulk) 

shiit ; shii  ; iso  (W) 

large 

■1  piindor  (in  volume) 

little  (short) 

purdk 

bidor  (disproportion- 

little  (quantity) 

nishit ; shiit : nishu  ; 

l ately  large) ; badr 

arok  (very) 

last 

biitach  ; titan 

live 

udip 

lasting 

tugoch  , kukoh 

lizard,  smali  house 

titek 

last  night 

singomi 

load  (gun)  ) 

• • 

lath 

lantei 

load  (ship)  J 

n0isi 

laugh 

tawiich 

lock 

kunchi 

lavish 

pruang 

lodge 

numpang 

lazy 

sorut 

loins 

kupong 

lead  (metal) 

timah 

long 

omu  ; rambung  (tall) 

leaf  (tree) 

dawun 

long  time,  a 

tui 

leaf,  a (of  anything) 

ni-kridean 

long  time  ago,  a 

milch  tui 

leak  I 

long  as,  as 

setudun ; tian 

leaky  j 

sirdt 

long  for,  to  (one  ab- 

jabfing 

lean  (adj.) 

manyuch  ; maivuch 

sent) 

krangas 

lean  back  or  against 

menyanich 

long  for,  to  (certain 

learn 

belajar 

kinds  of  food) 

( tundor 

i gushdsh  (clothes) 

learned 

leather 

bisa 

kurit ; iinyit 

loose  (not  tight) 

leave  (forsake) 

tinggd ; tugan 

loose  (not  tense) 

kerilng ; midsh  ; renuk 

left  (remaining) 

kidfim 

loose  (not  coherent) 

gushosh  ; ragoch 

leaven  ; leavened 

ragi ; beragi 

loose  (not  fast) 

teguge  ; kutok 

leech,  land 

remutfik 

look  at 

tingah 

leech,  water 

remotah 

look  upwards 

ngigurah 

lend 

minjam 

look  in  a wrong  direc- 

begayang 

lengthen  out 

kasawich 

tion 

cheremin 

lengthways 

tunggun 

looking-glass 

less 

korang 

loop,  a 

sepakut  segarong 

let  be ; let  alone 
let  go 

biar ; isah-i 
ruach 

lose  ) 

lose  way  j 

man  yap 

let  go  (a  string) 

pasan 

louse 

gutich 

let  down 

bishor 

louse  (of  fowls) 

kudiib 

level 

rabak 

loud 

benah 

lick 

ngyarf'k 

loud  (voice) 

dor 

lid 

tutdip ; gudug 

( rindu  ka 

lie 

liar,  a 

kadong 
dayah  k adding 

love,  to 

atin-awang 
( raan  ngah 

/guring 

love-bird,  a 

tigesh 

J sekunyong ) (on 

low  (in  height) 

rapat ; purdk 

1 sekudang  j back) 

low  (voice) 

iinuk  ; rundeng 

' seging  (on  side) 

lucky 

budik  betuach 

lie  down  (on  face) 

sepuilb 

lull  child  f (by  dangling) 

nyando 

lie  on  top  of 

marvt 

asleep  | (by  singing) 

samun 

life  1 

ashung 

lump  together 

meruku 

life,  principle  of 

lust  ) 

lipong 

lift  up 

lift  up  tambok  (for  pro- 

mokat ; tunduk 
beranyuk 

lust  after,  to  } 

gila 

ceeding  on  journey) 

mad 

cxliv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

maggot 

urud 

mispronounced 

skinden 

maize 

jagong 

miss  (aim) 

ashet 

make 

nai 

mist 

abun 

malice 

i tuas ; boji 
i mitnam  atin 

mistake,  to 
mix 

sabuch 

begaur 

malicious 
Malay,  a 

grobah 

Kireang 

mock  (tease) 

( nupat 

1 naiva  (bv  imitating) 

man,  a 

( dayah  ; naan 

mock  (abuse) 

ngamun  ; mangu 

i nyiia  (W) 

modest 

miingush  ; dasah 

man,  a (male) 

dari 

moment,  a 

ni-kidap ; ni-giro 

mankind 

manusla 

monkey  (long-tailed) 

oyung 

Manner  of  Action  : 

monkey  (short-tailed) 

kiad 

in  this  manner 

kumunii 

| buduch 

in  that  manner 

kamuti ; sekunu 

monkey 

terpiu 

mangustineor  mango, 

1 bojig 

see  “fruit" 

monkey  (orang-utan) 

maias 

many  or  much 

bogfi : aduch 

money 

wang 

many  ? how 

kiang  ki ; mukudu 

monsoon,  rainy 

jaiyah 

many,  too 

tiikod 

monsoon,  hot 

roga 

marbles 

guli 

month,  a 

ni-buran 

mark,  a 

tanda 

Moon  : — 

buran 

mark  (trace) 

arok 

new 

buran  bauch 

Marry  : — 

full 

buran  turak 

betroth 

biumbai 

quarters 

bulan  kudung 

marry  a wife 

sovvan 

third  day  after  full 

buran  bubuk 

marry  a husband 

bunan 

more  (quantity) 

dinge 

marshy  ground 

l rfiboch;  tanahrabak 
i tanah  padak 

more  (comparison) 
morning 

robich ; pauch 
ishan 

mat  (fine) 

umok 

morning,  this 

ju-i-jach 

mat 

bumban  ; idash 

morning,  to-morrow 

sepagi-ishan-ishan 

mat  (coarse) 

kasa 

mortar  (for  paddy) 

lishong 

matted 

bekarut 

moss ; mossy 

rimut 

matter  (pus) 

penunah 

moth 

sebunut 

matter  (business) 

( tudu  kayuch 
i tiidfi  punganang 

mother 

mouldy 

sindu 

bekurat 

mattress 

tilam 

mountain 

darfid 

meaning 

firti 

mouse 

babu 

measure  1 

measure  (length)  • )’ 

nukud ; nakar 

mouth 

mouth  of  river 

bobah 

nunguch 

measuring-line 

penukud 

mouthful,  a 

ni-sikaum 

l nambang  (interfere) 

move  (shift) 

beringar 

( tiima  (touch) 

move  (stir) 

terigen ; begiring 

medicine 

uri 

move  about  (neuter) 
much,  see  “many” 

begugoch 

mediator 

pengiisich 

meet 

bedapud 

mud 

tawang;  jijub 

melon 

semangka 

mud  (on  river’s  banks) 

pantei 

melt 

ririch 

muddy  (water) 

karuch 

mend 

nai  kena  ; nfipung 
(anything  broken) 

muddy  (ground) 

( tare ; mameak 
’( tawang  (deep) 

mention 

nyobut 

musquito 

prungang 

mercy  ) 

masi 

musquito  curtains 

kelambu 

mercy  upon,  have  / 

muscle 

kuku 

merchant 

dayah  berdagang 

must 

tuntu 

merely 

mina;  perchoma 

mustard  (plant) 

sabi 

messenger 

penyuruch  ; dah 

nail,  a 1 

middle  ; midst 

biiat ; raput 

middling ; moderately 

moa 

nail,  a wooden,  or  ^ 

pasak 

midwife 

penfiding 

peg 

siruch ; silun  (W) 

milk 

juh-shishuch 

nail  (human) 

mill,  hand 

kisaran 

naked 

1 setabet  (woman) 

miscarry  (child) 

ruus 

j setagor  (man) 

mischief ; mischance 

genaka ; geraka 

name,  a 

adun 

mischievous 

gauk 

name,  to 

bekadun 

miser 

bidi ; bedogich 

name,  have,  of 

biun  adun 

misfortune,  see  " mis- 

name,  take,  of 

kambat  adun 

chance” 

narrow  j 

kupit ; sekidun 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary 


cxiv. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

narrow  (circum- 

kiitich 

Numerals  (eont ) : - 

scribed) 

twenty 

nation  (tribe) 

bangsa 

one  hundred 

naturally 

taiin 

one  thousand 

near 

sindiik 

ten  thousand 

near-sighted 

kidu 

1 tungo  (in  front) 

number,  to 

neck 

( pungo  (back  of) 

O 

necklace 

i kongkong  ; tumbis 

oath 

I seramii  (made  of  teeth) 

obey 

necessary 

patut 

needles 

utosh 

nerve,  a 

uat 

obstinate 

nest  (bird's) 

sanuk  ; sarin 

obtain  (get),  see 

net  (fishing) 

jala ; pukat 

“ procure 

net  (a  toil) 

jering 

offer  (hold  out) 

never 

biiun 

oil 

never  mind 

1 diich  jerah 

old  (man) 

( duch  isach 

old  (thing) 

new 

bauch 

once 

news 

agack 

nice 

sidi 

night 

ngarum 

night,  to- 

sekambuch 

night,  last 

singomi 

one 

night,  pass  the 

nyirumun 

no 

indah ; ditch 

noise,  a 

gutoi 

noise,  make  a 

1 berishut ; nai  gutoi 

( nai  dudu 

oneself 

noise  (sound) 

jawun 

oneself,  by 

noise  (of  animals) 

silk 

one  s own 

noise  (of  falling  water) 

gr> 

onion 

i yun  anu 

only 

noon 

( niiniing  repuan 

only-begotten 

noose,  a 

seringo 

open,  to 

noose,  to 

nyeringd 

open  (not  confined) 

nose 

unung 

opinion 

not 

( duch ; muduch 

opportunity 

1 doch  (W) ; di  (W) 

or 

not,  there  is 

meting ; doi  (W) 

origin 

not,  no  it  is 
not,  do 

bukun 

i manyach ; dunyach 

orphan 

i mba  (W) 

order,  an 

not,  even 

semiiki  kirn— meting 
guch 

order,  to 

nothing  at  all 

meting  mani-mani 

order,  put  in 

notch  (wood),  to 

nyiibang 

order,  that,  in 

notched 

rubang 

other 

( tong-i 

ought 

now 

- madin  ati ; madin 

out 

( da  adin  (W) 

outside 

Numerals  : — 

outside,  from 

one 

ni ; ikan  (W) 

out  of,  come 

two 

duuch 

out  through,  come 

three 

taruch 

overflow  (land) 

four 

pat 

overflow  (vessel) 

five 

ri  milch 

overladen  (boat) 

six 

num 

overladen  (man) 

seven 

juh 

eight 

mai ; mdich  (W) 

owl 

nine 

plii 

own  (possessive) 

ten 

semung 
( semung-ni 

oyster 

eleven 

i semong-ni  (W) 

paddle,  a 

twelve 

semung  diiiich 

paddle,  to 

Dayak. 


diiiich  puroh 

ni-ratus 

ni-ribu 

ni-laksa 

niap 

yah 
mangu 
( asih 

pakai  punganang 
I pakai  prentah 
madiid 


} 

i 


jugan 

inyo 

uyambah  ; penyibaas 
um  ah 
; ni-sidah 
^ ni 

ni-buah 
ni-bidang 
; ni-purung 
- ni-ikor 
ni-keping 
ni-kayu 
ni-lei 
Vni-turap 
odiip-sadi 
sndi 


\ odup-dupu 
bang 
adii 
tumu 

kuka ; mbang  (fruit) 
baiyah  ; tawas  (W) 
pikir  ; kira 
shuput 
kudu 
piiun 
i patu 

i tumang  (no  father) 

1 semainya 
i bodah  ; dah 
l semainya 
mishiin 
parang 
bukun 
patut 


disopah 


so  sopah 
ruach 

rfipus ; berambus 
apiich  deyuch 
robich  muab ; meliris 
sarad 
( beduru 

I gunggur-giinggur 
bo 

dupu 

sampi 


brosi 

kayuh 


cxlvi.  H 


English. 


paddy-farm  on  high 
dry  land 
painful 
pale 

palm  (of  hand) 
pan  (iron) 
pan  (earthen) 
parallel 
pardon 

parasite  (plant) 
pare  off  sharp  edges 
of  split  rotan 
pare  off  split  bamboos 
part,  a 

pass  (be  current) 

pass  away 

pass  over 

pass  beneath 

pass  on 

pass  by 

pass  before 

pass  through 

pass,  come  to  {even ire) 

past 

past  tense,  sign  of 

passenger,  go  as  a 

passionate  (choleric) 

pat 

patch 

patient 

pay 

peace 

peace,  be  at 
peck,  to 
peep  at 
pelt 
pen 

penitent 

pepper 

perforated 

perhaps 

perish 

perspiration 

perspire 

pestle  (for  pounding 
paddy) 
petticoat 
phlegm 

pick  up 

pick  (gather) 
pickle,  to 

pickled  flesh,  fruit,  or 
fish 
pickles 
picture 
piece,  a (part) 
pierce  (stab) 
pierce  through 
pig  (domestic) 
pig  (wild) 
pigeon 
pigeon,  wild 
pile  in  layers 
pilfer 
pillow 


. Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


Dayak. 


umuch  padi 

pide 
puchat 
purah  tangan 
kuali 
belanga 
tunggun 
am  pun  ; maap 
btikach 
paid 

nguus 
utung-ni 
laku 
manyap 

langkah  ; kabang 
nyerap 
rasu 

nunan  ; rowan 
budawu 
so 

tuk ; jadi 
much  mungfun 
much 
numpang ; tambang 
boji 
nutot 
nupung 
madud-atin 
bayer 

damai ; selamat 

berdamai ; senang 

nukuk 

ngireng 

nabur 

kfdam 

sesal 

lada 

tubot 

kudu — indin  ; kudu 

rusak 

udahs 

mudaas 

aruch 

jomuch 

ak 

i mit  ; shun 
( nukuk  (as  fowls) 
nupaas ; nyuked 
betubach  ; niibach 
I tubach  (fruit) 
duiit  (fish  and  flesh) 
( bekash u m (ft  uit) 
gambar ; tegundo 
ni-pirb 

numuk ; tubfik 

nguto 

aiyo 

pongan 

achang ; merpati 
punai 

berapich  ; beturap 

prikesh 

bantal 


English. 


pipe 

pin 

pinch,  to 
pinch,  take  a 
pith 
pitiful 

pity  upon,  have 
place  (put) 
place  down 
place  upright 
place  upright  in 
ground 
place,  a 
plain  (clear) 
plain,  a 
plait  (braid) 
plane,  a 

plate 

planking 
plant,  to 

plant  paddy,  make 
holes  in  which  to 
plantain 

play  (amuse  oneself) 
play  (jest  with) 
pleasant  (scent) 
pleasant  (taste) 
pleased 

pledge  (promise) 
pluck,  to 
pocket 

point  towards  > 

point  out  j 

point,  a 
pointed 

pointed  bamboo  stuck 
in  the  ground  as  a 
means  of  defence 
poison 

poisoned  ; poisonous 
poke 

pole,  when  stuck  up-\ 
right  in  the  ground,  | 
or  j 

post , a I 

polish 
pond 
poor 


populous 
possess  (hold) 
possess  (have) 
possessive  case,  sig 

posts  of  a house 

see  also  "pble" 
pot 

pot-bellied 
potatoes,  sweet 
pouch  of  monkey 
poultice 


Dayak. 


< serubok  (bambu) 
t supak  (W) 
utosh 
kujet 
unyut 
umbud 
si  u t 

nyibara 
nikun ; nah 
nah 
mejog 
j urnan 

yun  ; kah 
jowah 
tanah  rabak 
nyerat 
kiitam 

(jaru  ; pinggen 
( tapak  (small) 
udah  , asu  (W) 
perfin 
noruk 

borak 

mbah-moah 

berubi ; patla  (W) 

rfimak 

sidi 

riian 

naiim 

nyuked 

kiindi ; putir  (a  bag) 
tiju 

tubun 

rushing 

tuka 


rachun 

bisa 

kujok  ; ngikir 
turus 


tukang 

bodah  nyirinyak 
diinu 

seburuk  ; butak  ; kuta- 
charata ; charata ; 
ruga(W) ; papa(W) 
powun 
digung 
bifin 
dupu 

\ robs ; tugu  (W) 
pumuud  (short) 
penakap  (long) 
pumunus  (of  gable) 

priuk ; ternang 

bushung 

setira 

kuni 

tubi  mameak 


Chalmers’  Vocabulary. 


cxlvii. 


English.  Dayak. 


pound  paddy  (separate 
rice  from  husk) 
pour  out 
powder 
powder,  to 

powerful 

praise 
pray,  to 

prayers  (divine  ser- 
vice) 
prawns 
pregnant 
prepare  (arrange) 

presence  of,  in 

presence  of,  enter 
presently 
press  down  on 
pretend  (to  do  any- ) 
thing) 

see  "feign”  ) 

pretty 
prevent 
price 

price,  cost 
prick 

pride  ) 

proud  (vain)  j 

proud  (arrogant) 
Priest 
prisoner 
privy,  a 
procure  (get) 
prohibit,  see 
*■  prevent  ” 
profanity 
profit 
promise 

Personal  Pronouns : 
ist — I 
me 
mine 
2nd— thou 

thee 

thine 
3rd — he 
him 
his 
1 st — we 

us  ) 

our 

2nd — ye 
you 
your 

3rd — they,  them, 

same  as  "he” 
theirs, 

same  as  "his" 
pronunciation  (sound) 
prophet 
prostrate  (lie) 
protect 


piich 


mobfts ; rean 
teboduk 
bodah  runduk 


(physically) 


| buke  I 
bogug  , 

(bisa 

puji : parich ; sidaru 

sambayang 

sambayang 


udang 

bite 

mishun 
I di  jowin 
1 di  serung  jowin 
ngadap 
te 

digang 


nyimauu 

sigat ; romus 

jaman  ; nang  ; si  fit 

harga 

poko(k) 

tubfik ; nyug 

meruap  ; sambuch  ; 

asi-asi  (\V) 
gruah 
Tuan  PadrI 
dayah  takap 
bandong 
shaun ; dapftd 


tapat ; patia  (W) 
ontong 

bepaiyu  ; naam 
aku 

oku  (W) 
ku 
( kiiu 

- mai  1 (used  to  elders 
(kaamf  and  friends) 
miiu  (W)  ; mu 
odfip ; eiyuch 
i (affix) ; iyoch  (W)  . 
i (affix) 
kiech 
kCich  (W) 
ami  (affix) 
uta ; ungan 
ingan  (W) 
ta  (affix) ; ungan 


lagu ; iimpas 

nabi 

mfifib 

gerindung;  nguan 


English. 


provisions  for  a j' 
ney 
pull 

pull  down 
pull  up 
pull  in  two 
pull  towards  oneself 
in  steering 
pumpkin 

A man  is  said  to  be 


Dayak. 


•-  onyad 

narik  ; tarik 
rubuch ; patftb 
dimut ; ngfijut 
nyiraak 
pawot 

krfini 


punan,  when  having 
rudely  refused  hos- 
pitality of  anotner, 
some  accident  befalls 
him 

pungent  (taste) 

pungent  (odour) 

punish 

punishment 

pure  (clean) 

pure  (clear) 

pursue 

push  away 

push  on 

push  through 

put 

put  on 

put  down 

put  by  or  away 


punun 


semarach 
pash  ilk 
nunggu 

hukum  ; tunggu 

bisig 

kining 

tudak 

tulak 

nganyor 

ton 

nttngkah 

nah 

nikun  ; nakit 
nikiin  ; mishftn 


quarrel 

quarrel  (by  words) 
quarrel  (by  blows) 
quarter  part,  a 
quarter,  to 
quick 

quickly 

quiet 

quiet  (tame) 
quiet,  be 


nai  gutoi 
bekarit 
bekai 
pat  pi  re 
nyikupat 
I likas 

repit  (hurriedly) 
ka  saich 
(mu  much 
ruru 

mftnich  ; rimon 
rfiii 


race 

radish 

rafters 

rain 

rainy  weather 

rainbovv 

raise  up  oneself 

raised  platform,  a 

ramble  about  jungle 

rank  (smell) 

rap  at 

rapid 

rapid,  a 

rare 

rattan 

raw 

razor 

reach  to 

ready 

ready,  make 

really 

reap 

rebuke 


bangsa 

luba(k) 

koshu 

ujen 

jaiya 

ujen  bukang 

mokat 

angkat 

bedandong 

banguch 

gutog 

doras 

giam 

saat 

ui 

mantah 

sindah  gumbak 
nug ; tungang  nug 
sedia 
I mishun 
"l  besisat  (oneself) 
sawfi 

ngutum  padi 
ngajar 


cxlviii. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

receive  (into  hand) 

kambat 

reward 

upah 

receive  (accept) 

mit 

rice  (in  husk) 

padi 

recline  upon 

menyanich 

rice  (husked) 

bras 

recollect 

( natung 

rice  (of  a stick v kind) 

bras  pulut 

recollect 

natich  (<t  thing  l ft 
( behind) 

rice  (boiled) 

' tubi 

i sungkoi  (R.  Sadong) 

recompense 

maras 

rice  (boiled  in  voung 

pogang 

red 

hire 

bamboos) 

redeem 

nubOsh 

rice  (boiled  in  the 

sukoi ; sungkoi 

Redeemer 

Pen u bosh 

leaves  of  a herb 

regret  ) 

called  "manah  ”) 

regretful  of,  be  > 

nyibara 

rice,  boiled  (wrapped 

isam 

relative  (near) 

sudara 

in  leavesof  "manah") 

relative  (distant) 

kuda 

rich 

kaya 

Relatives  : — 

ridge  of  roof 

bung  bungan 

the  brothers  and 

pi  mas 

right 

sawn  : sedang  ; betul 

sisters  of  one's 

right  to  be  done 

tepakai 

father  and  mother 

ring  (finger) 

shishin 

ones  father  and 

sum  bah 

rings  (for  arms,  (S:c.), 

mother's  elder 

see  under  " dress  " 

brother  or  sister 

riot 

gutoi  ; dudu 

one's  father  and 

tuah 

rise 

maad 

mother's  younger 

rise  up 

mokat 

brother  or  sister 

rise  up  from  sleep 

burah ; mokat 

father-in-law  ) 

damiich 

rise  (the  sun) 

nushak 

mother-in-law  f 

rising  ground 

terunduk  ; dug  (Ion/:) 

step-father 

sama  tiri 

river 

sungi ; beruach  (\V) 

step-mother 

step-son 

sindu  tiri 
anak  tiri 

river,  branch 

( sftkap  sungi 
1 grongan  (W) 

son-in-law  ) 

iban 

river,  main  stream  of 

btitang  piin 

daughter-in-law  j 

road 

a ran 

nephew  ; niece 

anak  senukun 

road,  a bve 

siikap  .Iran 

cousin 

betunggal 

road,  make  a 1 

w 

wife's  elder  brother 

sike 

road,  repair  a i 

nyaran 

or  sister 

road,  the  trunks  of 

teboian 

wife’s  younger  bro- 

sipar 

trtes  laid  down  to 

ther  or  sister 

form  a 

adopted  child 

anak  angkat  ; anak 

roast 

badang 

iru 

rob 

nyijarach  ; berobut 

near  relatives 

sude-madich 

robber 

penvamun 

relaxed  (slack) 

tundur 

roe  (fish) 

turoch  ikyen 

relish,  a (anything 

kudosh 

roll  up 

marun  ; ngarung 

eaten  with  the  rice) 

roll  about 

beraring 

reluctantly,  or,  with 

i bersena 

roll,  a 

barun 

difficulty 

i bedayah 

roof 

tunyah 

remain 

i ruu  (stop) 
i kidiim  (be  left) 

room,  a 
root 

ariin 

bukach  ; uat 

remember 

ingat  ; natung 

root,  large,  above 

bandir 

remove 

beringar 

ground 

remnants  (leavings) 

tuduch 

roots  of  a bamboo- 

apung 

rent  (or  “ tax  ") 

sashuch 

clump  left  after 

repent  ) 

sesal-atin 

bamboos  have  been 

repentance  j 

cut 

reserved  (shy) 

tukiin  temungfin 

rope 

tarich 

resin 

damar  : upach 

rope  made  from  the 

ijok 

resist 

ngirawan 

"gomuti"  or  "naw" 

rest,  see  "interval'' 

palm 

restore  (give  back) 

pari 

rotten 

modam 

| mori 

rough 

baga 

return 

maad  (from  near) 

round 

burling 

1 motash  (from  near ) 

rows,  in 

bejerri 

retribution 

maras  \ (W) 

rows,  place  in 

besharad 

retribution  of  God 

tulah 

rub 

gasak  ; ngireg 

revenge 

maras 

rubbish,  light 

supok 

revolve 

1 begiring ; bekanding 

rude 

duch  setabi 

(bepunding 

rudder 

mudich 

Chalmers'  I ncahitlary. 


cxlix. 


English. 

Dayak. 

ruin,  fall  into 

f rubuch  ; serukob 

I patub ; bigas 

run 

bu 

run  away 

mubu 

run  after 

tiidak 

run  away,  make  to 

pibu  ; kashig  : kushig 

rust 

tegar 

rustling-noise,  a 

garfish 

sago  1 

sago-palm  ( 

sagu 

sago,  raw 

lemanta 

saliva 

rujah  ; rovang  (W) 

salt 

garb 

salt  (briny) 

pide 

salvation 

seramat 

salver,  brass 

talam 

same 

ni-mun 

same  (in  height  or 

berikud 

length) 

sand 

pasir 

sand-fly 

bias ; korap  (W) 

sands 

pasir 

sarong,  a(  Malav  cloth ) 

kain  tajong ; sarong 

Satan 

Umbt  Shetan 

satiated 

bisoch 

satiate 

bodah  puas 

satisfied,  see 
1 ■ appeased ' ’ 

say 

nang ; diian 

saying,  a 

punganang 

saying 

suninang 

scab 

tubu 

scabbard 

sibling ; duong  (W) 

scald 

raus 

scales  (fish) 

sisi(k) 

scales  (balance) 

kibti 

scar 

arit 

scissors 

gunting 

scold 

boji 

( rekara 

scorpion 

1 liiing  otich  (W) 

scrape 

ngikid  ; ngiich 

scrape  (dirt  off  feet) 

ngutosh ; ngireg 

scrape  out  leavings 

garas 

scratch  oneself 

gaiyu  ; dodash  (W) 

scratch  (score) 

garag 

scratch  with  nails 

geraiat 

scribble 

beriro 

scum 

jurak ; tegurak 

scurf 

runiik 

scurvy 

bagi 

search 

Ijiroch;  siroch 
( karik  (W) 

sea 

laut 

secretly 

bechukan 

secure  (firm) 

tegap ; tetap 

security  for,  be 

ngarun 

see 

kirich 

see  (behold) 

tingah 

seed  (corn) 

bine 

seed  (of  plants) 

ruang 

seek,  see  "search” 

seize  upon 

nakap 

sell 

juah 

send 

pait 

English. 


Da  yak. 


sense 

senseless  (in  a faint) 
separate  (divide  off) 
separate  (part  from) 
separately  (by  itself) 
servant 

servant  (hired) 
set  (sun) 

settle  (a  business) 

settled 

shade,  to 

shadow 

shake  (be  unsteady) 
shake  (active) 
shake  (shiver) 
shake  up 

shake  out  (as  clothes) 

shake  off 

shallow 

shame 

shame  to,  give 

sharp 

sharpen 

shave 

shaven  (head) 
sheath,  see 
“ scabbard  " 
sheet  (of  bed) 
sheep 

shells  (land) 

shell,  cocoa-nut 
shelf 
shepherd 
shield,  a 

shield,  to,  see  " shade  " 

shine 

shining 

ship 

shiver,  see  "shake” 

shoes 

shoot,  to 

shoot  of  plant,  young 
shop 

shore  up  with  posts,  to 
shore 

shore,  go  on 
short 

short  cut,  make  a 
shorten 

shoulder,  see  "body  ” 
shout 


show 

show  (point  out) 
shut,  to 

shut  up,  be 
shut  up  (enclose) 


akal 

mijup 

bebaat 

bu 

shidarii 

butak 

gagi 

murut  sibbng-i 
bodah  tunggun 
tiinggim 

gerindung ; baup 
I sengangi 
( sebambia  (W) 
begugoch  , beguyut 
nugoch  ; ngunyang 
kamutfil 
kushok 

< ngamui ; ngumob 
I ngumbar 
tfipich 

boduch ; dadas;  tubus 
mungfich  ; dasah 
l ngyen  mungfich 
( pemunguch 
roja 
ngasah 
begumbak 
bet  undo 


putong 

biri-biri 

I brukong  (large) 
l^brukyeng  (small) 
tapurung ; boru  (\V) 
panggd 
gombala 
peningin 

nyirinyak 

bringeang 

kapal 

sibong  koja  ; kaus  (W) 
timbak 
( shok 

(tijuk  (of  tree) 
kadei 
nukang 
deyuch 
maad  deyuch 
fkubii;  purok 
(kodo  (W) 
miitash 
kosigut 

( ngyrais 

- ngab  (at  getting  a 
( head) 

( ngah  tingah 
( ngyen  tingah 
tiju 

( ngishugn  ; tufip 
( ngobut 
tuup 

kurung;  nyikapung 


cl. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

shy.  see  “ashamed'' 

slowly 

berati ; pedanach  (W) 

shy  (reserved),  see 

small  (size) 

shu  ; iso  (VV) 

" reserved ' 

small  (quantity) 

nishii 

sick 

munam 

smart  (pain) 

mojot 

sickness 

berandam 

smell,  a 

biiuch 

side  (of  man),  see 

smell,  to 

kuduk 

• ‘ body ’ ’ 

smell,  give  forth  a 

biiuch 

side,  a 

ni-pire 

smear 

ngutosh 

side  of,  by  the 

turah 

smoke 

ashuch 

side,  inclining  to  one 

singit ; kumbuik  (W) 

smoke  tobacco,  to 

ngudut 

sieve 

aiyag 

smooth  (level) 

dedap  ; rabak 

sift 

ngaiyag 

smooth  (glossy) 

nyirinyak 

sigh,  see  “groan “ 

snake 

jipuch 

sign 

tanda 

snare 

jaring 

sign,  to 

nanda 

snare,  to 

nyaring 

silent,  be 

run 

snatch 

serobut 

silk 

sutra ; dasu 

sneeze 

pasin 

silver 

pirak 

snore 

ngudod 

sister  (elder)  ; 

snot 

budiik 

sister  (younger) ; 

suff  up 

nyiruk 

see  “brother” 

SO 

kamuti ; sekunu 

site  (former)  of  village 

tambavvang 

so  that 

parang 

or  house,  or  site  of 

so  and  so 

uni 

former  dwelling- 

soak 

kurom 

place  of  a tribe 

sodden 

rutus 

sin 

salah ; dosa 

soft 

dudiit ; gumosh 

sin,  to 

nai  dosa  ; nai  sarah 

soft  (flabbv) 

renuk 

sinful 

berdosa 

soft  (flexible) 

liat 

sing 

menyanyi 

soft  (moist) 

tare ; tawang 

sing  songs 

buding  segumbang 

sojourn 

numpang 

sink 

kauum 

soldier 

( orang  soldado 

sink,  make  to 

tumutum ; seruman 

(orang  kubu 

sirih  (a  pepper  - leaf 

bflid 

some  (a  part) 

ni-kuda 

eaten  with  betel-nut) 

sometimes 

ogi  anu 

sit  down 

guru 

song 

pantun 

sit  (as  hen) 

ngiikup 

son 

anak  dari 

skim  off 

kadi 

soon 

likas ; te 

skin 

kurit 

soot 

ing 

skin  (rind) 

kubang 

sore 

pidv ; munam 

skin,  to 

ngunyit ; nyibabak 

sort 

macham  ; mun 

skinned  (abraded) 

tebabak 

[what  sort  is  it  ? 

muki  mun  iti  ?J 

skull 

tekurok 

sorrow 

susah-atin 

sky 

langit 

sorry 

ngurid ; ibuch  (W) 

slack  ) 

tundur 

soul 

semiingi ; after  death 

slacken  ) 

it  becomes  a “ minO” 

slander,  see  “blame” 

soul  (a  living),  (i.e.,  a 

diitin 

slant 

meringge 

body  animated  by 

slanting 

mertang  (as  a tree) 

a soul) 

slave 

ulon  ; biitak 

sound,  see 

sleep 

buns 

“ pronunciation  " 

sleepy,  be 

nunu 

sound  (noise) 

jawun 

slice,  a 

f ni-sirib 

sound  (of  voices)’ 

siik  ; angu  ( distant ) 

| ni-tuding  [of  flesh) 

sound  (of  musical  in- 

sura 

slice,  to 

nyirib 

strument) 

slice  flesh,  to 

nuding 

sound  (sleep) 

ruru 

slide  down  ) 

terusap 

sour 

mashiim 

slip  down  ) 

source  (of  river) 

utak  piin 

slip  (from  its  place) 

bishor;  luchut;  rupas1 

source  (origin) 

piiun 

slip  (down  from  its 

beraring 

south 

selatan 

place) 

sow  cloth 

nyit 

slippery 

jeruch 

sow  paddy  (broadcast) 

nabur 

slope,  a 1 

slope,  to 

sloping?  j 

tanai  (ground) 
see  "slant" 

sow  paddy  (by  plant- 
ing it  in  holes) 
space  of  time,  a 

mine 

sukad 

slow 

( abot ; sfiich 

space,  intervening 

usach 

1 beridu  (W) 

sparing  of,  be 

siut 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


cli. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

spark 

buahopui;  shuat  opui 

steer 

mudich 

sparrow 

piit 

stem,  a 

tungun  ; punamai 

speak  to  or  with 

beritong ; minyu 

steps  (Dyak  ladder) 

tungoch 

spear 

ijerok  ; ashul  (W) 

steps  (pegsdriven  into 

tatiik 

( burus 

tree  for  climbing) 

spear  with  one  barb 

perambut 

steps  (notches  cut  in 

subang 

spear  with  two  barbs 

beraiyang 

trunk  of  tree  for 

spear  (sharpened 

tampun 

use  in  climbing) 

bamboo) 

steps,  to  cut 

ngubang 

spear  (sharpened 

serugich 

stick,  a (walking) 

sekud 

wood) 

purich 

stick  (to  keep  open 

tukang 

species 

window) 

spell  (words) 

mengija 

stick  (on  which  the 

rais 

spider 

tiikah 

leaves  are  laid  in 

spill 

bobfis 

making  "atap") 

spirit  (soul),  see  “soul' 

stick,  to;  sticky 

rekat 

spirit  (departed) 

mino 

stiff  (inflexible) 

bogiig  kftkag 

spirit,  evil 

umut 

st  11,  be 

run 

spit 

ngirujah 

still  (yet) 

babft 

spittle,  see  “ saliva" 
spiteful 

gauk ; genaka 

still  water 

i piin  nunur 
\ piin  nunung 

splendid  (in  appear- 

sangfin  ; gruah 

sting,  a (that  which 

butu 

ance) 

stings) 

splinter,  a 

ibun 

sting,  to 

ningut 

split  in  two,  to 
split  in  two 

nyiraak  ; mire 
raak  ; tepire 

stinking 

I rushish  ; mod  am 
\ rungang 

split  open 

bubus ; jeja 

stir  (move) ; stirred,  be 

spoon,  wood  used  as  a 

sukir 

see  "move" 

spoon,  a 

sunduk 

stir  about 

karu  ; ngull  (W) 

spoon,  to  use  a 

silk 

stockings 

sibling  koja 

spout  (of  water) 

aiyak 

stomach 

kuboi 

spout  of  a jar 

sishuch 

stoop 

mutu 

spread  out 

mud 

stoop  down  under- 

nyerap 

sprinkle 

rmisik  ; tapich  (W) 

neath 

spur  (of  cock) 

sikak 

stone 

batuch 

square 

pujuruch 

stop 

ruu  ; miiii ; moko 

squat  down 

sedukung 

stop  at 

nyesah 

squeeze 

pishft 

stop  (close  up) 

ngishiign 

squeeze  out 

i pishu  (by  hand) 
I mil 

stopping-place  by 
roadside 

garang 

squint 

squirrel 

nyiparang 

ipas 

stopped  up  (choked 
up) 

| papilt  (as  a road) 

- puneat ; betabat 

squirt  forth 

murashit ; menapus 

( badiig  (having  no  vent) 

stab 

jokad 

store-room 

sitok 

stagger 

miibung 

storing-place  (tern- 

gudong 

stalk  (of  plant) 

tiigin 

porary)  for  paddy 

stammer,  see  “stutter' 

(made  of  mats), 

stand  up 

mujog 

while  being  dried 

stand  aside  (to  let  pass 

peraru  ; seginang 

sobak-ribut  ; raban 

stand  stock  still 

nyinunung 

1 (This  is  a violent  wind 

stand,  a brass  (used 

par 

and  rain  sent  as  a 

at  meals) 

storm 

- judgment  for  incest. 

stand,  a brass  (used 

karas 

and  requires  to  be 
I stilled  by  means  of  a 

for  Si) ih-finang) 

V “berobat”) 

star 

bin  tang 

story  (of  house) 

turap ; takach 

stare  at 

tirek 

story  (history) 

suse 

staring  (adjective) 
start 

bediinggor ; bederang 
gugiich ; gupoch 

story,  relate  a 

f dundan ; nyiduda 
\ nuse 

startle 

bodah  gugiich 

straight  ) 

tiinggiin 

startled 

guguch 

straight  line,  in  j 

stays  (worn  by  women 

tikach ; seladan  (W) 

strain,  to 

nyerinir 

of  W.  tribes) 

strain  at 

siran 

steal 

noku 

stranger 

( penumi 

steam 

ashuch  piin 

i saruch  (a  new  arrival) 

steel 

balan 

stray 

manyap 

steep 

ired ; ronyug 

j stretch  (be  elastic) 

kunyoi 

clii. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

strike  1 

swallow,  a 

( semfingan  ; tepirich 

strike  with  stick  i 

(tematok  (W) 

strike  with  fist 

numuk 

swallow,  to 

turun 

strike  with  hand 

nupap 

sway 

prentah 

strike  (thump) 

mutug 

swear 

mangu 

strike  by  falling  upon 

maret  ; nyondug  (\V) 

swear  at 

nyupah 

strike  top  of  anything 

mabak 

sweat 

udiias 

strike  a mark 

dog ; oboch  (W) 

sweat,  to 

mudaas 

strike  with  elbow 

nyukuch 

sweep 

piseiin  , mipis  (W) 

strike  a gong 

milk  , bergong 

sweet 

( nibonvich ; senobi 

strike  against  any- 

nvandong ; natok 

( sidi 

thing  by  accident 

swell 

l kumbang  (as  seeds) 

to  make  feints  of  | 

1 bungkak 

striking  with  sword 

ngambar  (in  fighting) 

swift 

laju 

see  also  “feign" 

ngawakl,.  • ,, 
” . (in  test ) 

ngatar  ) ' J ' 

swift  (water) 

doras 

and  “pretend") 

swim 

bernang;  nangui  (W) 

struck,  be 

dog  pukong 

swing,  a (cradle) 

aiyun 

string,  a 

tarich 

swing,  to 

beraivun 

string,  to  (as  beads) 

to 

swing,  make  to 

pingean 

stroke,  to 

puras 

sw'ing  by  hands 

beramboi 

| gugach 

| bungkak  ; giimbul 

strong 

buke  (in  currying ) 

swollen 

bubiig 

(gogah  (W) 

(bit  (as  from  a blow) 

strong  (voice) 

dor 

sword 

pedang 

strongly 

benah  (walk) 

or,  with  strength 

nishin  (carry  or  lift) 

strong  (firm) 

tetap ; tegoh 

tail  (of  beast) 

koi ; ukuon  (W) 

strong,  make 

l bodah  tetap 

tail  (of  a bircl) 

tugang 

i bodah  tegoh 

take 

mit ; niimit ; jot 

strong  (lasting) 

tegap  ; taan 

take  (receive) 

kambat 

stuffed  with  food 

tujuefik  ; sindak 

take  in  arms 

tunduk 

stumble 

< sikak  ; sekukan 
I sekakong 

take  away 
take  out 

mokat 

dimut 

stump 

tfifid 

■ kadi'"1'  <“•'*> 

stupid 

budoh  ; bawfi  ; bakfi 

take  off  (uncover) 

stupefied  (confused) 

berishut  atin 

( murai  (as  wrapping) 

stutter 

kakfi 

take  hold  of 

digung 

submit 

succeed  (come  in  place 

tundok 

ganti 

take  care  of 

i ingat ; nguan 
i nyude  (of  a child) 

of) 

talk,  to  (about  busi- 

beritong 

suck 

niup 

ness) 

suck  breast 

niup  shishuch 

talk  (for  amusement) 

ngitong 

sudden ; suddenly 

guguch 

talk  with 

mlnyu 

suffer  (undergo) 

dog 

tall 

omu 

suffer  (permit) 
sufficient ; sufficiently 

bodah 

sedang 

tame 

( tatich 

I rimon  ( not  wild) 

sugar 

gula 

tangled 

bekarut 

sugar-cane 

tobuch 

tap 

gutog 

suitable 

sedang 

tapioca-plant 

ubi  bandong 

“sumpitan,'’  or  blow- 

si  pot 

tares  (zizane) 

padi  babu 

pipe  for  arrows 

taste 

kinyam  ; nyam 

arrows  of  sumpitan 

raja 

| peti  (to  Rajah) 

quiver  for  arrows 

umbach 

tax 

sashuch  ( hire  of 

of  sumpitan 

( things) 

sun 

betuch-anu 

teach 

ngajar 

support 

ngarun 

teacher 

guru 

sure  (certain) 

t untu 

tear 

nyiratak 

sure  (firm),  see 

torn 

tubot ; jeja ; teratak 

“strong" 

tears 

rendang  betuch 

surety  for  (become), 

teaze 

nupat 

see  “support” 

telescope 

tropong 

surround 

mftning ; krurung 

tell 

diian  ; tanon  (\\  ) 

suspender,  a 

katir 

tempt  (attempt) 

choba 

sustain,  see  "support’ 

tempt  (try) 

kija 

swaddling  clothes 

putong  bodung 

tepid 

ngumat 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


cliii. 


English. 

Dayak. 

. English. 

Dayak. 

that 

f ajech ; inn  ; itia  (W) 

kamuti  ; sekunu  ; 

i inich  ( distant ) (W) 

1 

sekuti. — Keiyuch, 

that,  in  order 

parang 

thus 

J 

u-kowang  (used  re- 

thatch 

ilau 

I 

dundantly  at  the 

thatch,  to 

tipan  ilau 

close  of  a sentence) 

thatch,  repair 

nyurat  ramin 

thyme,  wild 

bunga  putung 

then  (at  that  time) 

ngunu  ; anu  ati 

tick  (of  beasts) 

1 kutid  ; rekineas  (red) 

then  (after  that) 

moko  ati 

ligi  (large) 

then,  and 

then  (therefore  ; ex- 

rasu 

jau;  garang 

tick  (of  fowls) 

( 

kiidub  (white) 
rekineas  (red) 

pletive) 

tickle 

bekitik 

thence 

sonu 

tide,  flood- 

piin  pasang 

Theological  Terms 

tide,  ebb 

piin  surud 

used  in  Borneo 

tide,  paddle  against 

bersukul 

Mission  : — 

tidings 

agach 

baptize  ; baptism 

baptisa 

tie 

muting ; ngobut  (close 

charitv 

masi 

up)  ; bokosh  (W) 

Christian 

Kristian 

tie  two  or  more  things 

begagit 

elect,  to 

mien 

together 

Eucharist 

Yukaris 

tie  limbs 

muak 

faith 

sabach 

tight 

tarik 

"race 

kurnia ; berkat 

tight  (dress) 

tiikiid 

hope 

harap 

timber 

kayuch 

infidel 

davah  kapir 

time,  times  (implying 

sidah 

Person  of  Godhead 

Zat 

repetition  as  once, 

religion 

agama 

twice,  three  times) 

repentance 

sesal-atin 

time  (opportunity) 

shuput 

redeem 

sacrament 

nubosh 

sacramen 

time,  the  (season) 

l bang  ; anu  tong 
1 kaban 

sacrifice 

sambileh 

( madin 

save 

ngyen  seramat 

time,  present 

madin  ati 

Saviour 

Penubosh 

jiman  madin 

salvation 

seramat 

time  of,  at  the 

jiman  ; turap  ; sarak 

sanctify 

bodah  kudus 

time,  that,  at  the 

kaban  ; tika 

Trinity 

Triniti 

(when) 

there 

dinu  ; diginu  ; digijech 

time,  at  that  (then) 

ngunu  ; anu  ati 

therefore 

sebab  ati 

time,  some  future 

sekambuch  tepagi 

thick 

tebar ; tebar  niikung 

a short  time  ago,  i.e., 

perajach 

thick  (close) 

pishung 

a few  days  ago 

thief 

davah  penoku 

a short  time  ago,  i.e., 

tejach 

thin 

ride 

a few  minutes  ago 

thing,  a 

kayuch 

a long  time  ago 

sarak  din  ; jiman  jach 

thing,  any 

tiidii  kayuch 

in  former  times 

nun  jach 

think 

kira  ; pikir  ; jangka 

Time  of  Dav  : — 

thirsty 

boduch  ashung 

about  7 or  8 a m. 

mun  dowan 

this 

( ati ; iti ; itich  (\V) 

about  g or  io  a.m. 

nyengah 

I anu  ; inoch  (W) 

about  ii  a m. 

repuan 

thither 

1 kamanu 

noon 

nunung  repuan 

(kamajech  (distant) 

about  2 p.m. 

kumbeang 

thorns 

roja 

about  3 or  4 p.m. 

turup  kumbeang 

thread 

tarich  benang 

tired 

jerah  ; kowuk  ; marah 

throat 

gunggong 

beriruk  (of  speaking) 

throttle 

ngukak  ; nyiap 

ka  ; di ; as  (daan  di 

through 

tomus ; berambus 

eiyuch,  tell  him) 

through,  pass 

SO 

to 

sa  ; as  (ngven  sa-i 

through  between  two 

trusan 

tingah,  let  him  see 

rivers,  a passage 

1 it) 

throw 

shing ; sheau 

toad 

siiuch 

throw  out  or  away 

taran  ; siiat 

tobacco 

bako 

throw  a spear 

jokad 

tobacco,  Chinese 

bako  saun 

throw  up 
throw  down 

samot 

paan 

tobacco,  Java 

bako  Jawa 
bako  dagang 

throw  about  in  dis- 

mengare 

sama-samach 

order 

together 

bersama ; nai  powun 

thumb 

sindu  tiingan 

(in  large  numbers) 

thunder 

, dudu 

to-day 

anu  ati 

cliv. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak. 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

to-morrow 

tepagi 

trouble ; troubled 

susah 

to-morrow,  day  after 

gununi 

troublesome  (a  bother) 

kakfich 

three  days  hence 

guni  ajech 

trowsers 

sin  yang 

tongue,  see  “body" 

1 sawii  ; bonah  (W) 

too  (in  excess) 

binah ; pushe 

true 

mana  (W).  (Used 

( jipuch 

truly 

1 after  adjectives  in 

tooth 

jipuch  bushe  (front) 

\ sense  of  "very.") 

(jipuch  baiim  (back) 

( tungun  (of  living  tree) 

top  (summit) 

tebung 

trunk  (of  tree) 

Itunggu  (of  dead  tree) 

top  of,  on  the  (upon) 

l tunduch 
(atuch  (of  tree) 

bntang  kayuch  (of  a 
( felled  tree) 

torch 

siruh 

trust  in  or  to 

harap ; sabach 

torn,  see  " tear  " 

try  (attempt) 

chuba 

touch 

turn  ah 

trv  a matter  bv  means 

bepanyut 

touch  (feel) 

kap 

of  ordeal  by  two 

tough 

Hat 

lighted  tapers 

towards,  see  “to" 

turn  round  (body) 

kimat 

trace,  a ; track 

arok ; invuk  ; diai  (W) 

turn  round  (revolve) 

bekanding 

trade,  to 

berdagang : berjaja 

turn  over  (leaves  of 

murai 

having  transgressed  \ 

book) 

bounds  of  pro- 1 

tusk 

bubfit 

priety,  or,  gone  j- 

tepashu 

tweezers 

anggup 

beyond  proper | 

twilight  (morning) 

abur  dadad 

limits  of  anything  1 

twilight  (evening) 

singomi  anu 

translate 

nyireas ; nvambi 

/kimirib  (glisten) 

trap,  a spring- 

pite 

twinkle 

1 kamidil  [\YJ 

tread  upon 

digang 

j mukidap  (wink) 

tread  out  paddy  from 

ngik  gruguch 

Ikidiap  [W] 

the  ear 
tree,  jungle 

t ungun  kayuch 

twist 

m urns 

tree,  fruit 

tungun  buah 

ugly 

i arap  mun-i 

tremble 

kamutfil 

I ditch  romus 

trial  of,  make ; take  on 

kija 

ulcer,  see  “diseases” 

tribe 

bangsa 

unbeliever,  see 

Dayak  Tribes  on  the 
River  Sarawak 

“heathen" 
unburdened  (with  no- 

buruch 

thing  to  carry) 

On  Southern  Branch  : 

unclean 

kaich  ; piider 

Sempro 

i Dayah  Beparfich 

uncover 

murai 

i Beporoch  (\V) 

under,  see  “ below  " 

Segu 

Boniik  ; Bonok  (W) 

undergrowth  (in  old 

anak  dudach 

Simpok  (on  River 

Sapug 

jungle) 

Samarahan) 

understand 

puan 

Setang ; Sikitk 

Setang ; Sikog 

understanding,  not 

bislrat 

Sentah 

f Sentah  ; Se  Buran 

clear  to 

, Biota  (W) 

undo;  unfasten 

kuka 

Kuap 

Bukuab 

undone ; unfastened 

tebishor 

Se  Bungo 

* Dayah  Bungfich 

unfortunate 

genii  ka 

( Bi  Bungo 

unite  (by  adding  to- 

siniin 

Brang 

Brang 

gether) 

grobah 

Serin  (River  Sama- 

Penyowah 

unkind 

rahan) 

unlearned 

ditch  bisa 

Sennah 

Sennah 

unless 

kiang 

Between  Southern  and 

unmarried 

bujang 

Western  Branches: 

unripe  (fruit) 

matah 

Tebla(k) 

Tebla(k) ; Pidla  [W] 

unripe  (not  attained 

nyitimun  (used  only  of 

Sumban 

Bimban 

full  size) 

the  fruit  “ durian  ” 

Tringgus 

Se  ringgus 

unskilled,  see 

On  Western  Branch : 

“ unlearned  " 

Gumbang 

Gumbang 

unsteady,  see  “shake" 

Sauh 

Beratak 

unsteady  in  gait 

kaftg ; rnabung 

Singgi 

Singgai 

untie,  see  “ undo" 

meniig  ka 

Serambo 

( Se  Karuch 

until ; unto 

( Broich  (W) 

unwilling,  see  "do 

Bombok 

Bombok 

not  wish” 

Peninjauh 

Peninjauh 

unyielding 

tungyeak 

Chalmers'  Vocabulary. 


civ. 


English. 


up  to  (as  far  as) 
upon 

upset  (spill) 
upset  boat 
urge  (incite) 
urine 
use,  to 


use ; useful 


valley 

vain,  in  (in  jest  or 
with  profanity) 
vanish 
vapour 
vegetables 
vein 

vengeance  on,  take 

verandah 

verily 

very 

victorious 
view,  a 
view,  to 
village  (Malay) 
village  (Dayak) 
violin 
virgin 
visible,  be 
visit,  to 
visitor 

voice 

voluntarily  (of  own 
accord) 
vomit 

wag  about 
wages 

wages,  work  for 

wait 

wall 

walk 

walk  fast 

walk  to  and  fro 

wanderer 

wanting 

war  ) 

war,  to  J 

go  out  on  a war  ex- 
pedition 

warm 

warm  oneself  at  fire 


Dayak. 


kiid 

(di  tunuch  ; di  atuch 
| di  sombu 
bobfis 
kureb 

ngajak ; bodah 

hashing 

pakai 

guna ; berguna 
“ Guna”  is  also  the 
name  of  a small  house 
near  a l)yak  village, 
-I  in  which  llie  magic 
stones,  &c.,  called  ilie 
“pengaroh”  are  pre- 
served. 

See  “deposit" 

( surok  tarun 
I surok  dau  (it  guilty) 

I ngah  tapat 

\ ngan  patia  (W) 

manyap 

abun 

kudosh 

uat 

maras 

awach 

sawn 

I raru,  benah,  bogii ; 

I bonah  [WJ , 
mana  [W]  (follow 
adjective) 
menang ; alah 
tatung  ; kirich 
tingah 

kupoh  ; tompok  [W] 

rfiich 

sigitot 

bujang  tibun 
tatung ; naming 
tudu 

dayah  niimi 
( serutln  ; silk  ; awun, 

I angu  (when  distant) 
tilksir 

ngutah 

kuting 

gagi ; pach  (W) 
man  gagi 
kajiln 
sindung 
ponu ; konu 
bekiiduch 
bejaruch;  bejaja 
berambe 
korang 

nyerang  (make  an 
attach) 

ngunyu,  ngaiyu  (to  go 
out  head-hunting  in 
small  parties) 
j surah  ; petlak  (W) 
(paras ; bongo  (W) 
nyinuch 


English. 


wash 

wash  for  gold 
wasp 
watch,  to 
watchman 
water 

water,  fresh 
water,  get 
water,  make 

waterfall 

wave,  a 

wave  about,  to 

wax 

weak 

weak  from  old  age 
weak  (voice) 
wear 

weary,  see  “tired" 

web  of  spider 

weeds 

weed,  to 

week,  a 

weep 

weevil 

weigh 

weights  (for  weighing) 
well  (adv.) 
well  (recovered) 

well-spoken 

well-mannered 

wet 

what  ? 
what  kind  ? 

whatever 

when  ? 
when 
whence  ? 
where  ? 
wherever 
wherefore  ? 
wherefore 

whether  (he  goes)  or 
not 
which 

while  (at  same  time  as) 
whilst 
whirlpool 
whiskers 
whisper,  to 
whistle,  to 
whistle,  a (musical 
instrument) 
white 
whither  ? 
who  ? 

who  (relative),  see 
“which" 


Dayak. 


( ngusu ; ngu 
mambia  (W) 

( ngutosh  (by  rubbing) 
melenggang 
peningat ; rowiich 
nguan  ; jaga  ; kingat 
dayah  kingat 
piin 

piin  tawar 
pean 
kashing 
I giam 
( piin  ilman 
I umak  (of  sea) 
i bfikat  (in  river) 
nyipas ; mosilk 
piltich 

dilch  shinonu 
menyambah 
rilndeng 
pakai 

sebundt  tilkah 

uduch 

nyobu 

ni-Minggo 

sien 

bubuk 

ngilti 

tanuch 

kena 

asih  (after  undergoing 
a doctoring) ; buah 

milnich  bhasa 

bisah ; bisah  murung 
I uni ; mani 
(osi  (person) 
muki 

Itudu-tudu  kayuch 
(thing) 

tudu-tudu  pilnga- 
nang  (word) 
sinde 

komii;  kaban;  tika 
so-aki 

diki ; ki ; dikidoch 
dun-dim  kah 
uni  sebab ; mani 
sebab  ati 

( an  (i-di  i-di)  iibach 
(keiyuch  dilch 
adi  (seldom  used) 
buang 
semada 
poshid  piin 
gumis 

begayash ; benanang 
nyimboch 

setilboi ; serubai  (W) 

budah ; mopuh  (W) 

kamaki 

osi 


clvi. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


English. 

Dayak. 

English. 

Dayak. 

< tudu-tudu  dayah 

work  1 

punganai ; kaminyang 

( tudu  kojah  davah 

work,  to  ) 

kurja 

whore,  a 

perambai 

work  of  a blacksmith, 

whoredom,  commit 

nainyung 

do,  see  “blacksmith” 

why?  see  “where- 

work  unceasingly,  to 

ngaun  kurja 

fore  ’’ 

work  at  intervals 

nyapai 

wick,  a 

sumbu 

world,  the  (this) 

dunya 

wicked 

arap  ; jaat  (W) 

world,  next 

akhirat 

wicked  (spiteful) 

gauk  ; grobah 

world,  the  (earth) 

ong 

wide  (broad) 

ramba 

( retamuch  ; rotung 

wide  (spacious) 

baiyah  ; tawas  (W) 

worms  (earth) 

regenda  (large ) [(VV) 

wide  apart 

saat 

1 tomua  (W) 

widen  (make  spacious) 

bodah  baiyah 

( regyu  (red) 

widow 

oban 

worms  (stomach) 

likivuiich  (W) 

wife 

sowiin 

Ijakit  (thread) 

will  (pleasure) 

raan 

worn,  see  “faded” 

will,  to 
willing,  be 
wish 

(an  ; raan  (from  “re" 

(colour) 

) and,'  'an”  which  both 

worn  on  body,  things 

penttkas 

j have  same  meaning) ; 
( andak 

worship  of  God 
worship  God,  to 

sambayang 

will  (verb,  auxiliary) 

an  ; shaun 

worship  (do  reverence) 

sambah  ; menyfimbah 

wild  (not  tame) 

siga 

wound 

towan;  kenitman  (\V) 

wind 

sobak 

wrap 

moas ; morut 

windpipe 

kor 

wring  out 

murus 

window 

komban 

write 

tubs ; nyurat 

window  stick 

tukang 

writing,  a 

surat 

window-sill 

ubak  kaiis 

wrong 

sarah 

wings 

orad  ; ilad  (W) 

wink 

mukidap  . kidiap  (W) 

yams 

ubich ; kuduk 

winnow 

napan ; naju;  nyando 

yawn 

kuftb 

wisdom 

akal 

year 

sawa 

wise 

wish,  see  “will” 

cherdik ; pandai 

yellow,  see  “colour” 

( u-kach ; u-inii 

wish,  do  not 

ditch  an  ; iibach  ; 

I iyoch  (W) 

with 

dare ; doria  (W) 
ngah ; ngan  (W) 

yesterday 

( anu  mijach 
1 sumia  (W) 

within 

darum  ; dang  (W) 

yesterday,  day  before 

anu  perajach  ; anu  diu 

without 

disopah 

yet 

babii 

without  (deficient) 

meting ; doi  (W) 

( bayfich ; diumboch 

wither 

rayu 

yet,  not 

(W) 

withered 

pi siik  (dry) ; kuriing 

(b5an  (Setang) 

witness 

tiiksi 

yield  to  (submit) 

tundok 

woman 

davung 

yield  up 

ngyen 

wood 

kayuch 

yolk  of  egg 

tunanang  turoch 

wood,  fire- 

wang ; shiru  (W) 

young 

mu  rah 

word,  a 

| peminyu  ; sftk 

young  (person) 

shu  ; onak  opod 

words 

piingiinang ; sindah 

I anak  kttnya 

( (W) 

(onak  opod 

THE  SENTAH  (Land  Dyak)  DIALECT. 

Mr.  Noel  Denison  published  a few  words  of  this  tribe,  which  words  had  been  collected  by  the 
Rev.  F.  W.  Abe.  With  the  following  three  exceptions  the  Sentah  words  are  identical  with  those 
collected  by  Chalmers. 

a person,  naan;  to  beat,  mukong ; leprosy,  supach. — H.L.R. 


VOCABULARIES 

Collected  through  the  efforts  of  the  Hon  F.  A.  Swettenham,  and  published  in  No.  5 of  the  Journal  of  Straits  Branch  Koval  Asiatic  Society. 


S wettenha in ’s  V oca  bul a vies . 


clvii. 


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clviii 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak 


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II. 


ETHNOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  BY  DR.  SCHWANER, 

Translated,  from  his  work  on  “Borneo.” 

I.-THE  BARITO  RIVER  BASIN. 

Race. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Barito  River  basin  all  belong  to  the  same  race,  the  Malayo 
Polynesian.  Although  they  are  divided  into  several  tribes  bearing  different  names, 
there  is  no  reason  whatever  for  considering  them  as  so  many  different  races,  neither 
with  regard  to  their  outward  appearance  and  their  languages,  nor  wtih  respect  to 
their  manners  and  customs,  as  wras  done  by  Von  Kessel,  a man  who  travelled  a long 
time  in  Borneo. 

Language. 

Their  languages  generally  have  one  and  the  same  origin,  and  belong  altogether 
to  the  Malayo  Polynesian  family,  though  somewhat  altered  in  course  of  time  and 
according  to  local  circumstances. 

The  different  dialects  equal  in  number  the  tribes  of  the  people,  and  though  to  the 
foreigner  they  may  have  the  appearance  of  different  languages,  are  more  or  less 
easily  spoken  and  understood  by  all  the  natives,  the  local  deviations  being  soon 
learned  by  them.  All  those  dialects  are  copious  in  words;  the  names  of  each  object 
according  to  the  different  circumstances  in  which  it  occurs  are  very  numerous,  and, 
as  generally  spoken,  the  dialects  contain  an  abundance  of  vowels,  and  are  melodious. 
Poetry  is  only  oral  (improvisation),  or  consists  of  the  monotonous  recitation  of  the 
deeds  done  by  the  Sang-Sang  (angels)  and  their  circumstances,  or  in  the  narration  of 
the  ancestral  exploits,  important  historical  events,  etc.  The  first  mentioned  of  these 
arts  is  principally  performed  by  the  Bilians,  who  recite  their  extravagant  poems 
with  a shrill  voice,  accompanied  by  the  sounds  of  the  Katampang,  a cylindrical  drum 
nearly  two  feet  long  and  covered  with  monkey  skin,  while  the  gods  and  heroes  are 
celebrated  in  songs  by  old  men  in  an  awfully  bombastic  style  ; this  is  done  in  an  old 
dialect  differing  from  the  usual  language,  called  the  heavenly  or  sacred  language,  or 
also  the  Sang-Sang  language.  Only  a few  are  well  versed  in  it,  but  the  initiated  in 
this  science  act  as  priests,  and  are  consulted  by  the  native,  w'hen  he  wishes  to 
communicate  his  desires  to  the  gods,  ask  for  their  assistance,  or  wishes  to  have  the 
soul  of  one  of  his  dead  relatives  conducted  to  heaven. 

Writing. 

The  natives  do  not  possess  an  alphabet,  but  they  are  acquainted  with  the 
existence  of  letters  among  other  nations.  According  to  their  traditions,  the  Creator, 
having  given  a language  to  mankind,  had  assembled  the  oldest  men  of  the  different 
nations,  in  order  to  communicate  the  use  of  letters  to  them.  All  of  them  did 
receive  such  writing-signs,  but  the  representatives  of  Borneo  swallowed  them,  so 
that  they  are  united  with  the  body  and  changed  into  memory.  The  descendants 
have  therefore  their  history,  their  laws,  their  agreements,  etc.,  printed  in  their 
hearts  as  immutably  and  surely  as  other  peoples  have  put  them  in  writing  in  their 
books,  but  at  the  same  time  more  lively,  active,  and  accessible,  for  every  one  is  now 
well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  his  tribe,  knows  the  legends  of  his  gods  and 

1 


clxii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

heroes,  their  influence  on  man,  their  instructions,  etc.,  without  the  necessity  of 
possessing  or  studying  books,  and  without  fear  of  forgetting  his  readings.  Indeed, 
the  memory  of  the  natives  is  admirable,  and  their  traditions  bear  the  aspect  of  great 
general  agreement. 

Physical  and  Moral  Characters. 

In  their  outward  appearance  the  natives  show  the  greatest  resemblance  with 
the  peculiarities  of  the  Malay  race  ; nevertheless,  the  form  of  the  face  is  often  more 
oblong,  the  forehead  sometimes  more  flattened,  higher  and  rounder,  the  teeth  are 
placed  perpendicularly,  and  the  eyebrows  and  beard  more  developed  than  with  the 
other  peoples  belonging  to  the  Malay  race.  These  deviations  give  a nobler  form  and 
a livelier  expression  to  the  features.  I could  often  distinguish  perfectly  regular  and 
beautiful  features,  by  no  means  inferior  to  those  of  the  Caucasian  race,  especially 
among  the  men,  and  their  variety  is  so  great  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  give  an 
account  of  the  peculiar  generally  characteristic  features  of  the  natives  of  Borneo ; 
one  can  only  state  that  more  or  less  all  of  them  show  the  Malay  type.  The  women’s 
features  generally  are  fuller,  have  softer  outlines,  and  therefore  show  more  mutual 
similarity  than  those  of  the  men.  Their  expression  is,  generally  speaking,  that 
of  pleasing  roguishness.  Very  often  the  well-opened  eyes  are  found  to  be  of  a lighter 
brown  colour  than  is  the  case  with  Malays.  The  white  of  them  is  purer  and 
clearer,  which  gives  them  more  liveliness  and  fire,  the  sensual  expression  of  the 
Malay  eyes  being  thereby  changed  into  that  of  a more  highly  and  strongly-developed 
independence. 

The  natives  are  of  middle  height.  Very  tall  or  exceedingly  small  people  are 
seldom  to  be  met  with  among  them.  Their  limbs  are  muscular  and  well  formed, 
and  bear  the  appearance  of  strength  combined  with  agility.  The  women  mostly 
show  a more  than  vigorous  development  of  form  ; the  hips  especially  are  often  of  a 
fulness  to  be  envied  by  many  a European  beauty.  Fat  and  lame  persons  are  very 
seldom  met  with.  1 only  once  saw  an  albino.  The  hair  is  of  a shiny  black, 
mostly  lank,  but  often  also  surrounding  the  head  in  loose  curls.  The  skin  is  of  a 
lighter  hue  than  that  of  the  Malays,  and  very  often  one  may  see  women  of  a very 
light  complexion,  more  resembling  the  light  yellowish  complexion  of  the  Chinese 
than  that  of  the  brownish  Malays. 

Their  character  is  steadier  and  developed  on  a nobler  base  than  that  of  the 
Malays.  They  feel  deeply,  and  are  persistent  in  carrying  out  a once-conceived  plan ; 
in  love,  their  enthusiasm  often  leads  to  self-sacrifice;  in  war,  they  are  brave  till  death  ; 
cruel  and  merciless  towards  their  conquered  foes  ; hard-hearted  and  incompassionate 
towards  their  inferiors,  not  seldom  slaughtering  them  with  solemn  ceremonies  in 
order  to  obtain  favours  from  the  gods.  I never  saw  a man  shedding  tears,  and  very 
seldom  a woman. 

• They  have  great  regard  for  their  chiefs  and  other  deserving  persons,  and  are 
very  obedient  to  them.  They  never  dare  object  to  their  orders,  and  the  words  of 
old  people  are  considered  as  sacred.  Towards  strangers  they  are  suspicious,  but, 
once  gained  over,  they  prove  to  be  well-intentioned,  cordial,  helpful,  and  hospitable. 
In  consequence  of  their  distrust  they  are  often  fickle  in  keeping  their  promises  ; but 
that  which  they  have  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to,  after  mature  consideration, 
they  stick  to  with  manly  loyalty. 

Above  all,  they  love  the  intercourse  with  the  fair  sex,  and  they  often  allow  this 
passion  to  lead  them  into  extravagances.  They  grant  great  liberties  and  rights  to 
their  wives,  who  frequently  rule  with  the  energy  of  a man  in  their  houses  and  among 
whole  tribes,  encouraging  the  men  to  undertake  campaigns,  and  even  commanding 
the  forces  in  war.  In  many  deliberations  the  vote  of  the  women  is  decisive  on 
account  of  the  influence  they  have  acquired  over  their  husbands,  although  they  lack 
the  right  of  taking  part  in  the  deliberations  according  to  the  adat.  For  that  reason 
the  women  are  also  not  very  shy,  and  often  more  sociable  with  strangers  than  the 
men. 


Scliwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxiii. 


The  natives  are  fond  of  strong  liquor  ( tuwak ),  and  often  indulge  in  drinking  to 
great  excess.  A sprightliness  in  conversation  at  their  meetings,  an  inclination  to 
argue,  resulting  in  long  deliberations  before  forming  a resolution,  are  peculiar 
characteristics  of  these  tribes. 

Being  exceedingly  superstitious,  they  are  strongly  attached  to  certain  formalities, 
regulating  their  social  condition  and  their  mutual  intercourse.  Personal  insults  by 
words  nearly  never  occur,  notwithstanding  their  frequent  drinking-bouts,  and  never 
on  such  occasions,  in  spite  of  the  contending  opinions  and  the  hot  disputes,  did  I see 
them  come  to  blows.  In  their  mutual  intercourse  they  are  modest  and  ceremonious. 
At  their  feasts  it  is  one  of  the  most  important  occupations  of  the  host  to  constantly 
encourage  his  guests  to  eat  and  drink.  If  not  invited,  nobody  would  think  of 
putting  in  an  appearance  at  a meeting  or  at  a company.  In  such  places  where  the 
adat  still  exists  in  its  original  purity,  the  rule  is  that  no  judge  is  wanted  where  there 
is  no  accuser.  People  at  variance  with  each  other  choose  their  own  judges,  and 
these  pronounce  sentence,  which  is  submitted  to  without  protest. 

Parents  love  their  children  and  take  care  of  them,  and  these  in  return  treat 
their  parents  with  much  regard  and  filial  devotion,  nursing  them  in  their  old  age. 
They  like  hunting  and  fishing,  like  their  ancestors,  and  nowadays  certain  tribes  still 
provide  themselves  with  food  in  this  way.  All  of  them  have  a tendency  to  trade, 
and  sometimes  they  are  intolerably  persistent  beggars.  In  consequence  of  their 
inborn  curiosity  they  are  fond  of  travelling,  and  will  journey  to  distant  friendly 
tribes;  but  wherever  they  may  be,  and  in  whatever  good  circumstances  and  con- 
ditions they  may  live  in  foreign  parts,  the  love  of  their  native  soil  always  attracts 
them  back  to  their  old  home. 

The  mental  abilities  of  the  natives  deserve  peculiar  attention.  The  experiences 
made  by  the  missionaries  at  their  schools  clearly  prove  that  they  are  not  inferior  to 
Europeans  in  this  respect  ; in  certain  arts  and  handicrafts  they  have  reached  a 
rather  high  degree  of  perfection.  They  are  skilful  in  making  prahus  (boats),  in 
iron  smelting,  the  forging  of  weapons,  the  carving  of  wood  and  bone  ; they  weave 
their  cloths  of  homespun  and  various  coloured  threads,  often  adorning  them  with 
elegant  embroidery.  The  favourite  colours  are  red  and  blue.  They  have  their 
goldsmiths  and  their  coppersmiths ; the  former  make  all  sorts  of  native  ornaments, 
the  latter  forge  arm  and  foot  rings,  belts,  etc.,  they  plait  elegant  and  lasting  mats  of 
rot  an  and  straw,  make  ropes,  and  extract  oil  and  poison  out  of  different  plants. 

In  order  to  complete  this  account,  illustrating  the  peculiar  conditions  of  this 
people,  it  is  necessary  to  add  the  observation  that  in  some  districts  there  are 
public  women  and  worse  conduct  is  not  unknown  among  the  men. 

Agriculture  and  cattle  rearing  are  neglected  and  are  confined  to  the  wants  of 
the  natives  themselves. 

Their  plays  consist  in  running  and  leaping  races,  in  wrestling,  war-dances  and 
other  exercises,  developing  their  bodily  strength  and  giving  them  the  agility  and 
dexterity  they  want  to  indulge  in  in  their  inclination  for  warfare.  Their  dances  are 
mostly  performed  by  the  sexes  separately,  being  very  singular  on  account  of  the  slow 
and  ceremonious  movements  of  the  performers.  They  consist  in  bending  the  body 
and  raising  the  arms  at  the  same  time,  then  lowering  the  arms  in  the  same  slow 
manner  as  the  body  is  raised.  There  are  besides  several  plays  common  to  both 
sexes,  but  at  the  bottom  of  all  such  entertainments  there  is  wantonness. 

Their  musical  instruments  are  very  simple,  especially  in  the  remote  interior  of 
the  country,  where  those  of  the  Malays  have  not  yet  been  adopted.  Some 
differently  tuned  gongs  (a  copper  disk  played  on  with  an  iron  bar)  and  a drum 
consisting  of  a hollow  trunk  several  feet  long  and  covered  at  one  extremity  with 
skin,  are  the  instruments  for  noisy  music.  A flute,  a kind  of  rude  two  stringed 
guitar,  a harmonica  made  of  a dried  cocoanut,  to  which  several  long  and  thin 
barnbu  tubes  are  fastened,  like  the  tubes  of  our  organ,  and  a mouth-drum,  likewise 
made  of  bambu,  are  used  by  them  to  beguile  their  idle  evening  hours  or 
communicate  their  feelings  to  the  beloved. 


clxiv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Tatuing  may  be  considered  as  in  general  use  among  all  the  tribes,  though  the 
character  and  the  quantity  of  figures  and  lines  pricked  in  the  skin  are  not  always  the 
same. 

Tribes. 

The  natives  of  the  river  basin  are  divided  into  the  following  tribes : 

1.  — Orang  Ngaju,  along  the  lower  Barit o and  the  lower  and  middle  course 

of  the  Kapnas, 

2.  — Ot  Danom,  along  the  upper  Kapuas, 

3.  — Orang  Dustin,  along  the  middle  course  of  the  Barito, 

4.  — Orang  Menyadn  and  Lawangan,  along  the  Karan  and  Patai  rivers, 

5.  — Tabayan,  Anga,  Nyamet  and  Boroi,  along  the  Teweh  river, 

6.  — Orang  Miming,  and 

7.  — Orang  Siyang,  in  the  districts  of  the  same  names, 

8.  — Olo  Ut,  in  the  northern  and  eastern  interfluvial  mountains. 

The  beauty  of  their  bodily  appearance  and  the  adroitness  and  strength  of  the 
natives  is  the  greater  the  farther  they  live  in  the  interior.  The  light  complexion 
and  light  colour  of  the  eyes  also  increase  in  the  same  proportion. 

Of  the  alleged  existence  of  Papuas  living  in  the  interior,  with  a dark  skin  and 
curly  hair,  as  is  related,  especially  by  English  w'riters,  and  considered  as  the  proper 
aborigines  of  the  island,  I never  discovered  a trace,  and  I can,  according  to  my 
personal  experience,  state  with  certainty,  that  their  existence  is  an  unfounded  tale. 
The  few7  Papuas,  met  with  in  the  north-eastern  part  of  the  island,  are  originally 
New7  Guinea  Papuas,  dragged  away  and  brought  to  Borneo  by  Sulu  pirates.  The 
influence  generally  exercised  by  the  Sulus  in  these  parts  of  the  island,  even  in 
modern  times,  is  sufficiently  known. 

Whether  the  present  inhabitants  of  Borneo  are  the  true  aborigines  of  the  island, 
is  an  undecided  question.  The  existing  traditions,  how'ever,  rather  tend  to  the 
conclusion  that  they  are  not  ; for  according  to  the  tales  of  the  natives  their 
ancestors  arrived  here  in  a golden  ship  and  took  possession  of  the  islands,  w7hose 
chief  mountain  tops  were  the  Buntang,  Kaminting,  and  Raya.  Far  in  the  interior 
of  the  country  one  often  sees  the  picture  of  a ship  of  a queer  form,  drawn  with 
charcoal  or  red  paint  on  the  doors  of  houses,  belonging  to  natives  who  never  in  their 
lives  could  have  seen  the  sea  or  even  a lake.  Whence  the  ancestors  came,  w'hich 
were  the  characteristics  of  the  population  they  met  on  the  islands,  and  whether 
these  islands  were  inhabited  or  not  at  that  time,  history  cannot  tell.  Anyhow7,  this 
first  colonisation  dates  from  the  remote  time  of  the  second  geological  period  of  the 
great  island  ; to  those  times  in  which  the  summits  of  the  mountains  still  rose  as 
separate  islands  above  the  sea  level,  forming  an  archipelago  united  in  an  immense 
W'hole  by  alluvion  in  the  third  geological  period.  The  tales  of  the  natives  about  the 
former  state  of  their  island  corroborate  this  assertion,  the  exactness  of  their  opinions 
on  this  point  being  moreover  confirmed  by  the  geological  phenomena. 

Let  us  now  pay  due  attention  to  the  river-basin  in  general  and  the  manners  and 
usages  of  its  inhabitants. 

The  “ Adat.”  (Inherited  Custom.) 

The  inhabitants  of  the  river-basin,  as  mentioned  before,  all  have  the  same 
history,  the  same  manners  and  customs,  only  a trifle  altered  by  local  circumstances, 
leading  also  to  another  manner  of  life  and  therefore  partially  to  another  way  of 
thinking,  and,  with  respect  to  social  intercourse,  leading  to  different  regulations.  In 
all  their  ideas  and  institutions,  how'ever,  there  is  traceable  one  common  spirit,  forming 
the  basis  of  their  social  existence. 

The  contact  with  foreigners,  where  occurring  most  frequently  in  former  times 
and  now7,  has  contributed  much  to  the  alteration  of  ancient  usages  and  to  the 
introduction  of  new7  law's.  An  important  influence  was  exercised  in  this  respect 
by  the  Hindus,  by  the  Chinese,  and,  in  modern  times,  by  the  Malays. 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxv. 


The  Hindus  were  the  first  who  entered  into  communication  with  the  wild  tribes 
of  Borneo,  settled  down  among  them,  brought  them  a certain  amount  of  civilization, 
regulated  their  social  intercourse,  and  probably  taught  them  their  first  religious 
principles.  Many  of  their  actual  practices  and  customs,  and  some  of  their  ideas  on 
religion  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul  after  death,  bear  the  undeniable,  though  not 
clearly  marked,  signs  of  Hindu  influence. 

On  the  other  hand  the  Chinese  have  perhaps  a greater  influence  than  the 
Hindu.  As  we  proceed  this  opinion  will  be  sufficiently  confirmed.  Much  of  their 
superstitions  is  but  a repetition  of  Chinese  idiosyncrasy,  and  many  branches  of  their 
industry  point  to  the  fact  that  they  became  acquainted  with  them  through  the 
Chinese. 

At  the  same  time  we  may  observe  every  day  how  their  customs  are  changing 
under  the  influence  of  the  Mohammedan  Malays,  how  they  are  learning  new  ideas 
and  making  progress  in  culture.  Along  the  banks  of  the  Barito,  especially,  this 
influence  is  very  active,  and  in  consequence  of  this,  some  rules  of  the  “ adat,”  to 
which  we  shall  revert  later  on,  have  disappeared  from  these  parts. 

The  Former  Condition  of  the  Natives. 

The  earliest  ancestors  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  river-basin  had  no 
peculiar  form  of  government  divided  into  different  sections.  Being  on  the  lowest 
degree  of  civilisation,  without  laws,  unaquainted  with  agriculture  or  industry  of 
whatever  description,  only  trying  to  comply  with  their  scanty  natural  wants,  without 
fixed  dwelling-places,  living  here  and  there  in  miserable  sheds,  always  nomadic, 
covered  with  rough  clothes  made  of  bark,  not  knowing  an)  difference  of  rank  or 
class,  they  were  brought  under  the  sway  of  the  young,  rising  dynasty  of  Banjarmasin. 
These  princes  sent  messengers  to  the  remote  regions  of  the  interior  in  order  to  unite 
the  natives  living  in  small  hordes  scattered  along  the  banks  of  the  Barito  into  larger 
groups,  and  to  persuade  them  to  establish  common  dwelling-places.  They  were 
taught  the  cultivation  of  rice,  the  use  of  salt,  and  other  agreeable  necessaries  of  life. 

On  the  Social  System  and  its  Different  Classes. 

By  the  appointment  of  chiefs,  by  the  introduction  of  fixed  dwelling-places,  and 
by  the  contact  of  foreign  civilisation,  there  arose  a gradual  distinction  of  classes,  and 
the  following,  now  still  existing,  social  degrees,  proceeded  from  it. 

1.  The  earliest  kampong  chiefs  with  their  descendants  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
present  nobility.  They  gave  orders,  they  gathered  the  products  of  the  country, 
carried  on  trade,  and  raised  the  taxes  yearly  to  be  paid  to  the  Sultan.  They  ruled 
the  population  by  their  rank  and  their  superior  culture,  and  availed  themselves  of  it 
in  order  to  attain  their  own  ends.  So  the  idea  of  submissiveness  was  soon  awakened 
and  inculcated  in  the  people  and  the  distinction  of  masters  and  slaves , Orang  Bangsawan 
and  Orang  Patan  arose  from  it. 

2.  The  Orang  Patan,  originally  the  owners  and  masters  of  the  land,  are  now 
serfs.  They  cultivate  ladangs  (fields)  belonging  to  them,  gather  rotan,  dammar,  etc., 
and  the  profit  made  out  of  this  is  their  property.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are 
obliged  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  chief  without  demur,  and  to  come  up  as  soon  as 
their  co-operation  is  required  by  him  for  work  affecting  the  whole  kampong  or  fort 
or  for  his  own  profit.  In  consequence  of  this  the  moral  and  physical  condition  of 
the  Orang  Patan  is  absolutely  dependent  on  the  chief’s  will  and  his  benevolence  or 
malevolence  ; their  welfare  and  their  misery  is  wholly  in  his  hands. 

3.  The  Orang  Mardika  are  mostly  distant  relations  of  the  chiefs  ; they  form 
the  pith  of  the  community,  are  free  from  debts  ; often  in  the  possession  of  a fortune, 
and  only  then  obliged  to  do  service  when  required  for  an  enterprise  affecting  the 
welfare  of  the  whole  community. 

4.  Orang  Budak  or  insolvent  debtors,  originating  from  the  Mardika  class,  are 
the  servants  of  the  chiefs  and  wealthy  Mardikas.  The  Patans  and  others  too  are 
allowed  to  keep  Budaks,  provided  that  they  are  able  to  pay  the  amount  of  their 


clxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  uf  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

debts.  The  Budaks  have  no  property  whatever,  they  receive  food  and  clothes  from 
their  masters,  and  may  regain  their  freedom  and  independence  by  paying  off  their 
debts ; after  the  death  of  a Budak  his  unpaid  debts  however  pass  to  his  descendants, 
these  remaining  in  the  same  condition  as  their  father  until  the  debts  are  paid  off. 

5.  The  Orang  Abdi  are  bought  and  remain  slaves  for  ever;  they  are 
unfortunate  people  carried  away  from  the  coasts  of  Java,  Madura,  Bali,  Celebes, 
etc.,  and  imported  from  Kutai,  Tanah  Bumbu,  etc.  The  shameful  practice  of 
piracy  and  slave-trade  was  nearly  suppressed  after  Aji  Jawa’s  death  by  the  energetic 
measures  of  the  Dutch  Government  along  the  eastern  coast,  and  so  the  importation 
of  Orang  Abdi  to  the  interior  has  ceased ; so  this  class  of  people  has  almost  entirely 
vanished  since  then.  The  Orang  Abdi  is  a slave  deprived  of  all  human  rights,  and, 
when  not  fit  for  labour,  he  is  slaughtered  on  solemn  occasions. 

6.  The  Orang  Tangkapan  are  prisoners  of  war,  mostly  women  and  girls,  in  all 
respects  on  a par  with  the  Orang  Abdi. 

7.  Another  division  of  the  inhabitants  of  a kampong  consists  of  the  Orang 
Tamoi,  guests  or  strangers,  temporarily  staying  somewhere,  usually  for  carrying  on 
trade.  If  the  kampong  is  a benteng  (fortress),  they  live  for  the  greater  part  outside, 
but  they  are  obliged  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  chiefs  as  long  as  they  are  staying 
there.  Strangers  often  become  by  marriage  permanent  members  of  the  kampong 
community. 

The  density  of  the  population,  forming  a community,  depends  on  numerous 
accidental  circumstances.  Thus  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  more  or  less  favorable 
situation  of  the  kampong  itself  for  trade  or  defence,  the  wealth,  high  descent  and 
mild  government  of  the  chiefs  all  largely  contribute  to  its  welfare. 

System  of  Government  in  the  Kampong  Communities. 

The  conditions  mentioned  below  exist  in  every  kampong ; for  every  kampong  forms 
an  independent  and  separate  unit.  Only  in  those  regions  which  have  been  divided  by 
the  Dutch  Government  into  defined  districts  have  the  kampongs  been  united  into  a 
whole  and  put  under  the  authority  of  a district  chief.  This  chief,  however,  only 
confers  with  the  kampong  chiefs  of  his  district  when  necessary  on  account  of  public 
works  ordered  by  the  Government  affecting  the  whole  district.  His  authority  is 
always  very  limited  and  the  separate  kampong  chiefs  care  little  for  his  regulations 
and  orders. 

Every  kampong  is  ruled  by  a single  chief.  The  community  itself,  however,  is 
divided  into  several  sub-divisions,  the  number  of  which  is  proportionate  to  the 
number  of  houses,  each  of  these  being  inhabited  by  several  families. 

The  oldest  person,  or  another  distinguished  by  ability  and  goodwill,  takes  care 
of  the  concerns  of  all  the  inmates  of  such  a house ; only  having  recourse  to  the 
kampong  chief  when  the  contending  parties  do  not  agree  with  the  decision  of  this 
authority.  In  the  latter  case  the  matter  is  decided  by  the  kampong  chief  in 
co-deliberation  with  a council,  composed  of  the  oldest  members  of  the  community 
( Mandirs ). 

On  Alliances  and  on  the  Relations  between  the  separate  Kampongs. 

Alliances  of  separate  kampong-chiefs  and  communities,  in  order  to  attain  a 
common  aim,  never  take  place  except  in  case  of  war.  Only  when  there  is  a danger 
threatening  several  communities  do  they  unite. 

A conflict  between  single  kampongs  hardly  ever  occurs.  If  however  it  does 
take  place,  the  friendly  chiefs  of  the  neighbouring  kampongs  join  in  order  to  examine 
the  cause  of  the  trouble  and  deliberate  thereon,  then  the  matter  gets  settled  in  a 
friendly  way  or  the  party  found  guilty  is  condemned  to  a fine. 

Landed  Property. 

Real  landed  property,  protected  by  right  and  laws,  does  not  exist ; neither  the 
communities  nor  their  members  ever  possess  such  a property. 


clxvii. 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 

The  original  conditions  of  the  inhabitants  (before  the  introduction  of  the  first 
principles  of  civilisation  among  them)  and  their  nomadic  manner  of  life,  neither 
ruled  by  a chief  nor  by  laws,  caused  the  soil  to  be  regarded  as  public  property  : an 
ideal  still  prevalent  now,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  passion  for  travelling  and 
moving  and  the  removal  of  entire  kampongs,  already  referred  to.  A kampong  in 
existence  for  io  to  12  years  is  therefore  of  rare  occurrence.  There  are  various 
circumstances  which  cause  the  removal  of  a whole  community,  and  its  re-settlement 
in  another  part  of  the  country.  Above  all  are  to  be  mentioned  the  attacks  of  hostile 
neighbours,  as  is  the  case  on  the  Upper  Dustin  and  Miming  by  the  Pari  of  Kutai,  or 
in  the  north  and  north-west  of  Siang  by  the  Ot  and  Ot  Damn ; Kapuas  Miming  on 
the  other  hand  being  also  attacked  by  the  inhabitants  of  Dustin  and  Siang,  etc. 
Other  causes  of  departure  from  certain  districts  are  also  the  frequency  of  deaths, 
want  of  timber,  dammar,  rotan,  etc.,  sterility  of  the  fields,  discontent  and  quarrels 
with  the  neighbouring  kampongs,  the  prospect  of  greater  advantages  else- 
where, etc. 

It  is  self-evident  that  with  this  inclination  to  a nomadic  life,  inherent  in  the 
character  of  the  people,  the  conception  of  landed  property  could  not  arise.  The 
desolate  and  uncultivated  woodlands  offer  a wide  field  to  meet  this  inclination,  and 
that  without  giving  offence  to  another  community,  for  the  extent  of  the  soil  and  the 
density  of  the  population  are  not  proportionate  to  one  another. 

The  spot  temporarily  occupied  by  a kampong,  the  space  where  the  native  has 
laid  out  his  fields  are  the  inviolable  property  of  the  community  or  of  their  individual 
members  so  long  as  it  is  made  use  of.  As  soon  as  the  kampong  is  left,  however, 
and  the  fields  are  no  longer  cultivated,  any  other  community  is  allowed  to  take 
possession  of  them  ; although  the  first  planters  of  fruit-trees  retain  the  right  of 
returning  every  year,  in  order  to  gather  the  ripe  fruits. 

Different  from  this  is  the  right  of  property  claimed  by  the  communities  in 
certain  lagoons  and  rivers  abounding  in  fish,  in  sand  banks  containing  gold,  etc., 
which,  of  course,  being  taken  possession  of  from  the  beginning  and  constituting  as  a 
rule  the  only,  but  abundant,  means  of  subsistence,  are  no  more  abandoned. 

The  first  discoverer  of  a Tangirang  (a  tree  in  which  bees  have  made  their  nests) 
has  the  right  to  the  yearly  produce  of  wax. 

Only  those  people  are  not  liked  who,  coming  from  very  remote  districts,  try  to 
settle  down  anywhere  amongst  them  ; such  settlement  is  therefore  denied  them  or 
at  least  made  difficult  for  them.  The  explanation  of  this,  however,  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  existing  ideas  about  rural  property,  but  in  the  fear  of  the  inhabitants 
having  their  tranquillity  and  their  welfare  disturbed  by  the  unknown  strangers. 

On  the  Appointment  of  Chiefs  and  the  Causes  of  their  Election. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital  the  chiefs  of  the  single  kampongs  or 
communities  are  appointed  with  due  regard  to  the  wishes  of  the  population — at 
least  it  should  be  so — by  the  Dutch  resident.  In  the  interior,  on  the  contrary,  they 
are  elected  by  the  members  of  the  community  themselves  out  of  their  number. 
Cunning,  wealth,  valour,  honesty,  knowledge  of  the  ancestral  regulations,  integrity, 
and  impartiality  are  qualities  by  which  a man  may  command  claims  to  the  dignity 
of  chieftainship. 

On  the  death  of  a chief  the  dignity  passes  to  his  first-born  son  ; if,  however, 
this  son  is  not  fit  for  the  post  by  reason  of  physical  or  moral  defects,  then  the  rank 
is  claimed  by  some  other  man  eminent  for  ability  and  wealth,  but  in  such  case  it  is 
usually  a member  of  the  family  of  the  defunct,  whom  his  fellow-villagers  like  to  see 
made  chief. 

No  instance  has  ever  been  heard  of  that  a chief  should  be  deprived  of  his 
dignity  by  the  community,  however  great  his  injustices  and  vexations  might  have 
been.  It  sometimes  happens  that  the  people  withdraw  their  confidence  and  respect 
on  account  of  injustice  and  confer  them  on  another  more  worthy  man,  from  whom 
they  expect  the  management  of  their  concerns ; but  this  man  never  undertakes 


clxviii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N . Borneo. 


anything  without  consulting  the  real  chief  and  asking  his  advice,  if  only  to  keep 
intact  the  usual  form  of  government. 

Illness  and  old  age  are  the  only  circumstances  under  which  a chief  may 
resign  his  office  and  confer  it  on  his  son  in  an  honourable  way ; but  even  then  he 
remains  the  first  man  of  the  community. 

On  the  Duties  and  Prerogatives  of  the  Chief,  and  the  Duties  of  the 
Individual  towards  the  Community. 

The  duties  of  a chief  consist  in  taking  care  of  the  community’s  welfare  in  time 
of  peace  and  war,  arranging  its  concerns  and  settling  its  disputes  according  to  the 
“ adat.”  It  is  necessary  that  he  should  excel  in  times  of  peace  by  his  ability  and 
good  deeds,  in  war-times  by  his  valour,  by  strategy  and  self-sacrifice,  set  a good 
example  to  the  warriors  and  take  care  in  general  of  the  honour  and  reputation  of 
the  kampong. 

His  prerogatives  chiefly  consist  in  the  power  at  his  disposal  to  make  use  of  the 
services  of  his  inferiors,  which  are  profitable  to  him  ; as  for  instance,  the  laying  out 
of  his  ladangs,  the  gathering  of  timber  and  dammar,  the  washing  of  gold,  etc.  Besides 
a certain  quantity  of  all  fines  belongs  to  him,  and  he  raises  a contribution  of  padi 
(rice),  proportionately  regulated.  At  the  conquest  of  a kampong  he  receives  also  a 
part  of  the  spoils  even  when  he  has  not  taken  any  actual  part  in  the  campaign. 
On  the  other  hand  he  is  bound  to  give  from  time  to  time  some  little  return, 
consisting,  especially  after  the  rice-harvest,  of  feasts,  on  which  occasions  poultry, 
pigs  and  sometimes  buffaloes  are  slaughtered,  and  the  tuwak  (palm  wine)  has  to  be 
poured  out  in  profusion  ; sometimes  he  also  distributes  clothes  and  weapons. 

In  Pulu  Petak  all  these  prerogatives  of  the  chief  do  not  exist,  and  only  at  the 
investigation  and  settlement  of  disputes  does  he  claim  a part  of  the  costs  equal  to 
that  of  the  Mandirs. 

The  members  of  the  community  are  obliged  to  put  themselves  at  his  disposal 
when  he  makes  a general  convocation  ; such  convocations  take  place  when  a war  or 
extensive  public  works  are  to  be  undertaken  by  their  united  labours  ; the  absentees 
are  condemned  to  fines. 

Everybody  is  free  to  leave  a kampong  with  his  family,  either  to  settle  down 
separately  somewhere  else,  or  to  join  another  kampong. 

The  Administration  of  Justice. 

Petty  differences,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  are  settled  by  the  oldest 
members  of  a family,  or  by  the  judgment  of  the  chief  consulting  with  some  of  the 
Mandirs. 

More  important  disputes  when  all  the  endeavours  of  the  kampong  chiefs  or  the 
heads  of  the  families  have  been  unable  to  decide  them,  are  submitted  to  arbitrators 
chosen  by  the  contending  parties  themselves.  It  is  not  obligatory  to  appoint  the  kam- 
pong chief  as  a member  of  this  commission.  In  most  cases  the  chiefs  of  neighbouring 
kampongs  or  other  old  and  honoured  men  are  elected  to  act  as  arbitrators.  The 
number  of  elected  Mandirs  (arbitrators)  should  be  equal  on  both  sides,  3 to  6 
according  to  the  importance  of  the  case  ; so  also  the  number  of  Loangs.  The  latter 
join  the  inquiry  and  act  as  intermediaries  between  the  parties  and  the  judges.  After 
the  close  of  the  inquiry  they  get  writh  the  Mandirs  an  equal  portion  of  the  costs  paid. 
If  the  parties  don’t  think  themselves  capable  of  explaining  and  defending  their  own 
case,  they  have  recourse  to  one  of  those  men  who  are  renowned  for  their  ability  and 
sagacity,  and  who  make  it  their  business  to  defend  people ; they  are  called  kamanangan. 
Having  won  their  case  these  kamanangans  receive  one  tenth  part  of  the  value  or  fine 
in  contest,  besides  the  previously  stipulated  or  acquired  presents.  Every  Mandir 
receives  from  his  elector  the  gowat,  a sum  of  money  amounting  from  2 to  8 guilders, 
according  to  the  importance  of  the  case,  in  addition  to  his  presents  consisting  of  the 
litis,  a lameang  (agate),  worn  round  the  wrist,  and  of  the  tekang  hameruan,  a piece 
of  iron  of  the  size  of  a parang  (large  native  chopping  knife).  The  tekang 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxix. 


hameruan  is  taken  between  his  teeth  by  the  Mandir,  who  signifies  by  this  act, 
that  the  hardness  of  the  iron  is  emblematic  of  the  iron  firmness  of  the  justice, 
with  which  he  promises  to  accomplish  his  task.  In  order  to  complete  the 
legally  [sfc]  fixed  number  of  persons,  each  party  has  still  to  designate  its  Mandir 
Jenyanang , usually  chosen  from  amongst  the  nearest  relations.  The  Mandir 
Jenyanangs  are  present  at  the  deliberation  as  a kind  of  mute  witnesses,  in  order 
to  be  able  to  report  afterwards  whether  the  sentence  given  by  the  Mandirs  is  just 
and  impartial. 

The  elections  being  arranged  and  the  day  fixed  for  the  inquiry  ( bitjara ) having 
arrived,  the  Mandirs  assemble  in  a Balai  or  shed,  erected  especially  for  this  business 
in  a remote  spot  in  the  forest.  Anyone  not  elected  to  the  assembly  is  not  allowed 
to  approach  the  Balai,  even  the  interested  parties,  not  being  authorised  to  take  part 
in  the  deliberations,  are  removed  with  their  kamanangans,  in  opposite  directions, 
to  solitary  places  on  the  woody  banks  of  the  river. 

Affairs  of  any  importance  are  never  treated  without  eating,  drinking,  and 
smoking.  The  parties  have  therefore  to  pay  the  Amber  Amak,  amounting  to  2 — 10 
guilders  for  each  party,  and  the  saki,  amounting  to  the  same  sum,  before  anything 
can  be  done. 

The  former  is  to  buy  tobacco,  sirih,  gambir,  etc.,  for  the  members  of 
the  assembly,  the  latter  for  procuring  food  for  them,  consisting  of  rice,  fowls, 
fish,  etc. 

After  these  preparations  the  members  of  the  assembly  give  their  votes  as  to 
whether  they  agree  with  the  constitution  of  the  assembly,  or  to  lay  their  objections  to 
any  members  whom  they  do  not  consider  fit  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations. 
Whether  the  objections  are  well  founded  or  not,  they  are  decided  by  a majority  of 
votes,  and  then  another  Mandir  may  have  to  be  elected  instead. 

The  assembly  being  finally  declared  in  order,  each  of  the  contending  parties  has 
to  deliver  up  its  gadai,  to  be  kept  provisionally  by  the  assembly.  The  amount  of  this 
is  double  the  value  of  the  matter  in  dispute.  It  serves  as  a pledge  of  submission  to 
the  sentence  to  be  given,  and  represents  the  sum  to  be  forfeited  by  the  loser  to  the 
winner.  Not  before  then  does  the  enquiry  begin  The  Loangs  of  both  parties  are 
sent,  in  order  to  make  inquiries  as  to  the  plaint  and  the  defence  and  communicate 
these  to  the  assembly  ; this  necessitates  much  going  to  and  fro,  and  takes  up  several 
days  before  the  Mandirs  declare  that  they  fully  understand  the  case,  and  order  the 
parties  to  be  brought  before  them,  one  by  one,  never  together,  in  order  to  hear  the 
plaint  and  defence  from  their  own  lips,  this  formality  serving  at  the  same  time  as  a 
test  of  the  truthfulness  of  the  Loangs’  reports.  As  a proof  that  none  of  the  parties 
has  anything  more  to  declare  and  intends  to  stick  to  his  deposition  made  before  the 
Mandirs,  they  give  the  denda  wali  to  the  assembly,  a sum  of  money  varying  according 
to  the  circumstances  from  4 to  10  guilders,  to  be  paid  back  after  the  decision, 
provided  that  they  have  really  persevered  in  their  assertions  ; if  they  have  not 
succeeded  and  have  attempted  to  deny  or  to  alter  their  depositions,  this  sum  is 
forfeited  and  kept  by  the  Mandirs. 

The  parties  being  removed  again,  the  deliberations  on  the  case  commence. 
Then  in  the  first  place  the  Loangs  have  to  give  their  opinions  ; afterwards  the 
Mandirs  declare  theirs.  As  long  as  they  have  not  yet  made  up  their  minds  to  a 
unanimous  decision,  the  discussion  continues,  and  is  also  often  carried  on  for  several 
days.  Finally,  all  agreeing  and  having  given  the  verdict,  this  is  communicated  by 
the  Loangs  to  the  interested  parties,  who  have  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the 
Mandirs  without  protest. 

Not  unfrequently  it  occurs  in  spite  of  protracted  deliberations  that  the  Mandirs 
cannot  agree  ; this  is  considered  a proof  that  the  real  condition  of  the  case  cannot 
be  cleared  up  entirely.  Then  they  are  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  one  of  the  usual 
ordeals  or  judgments  of  the  gods. 

There  is  no  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  various  communities  for  the  mutual 
extradition  of  criminals. 


clxx. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Religion.* 

It  is  rather  difficult  to  give  a well  connected  and  developed  account  of  the 
religious  ideas  of  the  natives.  They  are  very  complicated  and  are  made  still  more 
intricate  by  the  great  number  of  superstitions.  So  much,  however,  is  certain,  that 
they  believe  in  a single  Supreme  Being,  who  gave  the  first  impulse  to  the  creation 
of  all  existing  things,  and  to  whose  incessant  influence  the  preservation  of  order  in 
the  universe  has  to  be  ascribed.  They  also  believe  in  the  soul’s  existence  after 
death. 

Their  God,  named  Hatalla,1  is  surrounded  by  a number  of  angels,  inhabiting 
with  him  the  highest  heaven  on  the  lake  Tasik  Tabanteram  Bulan  Laut  Lumbung 
Mat  an  Andanr 

Next  to  the  first  heaven  is  the  second  on  the  lake  Tasik  Malambang  Bulan  Laut 
Babandan  Intan, 3 inhabited,  besides  by  some  demi-gods,  by  angels  of  a somewhat 
inferior  class. 

Next  to  it  is  the  third  heaven  on  the  Labeho  Rambang  Matan  Adan  Tasik  Kalum- 
bang  Bulan.*  This  is  likewise  inhabited  by  very  powerful  angels,  of  which  the  most 
prominent  is  called  Tempon  TelonA  Here,  too,  the  souls  of  the  dead  have  their 
dwelling  place. 

The  fourth  heaven  is  situated  round  the  lake  Laut  Bohawang.6  Here  lives, 
among  other  superior  beings,  also  the  Sangsang1  of  the  BiliansA 

The  fifth  heaven  is  on  the  lake  Tasik  Bulan,9  and  is  inhabited  by  Nyaring 
Dumpang  Enyeng. 

Next  to  this  is  the  earth. 

Under  the  earth  is  the  abode  of  Kalo'e  Taingal  Titsseh ,lu  to  whose  care  the  plants 
are  entrusted. 

All  these  heavens  are  inhabited  by  a great  many  Sangsangs  (angels),  who  partly 
took  part  in  the  creation  of  the  earth,  and  partly  remain  in  continual  contact  with 
man,  exercising  their  influence  on  his  destiny,  bringing  happiness  or  misfortune,  etc. 

The  air  is  filled  with  innumerable  Hantus 11  (spirits).  Every  object  has  its 
special  Hantu  guarding  it,  and  trying  to  defend  it  from  dangers.  These  Hantus 
chiefly  confer  illness  and  misfortunes  on  mankind,  and  consequently  frequent 
offerings  are  made  to  them  and  to  the  powerful  Sangsangs,  the  Supreme  God,  the 
original  source  of  all  good,  being  neglected. 

The  Sangsangs  are  represented  as  perfectly  formed  beautiful  beings  in  human 
shape,  brilliantly  attired  and  covered  with  splendid  ornaments  ; the  Hantus  are 
described  as  gigantic  monsters  with  flaming  and  sparkling  eyes,  with  long,  clawed 
fingers,  and  covered  with  shaggy,  black  hair,  etc. 

The  ideas  of  the  creation  of  the  earth  are  not  wholly  identical  in  the  different 
parts  of  the  river  basin.  In  those  parts  where  the  natives  have  had  more  intercourse 
with  Mahommedans,  additional  Islamitic  conceptions  are  traceable.  Farther  in  the 
interior,  however,  there  are  only  two  systems  of  belief. 

According  to  the  former  of  the  two  systems,  the  first  thing  that  existed  was  the 
water,  in  which  the  Naga  Busai,12  a monstrous  snake,  moved  about,  shining  with 
brilliant  colours  and  adorned  with  a diamond  crown.  Its  head  was  as  big  as  the 
earth,  and  Hatalla  having  poured  out  earth  on  it,  the  continent  rose  above  the  waters 
as  an  island,  resting  on  the  head  of  the  Naga. 

Rallying  Atala  18  descended  to  the  young  earth  and  found  there  seven  eggs  made 
of  earth,  of  which  he  took  up  two,  seeing  in  one  a man  and  in  the  other  a woman, 
but  both  having  the  appearance  of  dead  human  bodies.  Rallying  Atala  then  went 
back  to  the  Creator  in  order  to  ask  him  for  the  breath  which  was  still  wanting.  In 
the  meantime  the  Sangsang  Angai 14  descended  to  the  earth,  and  breathed  the  breath 

* As  an  explanation  of  the  true  or  at  least  very  probable  meaning  of  the  mythological  names 
which  occur  here,  we  have  added  some  notes  at  the  end  of  this  part  of  the  account  of  Borneo.  A 
full  and  exact  treatment  of  this  exceedingly  important  subject  was  at  the  time  impossible,  the 
necessary  information  for  it  not  being  at  hand. — T he  Editors  of  Dr.  Schuvner's  Papers. 


clxxi. 


Schwauer’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 

into  these  human  forms,  causing  them  to  have  life  but  at  the  same  time  depositing  in 
them  the  germ  of  death.  Rallying  Atala,  who  had  intended  to  impart  the  breath  of 
immortality  to  man,  saw  Angai's  work  on  his  arrival.  Mournfully  he  returned  to 
heaven,  not  only  taking  with  him  the  immortality  of  man,  but  also  depriving  the 
earth  of  all  other  divine  gifts  destined  by  him  for  the  human  race,  such  as  eternal 
youth,  general  and  undisturbed  happiness,  abundance  of  rejoicing  without  labour  ; 
in  a word,  the  entire  bliss  of  paradise. 

The  conditions  of  human  society,  as  they  now  exist,  are  regulated  by  Angai. 
By  labour  man  gains  rejoicing,  punishment  succeeds  mischief,  grief  and  illness 
originate  death,  war  and  bloodshed  annihilated  a part  of  the  human  race,  etc. 

The  other  eggs  contained  the  germs  of  all  plants  and  animals. 

According  to  another  opinion  there  were  two  trees  in  the  realm  of  the  gods,  to 
wit,  the  Bungking  Sangalang  and  the  Limnt  Garing  Tinga.  The  former  was  provided 
with  a globular  shoot,  called  Bungking,  and  on  its  top  the  bird  Sihang  moved  about, 
accompanied  by  the  winged  angel  Tambarirang.  The  boughs  stirred  by  the  frolic  of  its 
tw'o  inhabitants  dropped  the  Bungking  from  the  stem,  and  the  shoot  fell  dowrn  into  the 
water  of  the  river  Batang  Damon  Sangsang  (river  of  the  angels),  inhabited  by  the  Naga 
Tumbang.  He  tried  to  catch  the  Bungking  and  devour  it,  but  it  fled  to  the  bank  and 
was  transformed  into  the  virgin  Budak  Bulan  Hanjuren  Karangan.  She,  picking  up  a 
leaf  of  the  tree  Kunuk,  changed  it  into  the  boat  Lasang  Daiii  Lunok,  in  which  she  came 
down  the  river  as  far  as  the  lake  Labeho  Rampang  Mat  an  Andan  Tasik  Kalumbang 
Bulan.  Here  floated  the  trunk  called  Garing  Chenyahunan  Laiit,  which,  touched  by 
the  dashing  waves,  assumed  the  form  of  a man  ; as  such  it  bears  the  name  of  Garing 
Banyang  Chenyahunan  Laiit.  He  married  the  virgin  on  the  rocky  island  of  the  divine 
lake,  and  the  offspring  of  their  union  consisted  of  floods  of  blood,  flowing  from  time 
to  time  and  on  fit  places  from  the  body  of  the  goddess  and  changing  to  beings  who 
exercise  a great  influence  on  man  and  his  destiny  and  constituting  together  the  class 
of  the  Hindus. 

So  one  flood  occurs  when  she  is  bathing.  She  gathers  the  blood  on  a trunk, 
drifted  ashore  on  the  island  Pulan  Teloptilu.  Here  the  blood  is  transformed  into  the 
virgin  Putir  Rewo  Bawin  Pulan  Telopulu,  wrho,  after  marrying  Ynngong  H adoen  Peres,  who 
is  living  there,  gives  birth  to  all  misfortunes  and  illnesses,  bringing  unhappiness  to  man. 

From  another  flood,  when  she  is  bathing,  the  Indu  Reman  Lawang  has  its  origin. 
This  unites  with  the  Angan  Biyai  Mamasawang  Bungai  Peneng  Basalo  Mamarandang 
Lagang,  and  both  become  the  progenitors  of  the  crocodiles. 

A third  flood  occurs  when  she  is  catching  fish  -with  a small  sieve  on  the  bank  of 
the  river.  A virgin  is  born  from  it,  wrho,  marrying  Naga  Dambang,  gives  birth  to 
six  children,  all  of  whom  make  it  their  business  to  cause  harm  to  pregnant  women. 
The  latter,  therefore,  bring  their  offerings  in  small  casks,  hung  in  the  trees  on  the 
river-banks. 

A fourth  flood  of  blood  is  poured  out  on  the  ground  of  heaven  and  develops  into 
the  virgin  Kamelo  Lelak  Lawang,  who,  marrying  the  Batu  Manibon,  gives  birth  to 
seven  children,  all  of  them  men  full  of  valour  and  love  of  war.  These  are  invoked 
on  campaigns,  murderous  enterprises,  etc.  They  are  offered  food,  spread  on  a gong. 
Their  assistance  is  also  evoked  on  the  occasion  of  funeral  meals  and  solemn  vowrs  for 
the  success  of  long  journeys. 

From  a fifth  flood  the  virgin  Indu  Melang  Sangar  is  born,  by  whom  Tarahem  Raja 
Nandang  begets  many  children,  having  the  form  of  eagles,  who  give  their  assistance 
on  the  occasion  of  murderous  pillaging  parties,  commercial  travelling  and  illnesses, 
when  honoured  by  food-offerings  and  invoked. 

To  a sixth  flood  Kamels  Bumbong  Lunok  owres  her  existence.  From  her  union 
with  Nyaring  Gilahanyi  Dumbang  Enyen  T ingang  many  children  are  born,  whose 
occupation  is  guarding  the  deserted  houses  and  the  fruit-trees  around  them  ; they 
punish  with  insanity  those  wTho  dare  desecrate  or  ruin  them. 

The  seventh  pregnancy  has  a regular  course  and  finishes  with  the  birth  of  two 
sons,  Mahadara  Sangen  and  Maharada  Singsang. 


clxxii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Sangen  is  provided  with  the  germs  of  all  the  plants  and  animals  and  is  sent 
down  to  the  earth,  which  is  still  waste  and  desolate.  Arriving  there  he  finds  the 
miraculous  trees,  Limut  Garang  and  Limut  Cohong,  that  unite,  and  the  offspring  of 
this  union  is  an  egg,  from  which  rises  the  lifeless,  aerial  image  of  a girl.  Sangen 
returns  to  heaven,  in  order  to  fetch  from  there  all  the  means  and  powers  he  requires 
to  complete  the  formation  of  the  being  born  from  the  egg,  and  impart  life  to  it.  In 
the  meantime,  Angai,  a Bander  A talas,  profits  by  his  absence  to  accomplish  this  work 
with  his  own  powers.  He  gathers  wind  for  the  breath,  rain  for  the  blood,  Bading 
Sangalong  for  the  bones,  and  earth  for  the  flesh  ; unites  these  elements  with  the 
aerial  image,  and  makes  an  earthly  beauty  out  of  them.  Sangen,  coming  back  from 
heaven  with  the  Danom  Kaliaringan  Below  Bohong  Bamnting  A sens;,  in  a furious  rage 
at  the  rash  work  of  Angai,  breaks  to  pieces  the  vessel  in  which  he  had  brought  the 
water  of  life,  that,  spluttering  about  in  all  directions,  sprinkles  the  germs  of  all 
plants,  but,  alas,  does  not  reach  man.  So  man,  not  moistened  by  the  heavenly 
water,  is  a victim  to  death  ; the  plants,  even  when  cut  off,  continuing  living,  forming 
new  boughs,  and  apparently  leading  an  immortal  life.  The  discord  of  the  two  gods 
ends  in  a struggle  resulting  in  the  death  of  Angai.  His  body  is  cut  to  pieces,  scattered 
about,  and  so  changed  to  snakes,  tigers,  and  all  other  creatures  hostile  to  man. 

Sangen  marries  the  first  human  being,  Buduk  Bulan,  and  becomes  the  progenitor 
of  the  human  race. 

Mahadara  Singsang  becomes  the  progenitor  of  many  gods;  so  Sangsang  Tempon 
Telon,  the  mediator  between  gods  and  men,  is  among  them.  He  is  invoked  in  all 
dangers,  in  all  distresses,  and  it  is  he  who  conducts  the  souls  of  the  deceased  to  the 
abode  of  bliss. 

The  natives  never  make  images  of  the  Supreme  God,  A tala,  nor  of  one  of  the 
other  gods  and  demi-gods  (Sangsangs),  although  they  are  generally  rather  skilful  in 
wood  carving.  They  cannot,  therefore,  be  reproached  with  being  idolatrous. 

Many  of  their  Sangsangs  may  possibly  have  been  historical  personages,  owing 
their  promotion  to  the  rank  of  demi-god  to  their  exploits. 

Waiving  all  comparisons  and  further  considerations,  I will  only  observe  that  the 
account  given  above  of  the  natives’  opinions  on  their  gods  and  the  creation  of  the 
earth  affords  proofs  of  a quick,  very  fertile,  and  not  altogether  uncivilised  imagina- 
tion, and  shows  a considerable  resemblance  to  what  is  found  among  other  peoples  in 
that  respect.  Afterwards  I shall  also  have  occasion  to  mention  facts,  pointing  to 
the  existence  among  them  of  a fiery  and  exceedingly  sensitive  poetry. 

The  belief  in  an  innumerable  crowd  of  supermundane  beings,  populating  the 
air,  the  water,  the  woods,  etc.,  provided  with  powers  by  which  they  rule  all  possible 
actions  of  mankind,  and  causing  now  profit,  now  loss,  exercises  a great  influence  on 
the  mode  of  life  of  the  natives,  hinders  them  in  the  development  of  their  intellectual 
and  moral  qualities,  and  prejudices  their  material  welfare.  Offerings  and  prayers  to 
the  gods,  consulting  them  on  the  issue  of  enterprises,  thanksgivings  by  means  of 
feasts  on  account  of  the  fulfilment  of  wishes,  etc.,  occupy  a great  part  of  their  time, 
and  even  during  their  sleep  the  influence  of  superstition  still  continues,  for  every 
dream  is  considered  by  them  as  an  omen,  causing  the  performing  of  certain  actions, 
in  order  to  rejoice  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  good  things  it  foretells,  or  to  avoid  the 
dangers  it  forebodes.  The  dreams  are  also  the  principal  means  of  communication 
between  the  dead  and  their  friends  and  relations,  by  which  the  former  may  make 
known  their  wishes  and  give  them  good  advice. 

When  they  lay  out  their  fields,  gather  in  the  harvest,  go  out  hunting,  or  take 
the  field  for  an  expedition,  when  they  go  out  fishing,  before  and  after  the  contracting 
of  a marriage,  before  starting  on  a commercial  journey,  or  any  other  undertaking  of 
importance,  they  always  consult  the  gods,  offer  their  sacrifices,  and  celebrate  certain 
feasts,  often  losing  the  best  opportunity  for  the  business  itself. 

A great  many  talismans,  worn  on  their  bodies  and  weapons,  are  to  protect  them 
against  misfortunes  and  illnesses,  give  them  courage  and  resolution,  or  show  them 
the  way  to  welfare  and  wealth,  etc. 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxiii. 


The  flight  of  birds,  the  calls  of  others,  and  of  some  quadrupeds,  the  crocodile  and 
some  snakes  are  accurately  noted  in  several  parts  of  the  river-basin,  in  order  to  get 
at  the  advice  of  the  gods,  and  the  more  important  the  enterprise  is,  the  more 
complicated  and  ceremonious  are  the  formalities  observed.  So  in  the  case  of  an 
intended  long  journey  or  a campaign,  eight  or  more  months  may  elapse  before  the 
necessary  good  omens  are  complete.  Not  until  these  preparations  are  duly  finished 
may  one  proceed  with  the  execution  of  a plan  ; a single  bad  omen,  however,  is 
sufficient  to  cause  an  almost  accomplished  enterprise  to  be  given  up  or  to  be  stopped 
entirely.  In  consequence  of  such  bad  omens,  ladangs  nearly  ready  for  cultivation, 
are  abandoned,  the  merchant,  already  on  the  road  for  several  weeks,  returns  home 
again,  without  doing  any  business,  proposed  marriages  are  not  contracted,  etc. 

Without  entering  into  further  details,  I believe  I have  already  proved  by  the 
above-mentioned  facts,  how  deeply  the  character  of  the  people  is  imbued  with 
superstition,  and  how  prejudicially  it  influences  all  enterprises  requiring  prompt 
action. 

Still  more  pernicious  to  the  natives  and  still  more  ruinous  to  their  welfare  are 
the  feasts  they  are  obliged  to  celebrate,  in  consequence  of  their  superstition  not 
unfrequently  causing  misfortune  of  their  whole  family. 

The  most  expensive  of  these  feasts  are  : — 

1.  The  Dewa , or  funeral  feast,1'  is  celebrated  on  the  occasion  of  the 

conveyance  of  the  bones  of  the  dead  to  the  sandong,  and  must  not  be 
neglected.  It  not  unfrequently  causes  an  expense  of  800 — 1000 
guilders,  and  lasts  seven  days  and  nights. 

2.  The  Wedding-party  costs  some  hundreds  of  guilders. 

3.  The  Malabo  Balai,16  a feast  of  offering  to  the  bad  spirits,  in  order  to 

persuade  them  not  to  do  harm  to  pregnant  women,  costs  30  guilders. 

4.  The  Nahunan  Nakawan,17  the  birth-feast.  It  is  celebrated  seven  days 

after  the  birth,  on  which  occasion  the  new-born  baby  is  for  the  first 
time  brought  out  of  the  house.  The  expenses  are  trifling. 

5.  The  Mambandai ,18  the  feast  of  the  first  bathing  of  a child,  occasions  an 

expense  of  50  guilders. 

6.  The  Belaho  Undong, 111  has  as  object  the  imploring  of  prosperity  from  the 

gods,  costing  50  guilders. 

7.  The  Bilianhai ,20  a feast  of  thanksgivings  for  the  purpose  of  showing 

gratitude  to  the  Sangsangs  for  favours  obtained.  It  sometimes  lasts 
seven  days  and  nights,  in  some  cases  even  a whole  month,  and  not 
unfrequently  the  whole  benefit,  for  the  receiving  of  which  it  was 
celebrated,  is  completely  swallowed  up  by  the  expenses. 

8.  The  Harvest-festivity  costs  30 — 80  guilders. 

9.  The  Feast  after  recovering  from  a dangerous  illness. 

The  description  of  all  these  feasts  would  take  up  too  much  space.  I have  only 
enumerated  the  most  important,  in  order  to  give  an  idea  of  their  great  number,  and 
of  the  considerable  expense  attending  them. 

Most  of  these  feasts  last  several  days  at  a stretch,  and  for  the  consumption  of 
the  large  number  of  guests,  buffaloes,  pigs  and  fowls  are  killed.  The  Tuwak  is  then 
poured  out  liberally,  and  the  Bilians  add  liveliness  and  variety  to  the  company. 
The  frequent  firing  of  Idas  and  rifles  announces  the  beginning  of  the  festivities  to  the 
absent  inhabitants. 

The  frequent  repetition  of  such  meetings  and  the  extravagance  with  which  their 
attractions  are  enjoyed,  contribute  much  to  the  moral  corruption  of  the  natives. 
There  drunkards  and  libertines  receive  their  education,  and  idlers  and  gamesters  are 
made.  Business  suffers  considerably  by  them,  the  household  concerns  are  neglected, 
women  and  girls  are  misled  into  a dissolute  life,  cause  is  given  for  quarrels  and 
law-suits,  and  the  transgression  of  the  laws  often  originates  from  them, 


clxxiv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

The  ideas  of  the  natives  on  the  condition  of  the  soul  after  death  are  very 
materialistic.  According  to  their  opinion  the  souls  in  the  other  world  are  in 
similar  circumstances  to  what  they  are  here,  with  this  restriction  only,  that  they  are 
free  from  care,  that  all  is  found  in  abundance  and  perfection,  and  that  every  wish 
or  desire  is  immediately  followed  by  the  purest  and  undisturbed  enjoyment. 
Surrounded  by  gold  and  gems  they  rejoice  in  heavenly  bliss,  celebrating  continuous 
revelries.  The  distinction  of  classes  remains  in  the  life  after  death.  The  rich  and 
powerful  on  this  earth  remain  in  that  state  in  the  other  world  ; the  slave  continues 
being  a slave ; the  Budak  a Budak,  and  the  poor  retain  their  inferior  position  ; but 
all  of  them  partake  in  their  circle  of  the  most  plentiful  heavenly  enjoyments. 

They  know  nothing  about  being  responsible  for  their  deeds  to  a heavenly 
justice.  Only  three  sins  are  acknowledged  by  which  the  trespassers  are  excluded 
from  bliss  and  banished  to  the  banks  of  the  lake  Tasik  Layang  Deriaran.  Here  the 
thieves  live  together,  and  eternally  carry  about  the  stolen  goods  on  their  backs,  as  a 
penalty  for  their  bad  behaviour.  The  chiefs  who  were  unjust  in  giving  their 
sentences,  live  on  the  shore  in  the  shape  of  half-deer  and  half-man.  The  counsel  who, 
in  the  course  of  their  investigation,  knowingly  turn  a bad  cause  into  a seemingly  good 
one,  so  as  to  give  the  wrong  party  a verdict,  live,  as  a penalty,  confined  in  solitary 
cells. 

No  crime,  however  great  it  may  be,  is  of  any  consequence  to  the  condition  of 
the  soul  after  death.  From  this  principle  those  defective  ethics  result,  which  are 
found  among  all  these  peoples.  After  dying  the  soul  is  led  to  heaven  by  Tempon 
Telon,  this  heaven  being  situated,  according  to  the  opinion  of  all  the  tribes,  in  the 
river-basin,  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  Lumut,  between  the  rivers  Teweli  and 
Mantalat.  The  soul  travelling  to  this  place  has  to  endure  numerous  adventures  on 
its  way ; it  has  to  go  past  burning  water-falls,  to  cross  a great  many  rivers  and 
lakes,  go  through  the  abode  of  the  criminals  and  climb  over  high  bridges,  before  it 
reaches  the  banks  of  the  river  Batang  Diawo  Bulan  Sating  Male/ak  Bulan,'11  where  are 
seen  arising  the  golden  dwellings  of  their  deceased  ancestors. 

The  corpses  of  men,  belonging  to  the  poorer  classes,  are  wrapped  up  in  a mat 
and  buried.  Those  of  richer  persons,  however,  are  burnt  according  to  the  common 
custom  of  the  families,  the  ashes  being  gathered  in  pots,  which  afterwards  are  put 
into  wooden  coffins  and  placed  on  high  poles.  Such  coffins  containing  ashes  and 
bones  are  called  Sandong  didong. 

In  another  case  the  corpses  are  put  into  double  carefully  closed  coffins,  and 
after  some  years  conveyed  to  the  Sandong  Naiingf 2 being  larger,  though  of  a similar 
construction,  than  the  Sandong  Dulong.  Along  the  river  Teweh  the  bones  are  taken 
out  of  the  coffin,  gathered  in  pots,  and  afterwards  preserved  in  mountain  caves. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  conveying  of  the  bones  to  the  Sandongs,  wffiere  they  are 
henceforth  to  remain,  the  Dewa  or  funeral  feast  is  celebrated.  In  certain  parts  of  the 
river-basin,  along  the  rivers  Kapuas  and  Miming,  Budaks  are  slaughtered  on  such 
an  occasion,  for  services  in  the  other  world.  In  those  regions  where  the  influence  of 
the  Dutch  Government  or  the  missionaries  has  penetrated,  buffaloes  are  killed 
instead. 

Awbafans ,23  made  of  wrood,  having  the  shapes  of  human  beings,  stand  on  poles 
around  the  Sandongs.  The  placing  of  these  Ambatans  is  not  at  all  due  to 

idolatrous  inclinations,  as  many  consider  it  to  be,  but  results  from  the  belief  that 
the  spiritual  image  of  these  wooden  figures  follows  the  deceased  and  serves  him. 

There  are  no  special  priests,  nor  temples,  nor  a public  service.  The  persons 
who  commune  with  the  Sangsangs  for  them  are  the  Bilians  or  the  old  and 
experienced  members  of  their  tribe. 

The  Bilians. 

The  Bilians  are  trained  for  their  task  from  their  earliest  youth.  Free  will  and 
inclination  are  necessary  preliminaries  to  being  received  into  the  class  of  the  Bilians. 
Often  the  destination  of  a child  to  this  career  is  already  evident  at  an  early  age  by 


Schwaner’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxv. 


certain  hysterical  fits,  during  which  the  patient  takes  but  little  food  or  nothing  at 
all,  and  sees  and  tells  strange  supernatural  things. 

The  Bilians  are  chosen  by  certain  Sangsangs,  desiring  to  partake  of  the  earthly 
enjoyments,  or  wishing  in  general  to  be  in  contact  with  men  for  various  reasons  and 
to  pass  into  their  bodies  when  occasion  offers.  When  such  a spirit  has  united  with  a 
Bilian,  she  feels  endowed  with  extraordinary  powers  and  with  the  gift  of  prophecy  ; 
in  this  condition  she  cures  illnesses,  communicates  to  the  gods  the  wishes  of  the 
person  celebrating  a feast  in  their  honour,  and  gives  the  answer  of  the  Sangsangs  to 
the  questions  put  to  them.  The  Bilians  can  only  be  dispensed  with  on  a few  solemn 
occasions  ; for,  besides  the  above  mentioned  gifts,  with  which  they  are  endowed, 
they  also  know  how  to  agreeably  entertain  the  guests  by  their  rythmically  recited 
songs,  celebrating  the  exploits  of  the  ancestors  and  still  living  heroes.  On  such 
occasions  they  often  exercise  a great  influence  on  the  men,  either  by  exciting  their 
imagination  or  urging  them  to  wars  and  commercial  journeys,  which  not  unfre- 
quently  have  important  consequences.  In  spite  of  their  sublime  vocation  as 
mediatresses  between  the  gods  and  men,  the  Bilians  also  constitute  a class  of  public 
women,  and  they  know  how  with  peculiar  art  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  men. 
Many  wealthy  natives  have  lost  their  possessions  by  supporting  such  Bilians. 
Nevertheless  the  latter  are  always  in  great  esteem  and  favour  with  the  men  and 
women,  and  the  idea  of  charging  them  with  the  licentious  life  they  lead  as  something 
bad,  never  occurs  to  anyone.  They  are  Budaks  to  rich  people,  but  they  never  partake 
of  the  field-labour  and  only  a little  of  the  household  doings.  The  profits  they  bring 
to  their  masters  result  from  their  being  hired  as  concubines  or  as  singers  on  the 
occasion  of  feasts.  The  native  hiring  a Bilian  for  himself,  pays,  in  addition  to  a 
present  he  has  to  give  to  the  Bilian  herself,  30  cents  to  her  master.  For  singing  the 
master  receives  from  the  giver  of  a feast  60  cents.  There  are  also  Bilians  who  marry 
afterwards,  and  partially  continue  their  business  after  marriage — i.e.,  as  far  as 
regards  the  singing  and  the  conjuring  of  the  gods. 

The  Bazirs. 

The  Bazirs  are  men  enjoying  the  favour  of  the  gods  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Bilians.  They  are  dressed  like  these,  and  in  a way  are  worse  than  the  Bilians.  In 
spite  of  their  loathsome  calling  they  escape  well-merited  contempt,  and  with  an 
impudent  face  they  are  seen  at  festal  gatherings,  conducting  the  singing  at  the  head 
of  the  Bilians  ; they  are  paid  better  than  these,  and  their  number  must  have  been 
much  greater  in  former  years ; that  of  the  Bilians  was,  however,  much  smaller. 

The  Bazirs  and  Bilians  are  only  found  with  the  Ngajus  of  Pula  Patak  and  along 
the  middle  and  lower  Kapuas.  In  the  regions  of  the  Barito  river,  men  only  claim  the 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  curing  illnesses  by  the  assistance  of  the  Sangsangs  and 
conveying  the  wishes  of  man  to  the  gods.  In  the  regions  lying  higher  up  the 
Kapuas  Murang,  with  the  Ot  Danoni,  these  sacred  functions  are  enacted  by  the  wives 
of  the  rich. 

As  the  natives  ascribe  all  men’s  illnesses  to  the  influences  of  evil  spirits,  their 
whole  medical  art  is  confined  to  conciliating  these  spirits  on  behalf  of  the  patient,  or, 
when  it  is  supposed  that  the  spirits  have  entered  the  body,  to  driving  them  out 
again.  Only  a few  roots  and  herbs  are  used  as  internal  and  external  remedies.  By 
food  offerings,  the  beating  of  drums  and  shrill  singing,  the  Bilians  summon  the 
Hantu,  to  whom  the  illness  is  ascribed,  and  send  their  prayers  to  the  superior  Sang- 
sangs (as  for  instance  to  Tempon  Telon,  etc.)  to  invoke  their  assistance.  The  Bilians 
(in  this  case  sorceresses)  then  get  greatly  excited,  touch  the  aching  part  of  the  patient’s 
body  from  time  to  time  with  a Sawang  leaf,  and  withdraw  it  with  a shrill  cry,  in  order 
to  remove  as  it  were  with  violence  the  curse  resting  on  the  patient.  On  similar 
occasions  solemn  vows  are  also  made  to  the  gods,  to  be  carried  out  in  case  of 
recovery. 

These  general  remarks  on  the  religious  principles  and  their  uses  will  be  sufficient 
to  give  an  idea  of  the  superstitions,  narrow-mindedness  of  the  natives,  and  the  effect 


clxxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


this  must  have  on  all  their  actions.  At  the  same  time  this  must  be  considered  as 
a proof  of  the  truth  of  my  former  assertion,  to  wit,  that  it  is  necessary  to  begin  with 
teaching  the  natives  another  religion  before  it  will  be  possible  to  get  them  to  strive 
to  attain  higher  aims  and  to  educate  them  up  to  a higher  level  of  civilisation. 

On  Money  and  its  Equivalents. 


In  the  interior  there  is  no  money  at  all  ; generally  speaking  the  natives  are  not 
acquainted  with  it,  and  use  the  products  of  their  country  as  a means  of  exchange. 

Along  the  principal  river  and  at  Pulu  Petak  the  inhabitants  have  got  acquainted 
with  money  and  its  value  by  the  merchants,  and  as  far  as  Siang  the  natives  know  its 
use.  The  Dutch  guilder  is  estimated  here  at  120  duits,  a division  called  uwatig  tuwa, 
in  distinction  of  the  uwang  muda,  according  to  which  a guilder  is  divided  into  100 
duits.  On  the  tributary  rivers  the  idea  of  money  disappears,  while  in  Kapuas 
Murang,  from  beyond  the  Kainpong  Baru,  it  is  no  more  accepted,  or  only  in  so  far 
as  it  is  fit  for  making  something  of,  as,  for  instance,  arm-rings,  pendants,  etc.,  of  the 
copper,  and  medallions,  etc.,  of  the  silver.  Money  here  finds  a substitute  in  gold- 
dust.  We  have  already  mentioned  the  gold  division  of  weights.  This  nearly  agrees 
in  all  parts  of  the  river-basin  ; only  at  Banjerniasin  the  name  Thail  is  in  use, 
and  here 


One  Thail  is  equal  in  weight 
One  Guilder  „ ,, 

£ „ or  Suku  ,,  „ 

J ,,  or  Satu  ,,  ,, 

(uwang  satengah) 

One  Uwang  ,,  „ „ 

One  Mata  bulling  ,,  ,, 


to  2 Piastres  Spanish. 

i 

i 

1 


A 

rbf 


The  taxes  raised  by  the  Government  are  paid  in  the  interior  by  the  agency  of 
special  messengers,  in  gold  and  other  products,  which,  conveyed  to  Banjerniasin, 
are  exchanged  for  money  in  order  to  meet  the  claims  of  the  Resident.  The 
gathering  of  the  annual  taxes  affords  very  considerable  profits  to  the  messengers,  on 
account  of  the  low  prices  at  which  the  products  are  bought  and  the  high  price  they 
are  sold  at  in  Banjermassin.  These  profits  are  further  increased  by  commercial 
enterprises  undertaken  on  the  occasion  of  such  journeys. 

The  wealth  of  the  natives  consists  in  the  possession  of  Budaks,  clothes,  copper, 
household  furniture,  gongs,  rifles,  blunderbusses,  litas  (small  canons),  gold-dust, 
domestic  animals  (buffaloes  and  pigs),  and  other  similar  articles  ; chiefly,  however, 
in  the  possession  of  certain  earthen  pots,  to  which  they  ascribe  peculiar  miraculous 
power,  which  makes  them  therefore  very  expensive.  In  such  pots  consists  the 
proper  solid  wealth  of  a family. 


The  Blangas.  (Miraculous  Jars.) 

I will  add  some  further  details  about  these  jars,  as  they  act  an  important  part 
in  the  households.  All  the  doings  and  endeavours  of  the  natives  are  directed 
towards  getting  possession  of  them,  often  causing  long  quarrels  and  extreme  enmity. 

According  to  the  legend  these  jars  were  made  at  Majapahit  in  Java,  by  Ratu 
Champa,  who  descended  from  heaven,  of  the  clay  left  after  the  creation  of  the  earth, 
the  moon  and  the  sun,  and  of  which  the  Supreme  Being  had  formed  there  seven 
mountains.  Ratu  Champa  kept  his  artistically  designed  jars,  besides  the  other 
articles  produced  by  his  art,  gongs,  etc.,  in  a cave  of  a certain  mountain  and 
carefully  guarded  them  there.  He  married  Putir  Onak  manyang,  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Majapahit,  and  begot  a son,  called  Baden  Tunyong.  Several  disagreeable 
experiences  caused  Ratu  Champa  to  leave  the  earth  again  and  return  to  his  native 
country,  heaven.  Before  carrying  out  this  scheme,  however,  he  informed  his  son 
about  the  caves  in  the  mountain,  in  which  the  pots,  etc.,  were  stored,  and  exhorted 
him  to  carefully  guard  them.  The  careless  son,  however,  neglected  the  admonition 
of  his  father,  and  in  consequence  of  this  those  jars,  weapons,  etc.,  escaped,  and 
could  not  possibly  be  prevented  in  time.  Some  of  them  jumped  into  the  sea  and 


Schwaner’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxvii. 


changed  to  a kind  of  fish,  called  Tampaha  ; others  escaped  to  the  woods  and  changed 
to  deers  and  boars  ; the  weapons  became  snakes,  the  gongs  tortoises,  etc. 
Nowadays  it  may  happen  that  a fortunate  hunter  kills  a head  of  game,  sprung  from 
such  a vessel,  whose  shape  is  re-transformed  during  the  death  agony  into  that 
of  the  original  jar.  It  seems  beyond  any  doubt  that  these  jars  are  of  Chinese 
origin,  and  were  perhaps  brought  here  by  the  Hindus  coming  front  Majapahit.  They 
are  without  any  particular  marks  of  artistic  or  elegant  make,  and  are  in  all  respects 
similar  to  the  modern  water- vessels  sold  under  the  name  of  guchi.  Their  exterior 
glazed  surface  is  adorned  with  the  monstrous  images  of  dragons,  with  dolphin  heads, 
etc.  Besides  the  earth  produced  by  A tala,  of  which  these  jars  are  made,  Ratu 
Champa  endowed  it  with  some  hundreds  of  talismanic  properties,  providing  the 
respective  possessors  with  a variety  of  .riches,  and  also  securing  to  them  the 
possession  of  distinction,  valour,  a long  life,  domestic  happiness,  etc. 

The  jars,  called  by  the  general  name  of  Blaugas,  are  distinguished  according  to 
their  shape  and  make,  and  sold  at  various  prices.  The  varieties  most  generally 
met  with  are  the  following  : 


Blanga  lagi 

. . costs  fl.  2000 

Parampcewan  laki 

• . ..  ..  250 

Blanga  halmauceng 

• • ..  >,  1400 

Parampcewan  halmauceng 

300 

Laki  Prahan 

1600 

Parampcewan  Prahan 

300 

Laki  Rentian 

1400 

Parampcewan  Rentian  . . 

3°o 

Exceedingly  beautiful  jars  of  the  first  variety  are  sometimes  sold  for  fl.  4000. 

On  account  of  their  great  value  the  Blangas  are  carefully  kept  on  specially 
made  shelves  in  the  houses.  In  the  more  remote  parts  of  the  interior  where  frequent 
wars  occur  between  the  tribes  these  jars  are  buried  in  the  ground  or  kept  in  holes, 
in  order  to  secure  them  from  the  greedy  hands  of  the  enemies. 

To  so  far  back  as  can  be  remembered  no  more  Blangas  have  been  imported  and 
the  art  of  making  them  was  the  secret  of  Ratos  Champa  alone.  The  Chinese  have 
repeatedly  tried  to  imitate  them  in  China  and  sell  them  here  as  the  genuine  article, 
but  in  spite  of  a striking  resemblance  the  sharp  eye  of  the  native  soon  found  out  the 
fraud,  and  only  a few  of  these  so-called  false  Blangas  are  in  existence. 

War. 

The  warriors  on  going  into  battle  are  not  commanded  by  a previously  appointed 
chief.  The  individual  men  at  first  follow  their  kampong-chief.  After  the  beginning 
of  the  battle  the  man  who  most  distinguishes  himself  by  valour  and  perseverance  is 
chosen  for  command,  without  regard  to  his  social  rank.  All  follow  him,  attacking 
the  foe  in  a disorderly  manner. 

The  men  called  to  battle  present  themselves  with  their  own  weapons,  and  only 
the  absolutely  destitute  are  provided  with  them  at  the  expense  of  the  chief. 

Every  kampong-chief  brings  with  him  the  rice  necessary  for  the  support  of 
those  under  him. 

The  booty  belongs  to  him  who  takes  it ; in  most  cases  however  the  chief  gets 
the  greater  and  most  valuable  part  as  a present. 

According  to  the  number  of  warriors  and  their  object  in  assembling,  two 
different  methods  of  carrying  on  the  war  are  known,  namely,  the  Ngaijau  and  Asan. 

Ngaijau. 

A Ngaijau  expedition  only  is  undertaken  by  a small  number  of  men,  usually  not 
more  than  3,  5 or  8.  The  object  is  to  surprise  a few  unarmed  people,  and  then 
to  run  off  into  the  dense  forest  with  their  heads.  Solitary  ladang  houses  are 
especially  exposed  to  such  attacks.  The  lives  of  women  and  children  are  not 
respected  on  such  occasions.  The  Ngaijau  expeditions,  in  the  true  meaning  of  the 
word,  are  murderous  excursions,  on  -which  the  spoils  are  disregarded,  while  the 
collecting  of  heads  is  the  chief  aim.  Such  expeditions  are  undertaken  against  tribes 

m 


clxxviii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

living  more  or  less  in  the  interior,  often  without  previous  insult  ; they  are  also 
undertaken  in  regions  with  whose  inhabitants  there  has  been  discord  and  quarrelling 
for  years. 

The  Ngaijau  expeditions  are  undertaken  on  the  death  of  a member  of  the  family 
to  whose  memory  honours  are  due  ; they  arise  also  through  dreams,  vows,  ambition, 
unrestrainable  presumption,  etc.  The  wide-spread  opinion,  that  it  is  obligatory  to 
present  a head  to  one’s  bride  when  contracting  a marriage,  belongs  to  the  realm  of 
fiction. 

The  A sail  Expeditions. 

The  Asan  expeditions  are  of  quite  a different  nature.  These  require  far  greater 
preparations,  are  undertaken  by  entire  tribes,  and  are  comparable  to  real  campaigns, 
the  largest  kampongs  being  attacked  and  duly  besieged.  Very  often  an  Asan 
expedition  is  preceded  by  a declaration  of  war,  by  means  of  which  the  aim  of  the 
enterprise  and  the  day  of  arrival  of  the  warriors  are  made  known  to  the  hostile  tribe. 

The  motives  for  such  great  military  expeditions,  in  which  often  800 — 1000  or 
more  able-bodied  men  partake,  are  : frequent  Ngaijau  attacks,  insults  given  to  the 
tribal  chiefs,  the  death  of  such  a chief,  the  desire  for  booty  and  slaves,  the  neglect 
to  fulfil  promises,  etc. 

The  preparations  for  an  Asan  expedition  often  occupy  very  much  time-  months, 
nay  years,  being  taken  up  with  them.  They  consist  in  the  making  of  weapons  and 
praus,  the  gathering  of  victuals,  and  the  consulting  of  the  different  oracles  as  to  the 
favourable  time  for  the  departure,  the  result  of  the  enterprise,  etc. 

The  able-bodied  men,  commanded  by  the  tribal  chief,  do  not  leave  before  all 
omens  are  deemed  favourable.  As  soon  as  the  warriors  approach  the  kampong, 
usually  transformed  into  a benteng  (fortress)  by  a stockade,  the  attack  on  the 
assembled  inhabitants  begins.  At  first  they  fire  muskets  and  litas  singly  ; the  parties 
having  approached  so  near,  that  the  use  of  muskets  seems  unserviceable,  they  throw 
themselves  upon  one  another  with  lances,  and  the  struggle  shortly  proceeds  in  so 
many  duels,  the  respective  parties  not  infrequently  exerting  themselves  so  much 
that  they  are  overwhelmed  by  fatigue  before  succeeding  in  inflicting  wounds  on  one 
another.  The  main  point  of  the  defence  consists  in  the  injury  to  be  done  to  the 
enemy  at  the  first  attack  by  the  effect  of  the  fire-arms.  If  the  besieged  succeed  in 
killing  several  of  the  adversaries  by  some  well-directed  shots,  the  latter  are 
overpowered  by  a sudden  terror  and  a hasty  flight  is  the  inevitable  result. 
Consequently  the  attacking  party  try  to  push  speedily  forward  so  as  to  make 
the  use  of  fire-arms  impracticable,  and  so  as  to  close  in  with  the  beseiged.  If  they 
succeed,  the  inhabitants  of  the  kampong  attacked  are  obliged  to  retire  within  their 
benteng,  which  then  undergoes  a regular  siege,  sometimes  lasting  for  several  weeks. 
Storming  is  repeatedly  tried,  and  finally  when  all  their  endeavours  have  been 
frustrated  by  the  bravery  of  the  defending  party  recourse  is  had  to  fire  to  destroy 
the  kampong.  The  fate  of  the  conquered  is  indeed  the  same,  howsoever  may  be 
the  way  of  taking  the  benteng  by  the  enemy.  The  men,  the  old  women  and  the 
little  children  are  killed,  their  heads  cut  off,  and  carried  away  as  trophies,  the 
younger  women,  girls  and  boys  being  made  slaves,  Orang  Tangkapan.  The 
movables  of  the  inhabitants  are  collected  and  the  rest  left  as  a prey  to  the  flames. 
Even  the  fruit  trees  standing  around  the  kampong  are  not  spared  ; these  are  cut 
down  and  burnt,  in  a word  all  is  destroyed  and  sacrificed  to  the  fiercest  rage. 

Such  Asan  expeditions  are  often  wide  spread  and  entire  regions  are  depopulated 
by  the  slaughter  of  the  inhabitants.  The  upper  regions  of  the  Barito  river-basin  are 
devastated  in  the  said  manner  by  the  Pari  of  Kutai,  while  the  inhabitants  of  the 
tributary  rivers  have  more  to  suffer  from  the  Dayahs  of  Passir. 

The  natives  of  the  middle  and  lower  Barito,  as  also  those  of  Pulu  Petak,  do  not 
now  undertake  Ngaijau  or  Asan  expeditions,  neither  have  they  had  to  fear  any  such 
attacks  since  1825.  The  Siang  and  Murang  people,  however,  still  rather  frequently 
invade  the  dominion  of  the  Ot  Danom,  on  the  Upper  Kapuas  Murung  and  on  the 
Malawi  ; but  on  the  other  hand  they  have  to  suffer  much  from  these  tribes.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  Duson  country  are  attacked  from  time  to  time  by  the  Ngajus  of 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes.  clxxix. 

the  middle  Kapuas  Murang,  and  they  likewise  undertake  Ngaijau  expeditions  to 
those  regions. 

The  Ngaijau  and  Asan  expeditions,  having  already  brought  so  much  misery  on 
the  natives,  and  having  contributed  so  much  to  the  depopulation  of  the  country,  are 
beginning,  however,  to  become  rarer  and  rarer,  and  one  is  quite  justified  in  hoping 
that  they  wall  entirely  cease  in  the  course  of  a few  years.  The  prevention  of  these 
infamous  practices  has  been  an  important  part  of  my  business,  assisted  by 
a native  chief  of  Pulu  Petak,  the  Tomonggong  of  Palinghan,  who  accompanied  me. 
I have  been  fortunate  enough  to  stop  many  an  Asan  expedition,  to  reconcile  chiefs 
who  were  very  angry  with  one  another,  and  to  persuade  them  to  contract 
alliances  of  eternal  friendship  for  themselves  and  their  people.  The  good  result  of 
my  endeavours  in  this  respect  is  already  evident.  Since  1847,  the  Pari  of  Kutai 
have  undertaken  no  further  attack  on  the  Barito  river-basin  ; since  that  time  the 
inhabitants  of  the  tributary  rivers  live  in  undisturbed  peace,  and  only  the  Siang  and 
Murung  people,  under  the  supremacy  of  the  intolerant  Tomonggong  Surapat,  are 
continually  at  variance  with  the  warlike  Ot  Danom. 

On  Marriage. 

Marriage  is  generally  here  the  resultant  union  of  love  between  two  persons  of 
opposite  sex. 

The  marriages  vary  according  to  the  age  at  which  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  are  contracted.  We  shall  treat  of  them  in  five  different  divisions. 

1.  Marriages  of  Children. 

Children  are  often  engaged  to  be  married,  and  are  even  sometimes  married. 

This  often  takes  place  at  the  youthful  age  of  three  or  five  years.  Frequently 
the  agreement  of  the  two  fathers  to  marry  their  children  is  made  on  the  occasion  of 
feasts  in  a state  of  drunkenness,  and  not  seldom  such  agreements  are  made  before 
the  children  are  born.  This  custom  proceeds  from  speculative  and  egotistical, 
deep-rooted  qualities  of  the  native  character. 

Blood-friendship,  wealth,  esteem,  long  descent,  etc.,  together  with  the  parents’ 
fear  lest  their  plans  be  frustrated  afterwards,  when  the  children  come  to  an  age  of 
reflection  and  independence,  are  also  motives  for  the  contraction  of  marriages  at 
so  early  an  age.  After  the  celebration  of  the  wredding-feasts,  these  being  celebrated 
in  the  same  way  as  the  marriage  of  full-grown  people,  the  two  children  are  often, 
though  not  always,  separated,  only  to  become  husband  and  wife  for  ever  when  they 
have  reached  the  age  of  puberty.  At  every  opportunity  their  mutual  relation  is 
revealed  to  them  ; besides  they  frequently  meet  each  other,  and  it  is  seen 
with  pleasure,  when  there  arises  a certain  familiarity,  not  agreeing  with  our 
ideas  of  morality.  Having  come  to  a mature  age,  the  young  couple  look  for 
solitary  places,  in  the  ladangs  and  woods,  and  as  soon  as  this  is  noticed,  the  parents 
no  longer  hesitate  to  allow  them  their  own  fire-place.  Often  the  young  wife  is 
already  enciente  before  this  measure  has  been  taken. 

3.  Marriages  of  Full-grown  People. 

Being  beyond  the  years  of  infancy,  the  young  people  choose  their  spouses 
according  to  their  own  wishes  and  feelings  ; nevertheless  they  are  often  guided 
herein  by  the  wish  of  their  parents.  Generally  the  consent  of  the  parents  is 
required  for  a lawful  marriage.  If  the  parents  of  one  of  the  parties  are  content  with 
the  match,  while  those  of  the  other  seem  to  object  to  it,  the  consent  of  the  latter 
may  be  purchased.  If,  however,  the  parents  of  both  parties  disapprove  of  the 
wishes  of  their  children,  these  remain  unfulfilled. 

Before  a young  man  makes  known  his  desire  to  enter  the  wedded  state,  he 
tries  to  assure  himself  of  the  love  of  the  chosen  girl ; and  not  before  this  assurance 
has  been  obtained  does  he  proceed  to  take  the  further  steps  necessary  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  design. 

The  parents,  being  content  with  the  choice  of  their  son,  or  some  of  the  nearest 
relations  taking  their  place  in  that  case,  go  to  the  parents  of  the  girl,  to  give  them 


clxxx.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


notice  of  the  young  man’s  intentions  and  to  ask  for  their  consent.  When  there  are 
no  obstacles  in  this  respect,  the  assembled  members  of  the  family  begin  to  discuss 
the  belako  or  uwang  dichuran,  i.e.  the  wedding  gift  to  be  presented  by  the  son.  The 
amount  of  this  gift  is  dependent  on  the  class  or  the  wealth,  or  the  beauty  or  youth 
of  the  girl.  With  distinguished  families  it  usually  consists  in  the  presentation 
of  the  Blanga  called  Laki  Halmauiing,  about  fl.  800  value.  With  less  well-to-do 
people  two  Budahs  are  sufficient.  Very  poor  people  and  Bedahs  marry  without 
paying  any  Belako.  The  settlement  of  the  Belako  often  leads  to  very  long 
deliberations.  The  price  to  be  paid  by  the  parents  is  not  to  be  considered  as  a debt 
of  the  son;  the  paying  of  it  is  a real  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  parents  towards 
their  sons.  When  the  Belako  has  been  settled,  then  the  sapot  is  agreed  on,  i.e.  the 
presents  the  bridegroom  has  to  give  to  the  brothers,  sisters  and  other  relations  of  the 
bride  on  the  wedding  day.  The  sapot  when  paid  is  divided  in  two  portions,  one  being 
destined  for  the  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  other  for  the  remaining  relations  of  the 
bride.  The  amount  of  the  sapot  varies,  according  to  the  social  standing  of  the 
parents,  from  10 — 80  guilders.  At  the  same  time  the  bul an  kandang  and  Autup  uwang 
are  discussed.  The  former  is  the  name  of  the  sum  required  as  a compensation  for 
the  expenses  of  the  wedding-party,  though  this  is  given  in  the  house  of  the  bride’s 
parents.  This  amounts  to  8 to  20  guilders.  The  Autup  uwang  is  a trifling  present 
in  money — from  2 to  4 guilders — to  be  given  by  the  bridegroom  to  the  grand-parents 
of  the  bride  if  still  living.  The  determination  of  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  one  of  the 
parties  for  not  keeping  its  word  in  not  carrying  out  the  marriage  or  in  not  adhering  to 
the  above-mentioned  agreements  with  the  other,  besides  the  fixing  of  the  time 
after  which  the  marriage  is  to  take  place,  occupies  the  time  of  the  final  deliberations. 
The  said  sum  usually  amounts  with  rich  families  to  200  guilders,  and  with  the  poor 
to  60  guilders.  Shortly  before  the  time  fixed  for  the  marriage,  some  relations 
of  the  bride  go  to  the  bridegroom,  to  receive  the  rapen  tuwak.  This  consists 
of  a gift  of  2 to  4 guilders,  which  is  spent  in  the  preparation  of  the  Tuwak  required 
for  the  wedding  festivities.  As  soon  as  the  Tuwak  has  acquired  its  proper  strength  by 
fermentation,  the  bridegroom  with  his  relations  are  sent  for,  and  brought  to  the 
house  of  the  bride’s  parents,  with  the  firing  of  muskets  and  the  playing  of 
gambalangs,  and  accompanied  by  the  songs  of  the  Bilians,  the  bridegroom  sitting  in 
a prau  beautifully  adorned  with  flags.  With  various,  sometimes  ridiculous, 
ceremonies  he  enters  the  house,  meeting,  besides  all  the  relations  and  friends  of  both 
families,  a certain  number  of  kampong-chiefs  or  other  distinguished  persons.  In  the 
presence  of  the  whole  company  he  pays  the  previously  settled  belako,  sapot,  bulan 
kandang  and  Autup  uwang,  and  afterwards  all  indulge  in  rejoicings  for  the  remaining 
hours  of  the  day  and  the  whole  night ; all  eating  and  drinking  to  excess,  and  the 
Bilians  performing  their  dissolute  duties.  On  the  next  day  the  betrothed  seated  on 
gongs  are  consecrated  to  the  new  state  by  the  oldest  member  present.  To  that 
effect  the  emblems  of  prosperity,  wealth,  fertility,  etc.,  are  marked  on  their  breasts, 
their  shoulders,  the  pits  of  their  stomachs,  their  knees,  etc.,  with  a mixture  consisting 
of  eggs,  water,  earth,  rice,  blood  of  a buffalo  or  a pig,  etc.,  this  being  done  with  the 
reciting  of  prayers.  On  this  occasion  is  also  fixed  the  fine  to  be  paid  should  one  of 
the  married  couple  leave  the  other  in  an  unlawful  manner.  This  amounts  from  100  to 
500  guilders.  Then  the  oldest  member  advances  to  the  centre  of  the  assembly  and 
declares  that  all  the  demands  of  the  marriage  adat  have  been  duly  complied  with. 
Everyone  present  receives  some  duits,  to  bear  well  in  mind  what  has  taken  place 
and  to  be  able  to  act  as  a witness  in  case  of  future  quarrels.  This  money  is  called 
timpok  tanga.  The  house  is  grandly  decorated  for  the  wedding  festivities.  The 
room,  in  which  the  assembly  gathers,  is  hung  with  cloth  and  along  the  walls  are 
displayed  Blangas  and  other  objects  of  great  value,  partially  belonging  to  the  family 
and  partially  borrowed  from  friends.  The  Bilians  sitting  on  a long  bench 
accompany  their  songs  with  the  Katawpang,  the  men  lying  at  their  feet  on  rotan 
mats  around  the  jars  filled  with  Tuwak.  A general  inebriety  prevails.  The  young 
husband  usually  does  not  cohabit  with  his  young  wife  during  the  first  3 days,  but 
passes  his  time  drinking  with  the  assembled  friends,  often,  however,  he  is  called  to 
the  couch  of  his  wife,  to  eat  and  chew  sirih  (betel)  with  her,  to  accustom  her  to  his 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxxi. 


presence  and  surmount  in  some  way  her  delicacy  of  feeling.  The  wedding-party 
usually  lasts  3 days  and  3 nights. 

4.  Marriages  by  Elopement. 

That  marriages  may  be  contracted  without  the  consent  of  the  bride’s  parents, 
is  evident  from  the  fact,  that  the  running  away  with  a beloved  girl  is  not  prohibited 
by  the  adat.  Such  cases  chiefly  occur  when  the  young  people  live  in  different 
kampongs.  When  a young  man  has  got  the  consent  of  his  parents,  but  is  afraid  of 
rejection  by  the  girl’s  parents,  he  runs  away  with  her,  brings  her  to  his  kampong, 
and  not  before  then  does  he  open  negotiations  with  her  parents  about  the  price  he  has 
to  pay  for  her.  The  girl’s  parents  then  repair  to  the  young  man’s  kampong,  in 
order  to  receive  the  Belako,  etc.,  and  to  be  present  at  the  wedding  festivities,  which 
in  this  case  are  celebrated  in  the  bridegroom’s  house. 

5.  Marriages  by  Stratagem. 

The  man  who  has  made  up  his  mind  to  marry  a certain  girl  betakes  himself  to 
her  house  provided  with  a Blanga,  and  informs  her  parents  of  his  immutable  inten- 
tion. Being  asked  in  this  way,  called  mandai,  for  the  hand  of  a daughter,  the  parents 
are  bound  to  give  their  consent,  or,  if  they  decline,  they  must  pay  the  young  man  an 
amount  equal  to  the  Blanga  offered  instead  of  the  Belako. 

The  girls  have  also  the  means  of  securing  the  men  they  love.  This  is  called 
matep.  In  such  case  the  man  is  inveigled  into  the  girl’s  house,  and  as  soon  as  he  has 
entered  the  door  is  shut,  the  walls  are  hung  with  cloth  of  different  colours  and  other 
ornaments,  dinner  is  served  up  and  he  is  informed  of  the  girl’s  wish  to  marry  him. 
If  the  man  decline,  he  is  obliged  to  pay  the  value  of  the  hangings  and  the 
ornaments  ; if  he  be  agreeable,  the  bride  and  bridegroom  exchange  the  Belako. 

The  too  familiar  intercourse  of  betrothed  persons  is  prohibited  under  the  penalty 
of  a certain  fine.  Members  of  the  same  family  are  allowed  to  contract  marriage, 
nay,  even  the  nearest  relations,  brothers  and  sisters,  parents  and  children. 

After  marriage  the  husband  is  considered  as  a member  of  the  wife’s  family  and 
the  wife  as  a member  of  the  husband’s  family,  both  sharing  in  the  occupations  of 
their  mutual  parents.  The  husband  repairs  with  the  young  wife  to  the  house  of 
her  parents,  henceforth  to  live  there  with  her.  Exceptions  to  this  custom  seldom 
occur.  By  marrying  both  are  united  till  death.  The  husband  is  bound  to  provide 
his  wife  with  food,  clothes,  and  in  general  to  minister  to  her  wants,  to  protect  her 
from  all  sorts  of  dangers,  and  to  treat  her  with  respect  and  kindness.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  wife  submits  to  the  will  of  her  husband  as  a slave,  and  is  bound  to  do  the 
greater  part  of  the  work,  the  household  occupations  as  well  as  the  field-labour. 
Only  when  some  work  is  beyond  her  strength  is  she  assisted  in  it  by  her  husband. 

Generally  speaking,  the  native  is  content  with  having  a single  wife  ; only  very 
wealthy  men  and  chiefs  have  sometimes  two  or  three  wives.  If  a man  takes  a 
second  wife,  he  pays  to  the  first  the  batu  saki,  amounting  from  60  to  100  guilders, 
and,  moreover,  he  gives  her  presents,  consisting  in  clothes,  in  order  to  appease  her 
completely.  The  second  wife  kills  a buffalo,  to  make  friends  with  the  first,  and 
submits  in  all  respects  to  her  orders,  the  first  wife  retaining  the  management  of  the 
household. 

The  keeping  of  concubines  is  not  allowed,  and  is  punished  if  done  without  the 
lawful  wife’s  consent.  The  concubines  are  usually  of  low  descent,  from  the  Patan 
or  Budak  class,  and  become  the  possession  of  a man  without  any  ceremony  by  his 
paying  off  her  debts  to  the  former  owner.  On  this  occasion  the  wife  receives  a 
present  equalling  the  sum  paid  for  the  purchase  of  the  Budak. 

The  man  who  commits  adultery  has  to  pay  the  sapot  over  again,  and,  in  addition, 
a fine  of  60,  80,  or  140  guilders  to  his  spouse.  At  the  same  time  he  is  obliged  to 
slaughter  a pig,  or  sometimes  a buffalo,  in  order  to  restore  domestic  peace.* 


* Though  these  customs  are  considered  as  prescriptions  of  the  tradition  [Adat),  they  are  hardly 
ever  followed.  The  jujur  (marriage-price),  etc.,  described  refers  exclusively  to  the  Pulu-Petak 
district.  In  the  Duson  district  it  is  different. 


clxxxii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N . Borneo. 


Divorce. 

Divorces  seldom  occur  ; they  may  take  place,  however,  when  by  frequent  acts 
of  adultery,  esteem  and  love  are  gone,  or  when  on  account  of  other  peculiar  causes  a 
mutual  aversion  has  arisen.  In  this  case,  those  persons  who  were  present  at  the 
wedding  declare  the  marriage  to  be  dissolved.  The  Belako  and  all  the  possessions 
acquired  during  marriage  remain  the  property  of  the  wife. 

Divorce  may  also  take  place  when  a man  has  several  wives  who  are  not  able  to 
live  in  peace  with  one  another.  In  this  case  the  fine  fixed  before  marriage  is  not 
paid.  The  contrary  occurs  when  a divorce  takes  place  without  well  founded 
reasons.  If  the  wife  be  right  she  retains  the  Belako  and  part  of  the  fortune,  the 
husband  being,  moreover,  bound  to  pay  her  the  fine  fixed  for  arbitrary  divorce.  If, 
however,  the  wife  give  cause  for  complaint,  she  loses  the  Belako,  and  besides  her 
right  to  a part  of  the  fortune  acquired  in  common,  having,  moreover,  to  pay  the 
aforesaid  fine  to  the  husband. 

If  there  are  children,  the  party  giving  cause  is  considered  as  dead,  and  the 
fortune  is  disposed  of  according  to  the  succession-laws.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
children  are  free  to  choose  whether  they  will  stay  with  the  father  or  with  the 
mother. 

Every  proposal  of  divorce  has  to  be  brought  before  a council  of  Mandirs,  who, 
after  having  tried  in  vain  with  all  their  might  to  reconcile  the  parties,  give  their 
decision  on  the  divorce  and  settle  the  conditions  on  which  it  may  come  about. 
Divorce  from  bed  and  board  is  unknown. 

When  a man  remains  absent  for  years  without  letting  his  existence  or  abode 
be  known,  or  without  sending  money  for  the  support  of  his  family,  a right  to 
divorce  is  afforded  on  his  return  home  afterwards  ; he  is  obliged  to  pay  off  the  debts 
contracted  by  his  wife  during  his  absence,  even  if  he  be  compelled  to  give  up  his 
freedom  in  order  to  acquire  the  necessary  money.  If  a wife  have  committed 
adultery  during  the  absence  of  her  husband,  the  latter  has  the  right  to  claim  a sum 
of  ioo — 200  guilders  from  her  betrayer,  and  may  either  keep  his  wife  or  get  divorced 
from  her  ; in  the  latter  case  she  has  to  pay  back  the  Belako.  In  some  cases  the 
husband  even  has  the  right  to  kill  the  betrayer. 

If  one  of  the  married  couple  be  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a Budak,  neither  of 
them  has  the  right  of  divorce,  but  both  have  to  become  Budaks  with  their 
children. 

The  running  away  with  a woman  is  called  manungkon.  In  this  case  the  woman 
remains  with  the  man  who  eloped  with  her,  but  restores  the  Belako  to  her  former 
husband,  the  other  being  bound  to  pay  her  a fine  of  ioo  to  500  guilders.  (Hokkani.) 

If  a husband  or  a wife  die  the  survivor  is  not  allowed  to  contract  a new  marriage 
until  the  funeral  feast  has  been  duly  celebrated.  The  time  of  mourning  lasts  until 
this  is  held  ; during  this  period  the  widower  is  called  boyo  and  the  widow  halo. 

The  Laws  of  Inheritance. 

On  the  death  of  a wife,  her  husband  remains  in  the  house  of  his  father-in-law 
until  he  has  celebrated  the  Dewa-feast.  The  Belako  becomes  the  property  of  the 
deceased’s  father,  who,  after  paying  the  expenses  for  the  feast,  divides  the  rest  of 
the  acquired  fortune  with  the  widower. 

The  husband  dying,  the  widow  retains  the  Belako  and  half  of  the  fortune 
remaining  after  the  Dewa-feast,  the  other  half  going  to  the  deceased’s  father-in-law. 

The  surviving  children  receive  after  their  mother’s  death  all  that  which  the 
father  of  the  deceased  woman  would  have  got  had  they  not  survived,  the  widower 
receiving  the  legal  portion  already  mentioned.  Minors  remain  with  their  father  ; 
but  those  who  have  already  attained  their  majority  are  free  to  choose  between  their 
father’s  house  and  that  of  their  grandfather  by  the  mother’s  side. 

If  the  father  dies,  the  whole  fortune  remains  with  the  mother,  in  trust  for  the 
children. 

The  children  born  by  a second  marriage  inherit  all  the  goods  acquired  during 
this  second  marriage,  and  the  mother’s  Belako  besides.  The  children  by  the 


Schwancr's  Ethnographical  Notes.  clxxxiii. 

first  marriage  only  get  the  portion  of  their  share  after  the  decease  of  one  of  their 
parents. 

Paternity. 

Legitimate  children  are  those  born  from  a lawful  marriage,  and  accepted  by  the 
father  as  his. 

When  a man  denies  that  he  is  the  father  of  a child,  born  from  his  wife,  the 
matter  has  to  be  decided  by  an  ordeal,  when  other  proofs  are  lacking.  For  this 
purpose  the  Hanyadeng*  or  Hasudi  is  resorted  to.  The  husband  being  suspicious  as 
to  the  paternity  of  the  child,  the  one  suspected  has  to  undergo  the  trial  ; if  the 
husband  is  unable  to  name  the  delinquent,  the  wife  has  to  submit  to  it.  When  the 
accused  persons  have  been  cleared  of  the  suspicion  resting  upon  them,  the  husband 
is  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  child  as  his  own,  and  has  moreover  to  pay  his  wife 
a certain  fine  as  compensation  for  the  insult  inflicted.  This  is  called  Hokkam. 

A Bilian  becoming  pregnant  informs  the  Mandirs  of  the  man  to  whom  she 
ascribes  her  pregnancy.  He,  not  being  able  to  prove  his  innocence  in  a satisfactory 
way,  the  Salam  Bichis  is  resorted  to,  and  in  case  this  ordeal  happen  to  be 
unfavourable  to  the  accused,  he  is  obliged  to  acknowledge  the  child  and  attend  to 
his  paternal  duties  towards  it.  If  the  man  clear  himself  the  child  becomes  a Budak 
of  the  Bilian’s  owner. 

A pregnant  Budak  must  tell  her  master  who  is  the  child’s  father.  The  latter, 
if  he  do  not  deny  it,  must  pledge  himself  to  pay  the  Budak’s  debts  should  the 
Budak  die  in  child-bed,  in  order  to  compensate  the  owner  for  her  loss.  He  has  to 
pay  besides  a certain  amount  to  the  Budak’s  master  for  the  time  during  which  the 
child  must  be  suckled,  to  make  good  the  loss  caused  by  the  pregnancy  and  con- 
finement of  the  mother  and  the  first  rearing  of  the  child.  At  the  same  time  he  has 
to  pay  the  sapot  or  money  for  the  dishonour  to  the  Budak’s  family.  If  the  accused 
repudiate,  then  he  has  to  submit  to  the  fire-ordeal,  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  words. 
If  he  succeeds,  then  the  fatherless  child  becomes  the  property  of  the  Budak’s 
master. 

The  owner  is  bound  to  set  the  Budak  at  liberty,  when  he  himself  is  the  father ; 
the  Budak,  however,  has  to  pay  a fine  to  the  offended  wife,  equal  to  the  amount  of 
her  debts.  If  she  is  not  able  to  do  this,  the  wife  has  the  right  to  sell  the  Budak  to 
another  master.  The  husband  has  to  pay  besides  the  sapot  to  the  family  of  his  wife 
as  well  as  to  that  of  the  Budak,  and  is  obliged  to  acknowledge  the  child. 

A free  girl  having  got  with  child,  is  often  secretly  drowned,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  public  disgrace.  If  not,  and  the  designated  father  also  belong  to  a great 
family,  endeavours  are  made  to  bring  about  a marriage  between  the  guilty 
couple.  In  case  of  denial,  the  accused  has  to  submit  to  the  fire-ordeal.  This 
resulting  in  his  favour,  the  child  has  to  be  educated  by  the  dishonoured  girl’s  father. 
Not  unfrequently  the  seducer  is  killed  by  the  relations  of  the  girl.  If  the  designated 
father  is  a Budak,  both  man  and  woman  lose  their  lives,  or  the  girl’s  father  takes 
care  of  the  child’s  education  and  the  Budak  is  compelled  to  pay  the  double  amount  of 
his  debt  and  to  leave  the  house. 

Illegitimate  children,  A nan  Saven,  are  hated,  and  such  is  the  contempt  in  which 
they  are  held  that  they  can  hardly  marry. 

All  these  severe  regulations  of  the  adat,  however,  are  unable  to  check  the  girls 
in  their  dissolute  behaviour,  the  art  of  overcoming  nature  being  well-known. 
Generally  speaking  the  morality  is  not  all  that  can  be  desired  with  these  tribes. 

The  father  is  obliged  to  educate  his  children  as  well  as  possible,  to  support 
them,  and  to  pay  the  Belako  when  one  of  them  marries.  The  education  of  the 
children  on  the  other  hand  is  exceedingly  simple,  consisting  only  in  care  for  the 
development  of  the  body.  The  boys  soon  join  the  company  of  the  men  and,  as  far 
as  their  strength  allows  it,  try  to  partake  of  their  occupations  and  pleasures,  the 
girls  managing  the  household,  fetching  water,  keeping  up  the  fire,  etc.  In  this  way 
the  children  are  already  early  trained  for  their  future  calling. 


* To  be  treated  of  later  on. 


clxxxiv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


To  their  father  they  owe  respect  and  obedience,  and  at  the  same  time  they  lie 
under  the  obligation,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  eldest  son,  to  support  their  parents 
and  entertain  them  according  to  their  position,  when  these  have  grown  old  and 
disabled  and  are  past  work.  The  father  has  the  right  to  pledge  his  children. 

Guardians. 

The  natural  guardian  of  orphans,  Anak  note,  is  the  father’s  or  mother’s  brother. 
Lacking  these  another  respected  person  is  appointed  by  the  Mandirs.  He  is 
entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  parents’  estate.  The  management  of  the  fortune 
may,  however,  be  left  to  one  of  the  children,  if  it  have  already  attained  its  majority. 
The  property  entrusted  to  the  care  of  a guardian,  is  delivered  to  the  heirs  on 
attaining  their  majority  in  the  presence  of  witnesses. 

Inheritances. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  female  members  of  a family  also  partake  of  the 
estate. 

The  estate  left  by  the  parents  is  equally  divided  among  the  children ; 
nevertheless  the  father  is  free  to  confer  special  privileges  on  one  of  them.  The 
division  of  the  estate  is  done  by  a Mandir  in  the  presence  of  witnesses. 

The  parties  concerned  are  obliged  to  celebrate  the  Dewa-feast  on  behalf  of  the 
deceased.  The  necessary  expenses  for  this  are  taken  out  of  the  inheritance. 

Insolvent  Debtors  (Temporary  Slaves). 

Besides  the  Abdi  or  proper  slaves,  there  is  a rather  numerous  class  of  natives, 
deprived  of  their  freedom,  called  Budaks.  They  may,  however,  purchase  back  their 
liberty.  This  temporary  state  of  slavery  is  due  to  : — i.  Descent  by  a mother  who 
is  already  a Budak  ; 2.  Debts,  which  they  cannot  pay  after  the  lapse  of  a certain 
time.  Such  debts  are  contracted  : a by  fines  ; b by  unlucky  play ; c by  a dissolute 
life,  especially  amongst  the  Bilians ; d when  the  interest  of  a loan  is  not  forth- 
coming when  stipulated  ; e with  the  Ngajus  also  by  captivity  in  war  ; for  with  this 
tribe  the  captured  booty  is  divided  among  all  the  warriors  who  take  part  in  the 
campaign,  in  proportion  to  the  services  rendered  by  them.  Captives  of  war  are 
taxed,  i.e.  they  are  compelled  to  pay  a fixed  sum  to  the  person  to  whom  they  are 
delivered  ; the  receiver  being  on  the  other  hand  bound  to  remit  their  portions  to  his 
fellow-warriors. 

The  Budak  is  obliged  to  accomplish  all  labours  asked  of  him  by  his  master. 
If  he  be  negligent  or  disobedient,  his  owner  is  authorised  to  punish  him  by  blows, 
or  by  fines,  thus  increasing  the  amount  of  his  debts.  The  original  debt  of  a Budak 
may  also  be  increased  by  laying  to  his  charge  the  value  of  the  tools  broken  in  his 
hands.  The  fines  he  is  condemned  to  on  account  of  transgressions  of  the  adat, 
are  paid  by  his  owner,  and  are  also  laid  to  his  charge.  Moreover  the  debt  may  be 
increased  by  the  birth  of  a child.  A month  after  the  birth  10  guilders  is 
charged.  As  soon  as  the  child  is  full-grown  and  until  fit  for  labour,  the  debt 
is  increased  by  the  addition  of  the  estimated  amount  for  the  expenses  of  his 
education.  Then  the  bodily  strength,  the  personal  appearance,  ability,  etc.,  are 
taken  into  account,  and  the  debt  grows  in  proportion  to  these  qualities  of  the  child  ; for 
the  more  satisfactory  these  are  the  more  probable  it  is  that  the  Budak  will  be  sold  for 
a considerable  price.  On  an  average  the  debt  is  estimated  at  80  guilders.  The 
parents  dying  the  debt  passes  on  to  the  children.  The  debt  of  a Budak  is  not  liable 
to  interest.  The  owner  is  entitled  to  kill  his  Budaks  on  the  occasion  of  Dewa-feasts, 
taking  for  this  purpose  those  who  are  of  low  descent  and  who  cannot  boast  of  free 
family  relatives.  The  unmarried  owner  is  entitled  to  an  unmarried  Budak  as  his 
concubine,  giving  her,  however,  a small  present.  The  owner  is  obliged  to  maintain 
his  Budaks,  and  gives  them  for  this  purpose  80  gantangs  of  rice  (bras)  and  3 gantangs 
of  salt  a year,  altogether  amounting  in  value  to  fl.  10.70  a head.  The  furnishing  of 
clothes  is  left  to  his  generosity. 

The  means  by  which  a Budak  may  regain  his  liberty  are  the  following : 1st. 
The  paying  off  of  his  debt  by  his  relations  or  other  persons.  2nd.  After  the  rice 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxxv. 


harvest  the  master  presents  his  Budak  with  a hundredth  part  of  1000  gantangs,  or 
^ of  the  produce  ; it  being  left  to  the  Budak’s  own  decision  whether  he  will  sell  the 
paddy  or  lend  it  out  on  interest.  3rd.  Manual  labour  during  the  night,  as  for 
example  the  plaiting  of  mats,  the  making  of  kajangs  (palm-leaves  covers),  mowing, 
etc.  4th.  At  the  cutting  of  rotan  the  Budak  receives  a payment  of  4 guilders  for 
every  100  galongs  (bunches).  5th.  The  rearing  and  selling  of  domestic  animals. 

In  this  way  the  possibility  is  opened  to  the  Budak  to  gradually  lessen  the 
amount  of  his  debt  and  finally  pay  it  off  entirely,  provided  that  he  be  rather  thrifty 
and  the  debt  be  not  too  great.  On  the  other  hand  a badly  disposed  owner  has 
hundreds  of  ways  of  wringing  the  painfully  earned  possessions  of  a Budak  from  his 
hands  and  for  keeping  his  debt  at  the  original  amount,  or  even  of  increasing  it,  as 
for  instance  by  fining  him  for  innocent  little  transgressions,  etc. 

Every  Budak  has  the  right  to  leave  his  master,  if  the  latter  no  longer  please 
him,  provided  that  he  looks  for  another  lord,  who  pays  his  debt  and  whose  property 
he  becomes  thenceforth.  A Budak,  having  escaped  on  account  of  bad  treatment, 
the  person  to  whom  he  has  fled  is  not  obliged  to  deliver  him  to  his  former  master, 
but  is  bound  to  pay  half  his  debt,  without  lessening  by  this  the  Budak’s  debt.  He 
thus  passes  into  the  service  of  another  master  with  the  full  amount  of  his  former 
debt.  A Budak  fleeing  to  his  relations,  the  latter  have  to  pay  § of  the  debt  to  his 
master. 

The  final  paying  off  of  a Budak’s  debt,  when  he  has  succeeded  in  wiping  it  off, 
is  accompanied  by  a great  many  expenses,  to  wit  : 1st.  His  debt  up  to  a small 
residue  of  1 or  2 guilders  remains  unpaid  as  a proof  of  his  dependence  till  he  has 
satisfied  all  the  formal  exigencies  of  the  adat,  prescribed  for  the  occasion  of 
emancipation.  2nd.  The  Peteng  Kayu.  One  of  the  Budak’s  occupations  consists  in 
gathering  firewood  for  the  kitchen  ; as  he  will  no  longer  do  this,  he  gives  his  former 
master  a present,  usually  consisting  of  cotton  to  the  value  of  2 guilders.  3rd.  The 
Pala  Lupat , i.e.  a tax  for  the  declaration  of  independence,  consisting  of  a sum  of 
4 guilders.  4th.  The  Paki,  i.e.  the  pig,  as  an  offering  to  the  protecting  spirits  of  the 
house,  in  order  to  persuade  these  to  take  care  of  him  and  his  former  master  for 
the  future.  5th.  A Tampachat,  i.e.  a piece  of  iron,  weighing  a Parang,  serving  as 
an  emblem  of  the  durability  of  happiness.  Not  until  he  has  attended  to  these 
details  may  he  leave  the  house  of  his  master,  and  he  is  then  bound  by 
agreement  not  to  enter  it  again  for  one  or  more  years  ; on  the  other  hand  he  is  not 
allowed  to  eat  or  drink  anything  brought  from  this  house  during  this  period  in 
order  to  prove  his  independence  by  such  behaviour.  Afterwards  he  invites  his 
former  master,  besides  many  other  persons,  and  celebrates  a feast  in  his  own  house, 
at  which  pigs,  hens  and  Bilians  may  not  be  lacking.  On  this  occasion  he  pays  the 
little  residue  of  his  debt,  and  declares  that  he  has  satisfied  the  conditions  of  the  adat 
and  is  in  the  possession  of  absolute  liberty  with  all  the  implied  rights. 

Agreements  concerning  Debts. 

Loans  pay  50  per  cent,  per  annum  interest.  A debtor  not  being  able  to 
pay  the  interest  after  a year,  the  capital  remains  in  his  hands  on  the  same  conditions 
as  during  the  previous  year,  but  no  compound  interest  is  charged.  In  modern 
times,  however,  the  natives  of  the  far  interior  have  begun  to  imitate  the 
objectionable  custom  of  the  Chinese,  Banjarese,  and  Bekompay  people,  by  including 
the  interest  in  arrears  with  the  capital  and  asking  for  compound  interest.  According 
to  the  old  custom,  fl.  100  became  fl. 150  after  a year,  fl. 200  after  two  years,  etc.  Now, 
however,  a sum  of  fl.ioo  grows  to  fl.  150  after  the  first  year,  to  fl.225  after  the  second, 
fl.337.50  after  the  third,  and  so  on. 

Butting  menteng  is  the  name  of  the  agreement,  according  to  which  the  debtor  is 
obliged  to  pay  the  interest  in  paddy.  The  interest  for  a loan  of  fl.ioo  amounts  after 
the  first  year  to  500  gantangs  of  paddy.  The  debtor  not  being  able  to  pay  on 
account  of  a bad  crop,  or  for  other  reasons,  he  has  to  buy  the  paddy  from  the 
traders ; if  he  cannot  do  so,  he  pays  the  value  of  500  gantangs  of  paddy  in  ready 
money  ; if  likewise  unable  to  do  this,  he  may  get  a year’s  grace,  after  which  he  has 
to  deliver  forthwith  1,000  gantangs  of  paddy. 


clxxxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N . Borneo. 


Loans  are  contracted  in  the  presence  of  four  to  six  witnesses. 

Different  from  these  are  the  customs  of  the  paddy  loans.  With  a paddy  loan  the 
interest  has  also  to  be  paid  in  paddy,  and  varies  proportionately  to  the  higher  or  lower 
price  of  the  paddy  at  the  time  of  the  loan.  Accordingly  the  annual  interest  is  put  at 
a higher  rate  if  there  be  a scarcity  of  paddy  in  the  region  than  when  the  contrary  is 
the  case.  In  prosperous  years  ioo  gantangs  are  paid  off  with  200  gantangs  after 
the  course  of  the  first  year  ; while  in  the  case  of  abundance  [sir]  only  50  gantangs 
are  given.  If  the  debtor  be  not  able  to  pay  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  a new 
condition  is  agreed  upon,  likewise  dependent  on  the  temporary  price  of  the  paddy. 
In  case  of  repeated  impossibility  to  pay  in  paddy  or  money  in  several  subsequent 
years,  the  matter  is  submitted  to  the  decision  of  a council  of  Mandirs,  the  debtor 
being  condemned  to  the  condition  of  Budak  for  so  long  as  he  is  unable  to  pay  off  his 
debt,  which,  however,  from  this  moment  onward  may  not  be  increased  by  interest. 
The  debts  in  paddy  are  commuted  on  this  occasion  to  debts  in  money,  100  gantangs 
of  paddy  being  estimated  at  fl.20.  If  the  debts  be  denied,  which  often  takes  place 
when  the  money  has  been  lent  in  good  faith  without  the  presence  of  witnesses 
( saksi ),  an  ordeal  has  to  decide  the  question.  This  is  called  teser  bichis.  The 
accuser  as  well  as  the  accused  are  obliged  to  deposit  at  the  Mandir's  double  the 
amount  of  the  sum  in  contest.  The  party  found  innocent  receives,  in  addition  to  the 
sum  deposited  by  him,  the  whole  sum  entrusted  by  the  other  party.  These 
regulations  for  the  plaintiff  are  made  in  order  to  check  unjust  demands  and  frauds. 

Commerce. 

Every  free  man,  being  so  inclined  and  possessing  the  necessary  funds,  is  allowed 
to  carry  on  trade. 

Debts  contracted  with  merchants  are  paid  off  by  way  of  instalments,  according 
to  agreement  between  the  two  parties,  the  price  being  also  fixed  at  which  the 
goods  have  to  be  accepted  in  case  of  the  payment  not  being  made  in  cash. 

If  he  be  unable  to  pay  the  sum  after  a time  fixed  upon,  the  trader  becomes  a 
Budak  of  the  creditor. 

On  Deposits. 

The  person  who  has  accepted  money,  or  goods  having  been  entrusted  to  his 
care,  is  obliged  to  give  them  up  as  soon  as  required,  and  is  not  free  from  this 
obligation  until  he  has  lost  his  own  belongings,  besides  the  deposit,  by  fire  or 


If  the  debtor  be  not  able  to  pay,  and  the  price  for  which  he  has  been 
condemned  to  be  a Budak  is  not  equal  to  the  debt,  the  bail  is  bound  to  supply  the 
balance. 

Penal  Laws. 


In  the  districts  lying  within  the  Government  sphere  of  influence,  sentences  of 
death  are  no  longer  given  by  the  Mandirs.  Only  in  the  far  interior  does  this 
still  occur.  Most  of  the  offences,  nay,  nearly  all  of  them,  are  punished  by  fines, 
payable  in  money  or  goods.  The  prices  at  which  these  are  accepted  are  : 


A Musket 

A Gong,  proportionate  to  its  size  and  weight 
A hundred  gantangs  of  paddy 

A big  Pig  

A big  Goat 
A Buffalo 

A Budak  badan  orang 
A guchi  wangkang  (Chinese  water  vessel) 

Chinese  or  European  plates,  dishes,  etc.  a piece 
A “ thail  ” of  gold 

Materials  for  clothes,  etc.,  or  ready-made  clothes, 


. . at  fl.20 

..  ,,  fl. 10-20 

„ fl.6 
..  ,,  fl.I2 

,,  fl.20 
,,  fl. 60-80. 

„ fl.25 
fl-5 

,,  fl.o  30Cts. 
,,  fl.70 

are  estimated. 


A murderer  who  cannot  pay  the  family  of  the  murdered  man  the  stipulated 
fine,  Balai,  for  his  offence,  forfeits  his  life.  The  relatives  of  the  murdered  person, 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxxvii. 


however,  sometimes  undertake  a vendetta  against  the  murderer,  even  if  he  is  able 
to  pay  the  Balai.  Not  until  this  is  done  is  the  matter  brought  before  the  Mandirs, 
and  both  parties  are  then  condemned  to  pay  the  Balai  to  one  another,  this  being 
fixed  according  to  the  rank  and  class  of  the  murdered  person. 

Highway-robbery,  or  robbery  along  the  river,  is  called  Menarik.  The  deed 
being  done,  without  any  cause  being  given  by  the  person  robbed,  the  offender 
has  to  pay  back  to  him  double  the  amount  of  the  goods  stolen,  and  he  is  besides 
obliged  to  offer  him  a Budak,  a lilts  (brass  gun),  and  a piece  of  iron,  in  order 
to  satisfy  him  entirely,  and  to  wish  him  by  these  presents  durable  prosperity  and 
a long  life. 

If,  on  the  occasion  of  waylaying,  wounds  be  inflicted,  the  punishment  of  the 
robber  is  increased  by  an  additional  fine,  according  to  the  greater  or  lesser  severity  of 
the  wounds  inflicted.  If  on  the  contrary  the  robber  be  wounded,  the  attacked  party 
has  to  pay  a fine,  which  is  deducted  from  the  punishment  of  the  former.  If  the 
attacked  person  is  killed,  the  criminal  has  to  pay  the  Balai  to  the  deceased’s  family, 
in  addition  to  the  punishment  for  the  robbery  ; the  Balai  in  this  case  consists  of  a 
blanga  worth  fl.i,ooo.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  robber  is  killed,  the  fine  for  the 
robbery  has  to  be  paid  all  the  same  ; the  person  robbed,  however,  has  to  pay  to  the 
killed  person’s  family  the  Balai,  the  amount  of  which  is  dependent  on  the  class  to 
which  the  person  killed  belonged. 

For  a single  wounding  the  Biat  is  paid — a fine  fixed  according  to  the  depth  and 
danger  of  the  wound  and  the  part  of  the  body  injured.  This  varies  from  4 to  100 
guilders. 

Poisoning  and  bewitching  are  punished  in  the  same  way  as  murder. 

If  a man  belonging  to  a good  family  sleep  with  the  wife  of  another  of  the  same 
class,  the  offended  husband  is  free  to  kill  him,  but  has  to  pay  the  Balai  to  his  family. 
If  he  do  not  take  immediate  revenge,  but  submits  his  case  to  the  council  of  Mandirs, 
the  adulterer  has  to  pay  a fine  of  200  to  400  guilders. 

A Budak  sleeping  with  the  wife  of  a free  man  forfeits  his  life. 

A free  man  committing  adultery  with  the  wife  of  a Budak  has  to  set  at  liberty 
the  Budak’s  family  or  pay  their  debts. 

The  entering  of  another  man’s  house  without  leave  or  at  an  improper  time  is 
punished  by  a fine  of  10  to  50  guilders,  according  to  circumstances. 

The  man  who  approaches  the  bathing  place  of  the  women  during  bathing  time 
pays  a fine  of  50  guilders. 

The  man  who,  walking  along  the  river,  goes  past  the  bathing  place  of  a girl  and 
steps  over  her  clothes,  pays  a fine  of  fl.8. 

Indecent  words  uttered  in  the  presence  of  girls  or  women  are  punished  with  a 
fine  of  fl.io. 

A person  who  offends  the  moral  feeling  of  a woman  by  indecency  incurs 
a fine  of  fl.30. 

Children  treating  their  parents  badly  are  bound  to  give  them  a Budak  or  fl.ioo. 

A person  purposely  setting  fire  to  a house  has  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  double  the 
value  of  the  damaged  articles.  Incendiarism  by  accident  is  punished  by  a fine 
equivalent  to  damage  done. 

Theft  in  the  fields  is  punished  with  a fine  of  10  to  25  guilders,  and  the  stolen 
things  have  to  be  restored.  The  same  with  regard  to  theft  in  the  house  ; but  in 
this  case  the  fine  is  higher. 

Common  assault  without  causing  bloodshed  is  punished  with  a fine  of  fl.50 
when  it  is  committed  in  a sober  state,  of  fl.8,  when  in  an  intoxicated  state.  If 
causing  bloodshed,  the  offender  has  to  pay  fl.8o  if  sober,  fl.50  if  drunk. 

Insults  by  words  are  punished  by  fines  of  8 to  10  guilders. 

The  cursing  of  one’s  child  is  expiated  by  slaughtering  a buffalo  or  a Budak. 
The  child  is  besmeared  with  the  victim’s  blood,  in  order  to  prevent  the  evil  conse- 
quences of  the  curse. 

A person  causing  damage  to  the  Batang  in  front  of  a house  (i.e.,  a small  raft 
floating  in  the  river  by  way  of  a landing-place),  incurs  a fine  of  fl.8.  Causing 
damage  to  another  man’s  prau  is  punished  by  a fine  of  fl.25. 


clxxxviii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Ordeals. 

The  sentences  of  the  Mandirs  being  often  made  dependent  on  ordeals,  as 
mentioned  above,  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  the  opportunity  here  to  give  some 
further  details  about  them. 

i st.  The  Salam  Pinchis  (Malay  belarn,  to  dive).  Two  coins,  both  of  the  same 
size  and  covered  with  wax,  but  one  of  them  scoured  bright,  are  put  into  a vessel 
filled  with  water  and  ashes.  Then  each  party  takes  one  of  the  pieces  out  of  the 
vessel  and  gives  it  to  the  Mandirs,  who  afterwards  declare  the  words  of  that  party 
to  be  true  who  succeeded  in  taking  out  the  bright  coin. 

2nd.  The  Teser  Ulon  ( salam  banyoh).  Both  parties  are  plunged  into  the  water 
by  means  of  a bambu  cane  put  horizontally  over  their  heads.  The  party  emerging 
the  first  is  considered  guilty. 

3rd.  The  Hagalangang.  Both  parties  are  placed  in  boxes  at  a distance  of 
seven  fathoms  opposite  one  another,  the  boxes  being  made  of  nibong  laths  and  so 
high  as  to  reach  a man’s  breast.  Then  both  receive  a sharpened  bambu  of  a lance’s 
length  to  throw  at  each  other  at  a given  signal.  The  wounded  person  is  supposed 
to  be  guilty. 

4th.  The  Goang  Ltinyu.  At  a distance  of  two  fathoms  from  one  another  two 
parallel  roads  are  made,  70  fathoms  long,  at  the  extremity  of  which,  in  the  middle 
of  the  intermediate  space,  a lance  is  stuck  vertically  in  the  ground.  At  a given  signal 
both  begin  to  run  on  the  road.  The  person  who  first  attains  the  goal,  and  touches 
the  lance,  is  considered  the  innocent  party. 

5th.  The  Salam  potong  layam.  For  this  purpose  two  hens  are  chosen,  of  the 
same  strength  and  colour,  and  each  representing  the  cause  of  a party.  These 
are  so  laid  down  that  the  necks  are  parallel  and  the  head  of  one  touches  the 
shoulder  of  the  other.  Then  the  heads  are  cut  off  simultaneously  at  one  blow  and 
the  cause  of  that  party,  whose  hen  is  dead  first,  is  declared  to  be  lost. 

These  five  ordeals  are  put  into  practice  at  the  trial  of  debt  cases,  or  when 
Budaks  have  been  stolen,  or  with  disputes  about  landed  property,  with  quarrels,  and 
with  other  less  important  cases. 

6th.  The  Hanyading.  A certain  quantity  of  dammar  (resin)  is  lighted  on  a 
board  ; as  soon  as  the  mass  has  turned  liquid  and  the  flame  has  expired,  the  accused 
person  has  to  stroke  the  burning  hot  resin  with  the  forefinger  of  the  right  hand. 
Then  the  finger  is  examined,  and  the  accused  person,  if  scorched,  is  declared  to 
be  guilty. 

7th.  The  Hasudi.  The  accused  person  has  to  take  out  with  three  fingers  of 
the  right  hand  a Bungkal  (a  small  gold  weight)  from  boiling  water,  ij  inch  deep,  and 
is  considered  guilty  when  the  fingers  are  injured. 

These  two  ordeals  are  brought  into  operation  in  cases  of  greater  importance, 
such  as  for  instance  in  misdeeds  concerning  women,  in  accusations  of  murder,  etc. 

The  Oath. 

The  natives,  especially  the  Ngajus,  have  a certain  kind  of  oath,  after  the 
taking  of  which  a case  is  considered  as  decided  for  ever,  and  the  plaintiff  is  obliged 
to  retract  his  accusation.  It  consists  in  strewing  rice  by  the  defendant,  and  in 
calling  upon  the  visible  universe  and  the  spirits  animating  it,  to  witness  his  innocence, 
and  imploring  them  to  persecute  him  and  his  up  to  the  seventh  generation  with 
hatred  and  vengeance,  if  he  may  have  spoken  lies.  Then  he  throws  a stone  into  the 
water  ( halawah  batu)  as  an  emblem  of  the  ruin  of  his  happiness,  and  cuts  asunder  a 
piece  of  rotan,  as  an  emblem  of  the  annihilation  of  his  welfare,  etc.,  and  of  the 
punishment  that  may  fall  upon  him,  if  he  may  have  taken  a false  oath. 

Treaties  of  Peace  and  Bonds  of  Friendship. 

The  conclusion  of  treaties  of  peace  and  bonds  of  friendship  often  takes  place 
with  certain  ceremonies,  when,  after  the  end  of  a war,  or  of  other  quarrels,  or  of 
frequent  ngaijau  expeditions,  the  vendetta  of  two  tribes  has  been  settled. 

After  ngaijau  expeditions  it  sometimes  happens  that  the  chiefs  exchange  one  or 
two  Budaks  as  presents,  in  order  to  slaughter  them  as  a token  of  the  peace  con- 


Schwaner’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 


clxxxix. 


eluded.  On  the  blood  of  the  victims  they  then  wish  one  another  continual  peace  and 
immutable  welfare  ; but  it  is  done  also  in  order  to  reconcile  the  souls  of  the  men 
killed,  as  it  is  supposed  that  the  souls  of  the  sacrificed  Budaks  are  destined  to  their 
service  in  another  life.  Sometimes  the  swearing  of  friendship  and  loyalty  is 
also  done  by  the  parties  holding  an  axe  between  them  at  each  end,  while  a third 
cuts  the  helve  with  a mandau,  muttering  an  imprecatory  formula,  and  imploring 
ruin  upon  the  head  of  the  party  breaking  his  word,  as  the  axe  destroys  the  tree  on 
whose  roots  it  comes  down.  In  the  same  manner  and  under  similar  circumstances 
sometimes  a rotan  is  cut  off  instead  of  the  axe  helve. 

Another  way  of  contracting  friendship  is  the  Badundi  daroh.  Such  a friendship 
cemented  with  blood  is  considered  sacred  and  is  perhaps  the  firmest  treaty  known 
among  the  natives  and  is  also  seldom  broken  by  them.  Agreements  of  this  nature 
are  made  chiefly  between  tribal  chiefs  and  other  great  personages. 

W hen  two  persons  wish  to  contract  a treaty  of  eternal  friendship  for  themselves 
and  their  relatives,  the  prescribed  ceremonies  are  directed  by  a third  party,  generally 
some  respected  man.  The  latter  points  out  to  both  parties  the  gravity  and 
importance  of  their  intention.  Then  he  makes  a small  cut  in  their  right  shoulders 
and  gathers  the  blood  in  two  small  bambu  tubes  partially  filled  with  water. 
Holding  up  such  a cup  in  each  hand,  he  explains  the  mutual  obligations  under 
which  both  lay  themselves  and  which  equal  the  mutual  obligations  of  brothers.  In 
order  to  represent  still  more  clearly  this  relation,  he  mixes  up  the  contents  of  the 
two  tubes  by  pouring  them  out  alternately,  while  calling  down  an  imprecation  on 
the  head  of  either  who  breaks  this  treaty  of  friendship  by  thought  or  deed,  foretelling 
infamous  ruin  to  either  with  his  family  who  should  be  guilty  of  perjury.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  he  depicts  with  bright  colours  the  expected  happiness  if  both  parties 
faithfully  and  sincerely  adhere  to  their  treaty.  Then  he  presents  each  party  with 
one  of  the  bambu  tubes,  so  that  they  may  drink  the  contents,  and  after  the 
exchange  of  gifts,  sometimes  of  great  value,  a general  feast  concludes  the  solemn 
deed. 

With  the  Ngajus  the  blood  is  not  drunk,  but  smeared  on  a sirih-leaf,  and  so 
eaten. 

Sometimes  the  marriage  of  their  children  is  also  brought  about  in  token  of  the 
eternal  and  immutable  friendship  between  two  fathers. 

An  old  man  adopting  a younger  one  as  a child,  the  latter  drinks  blood  from  the 
right  shoulder  of  the  former,  while  blood  from  the  right  shoulder  of  the  younger 
man  is  drunk  by  the  elder. 

The  Kampongs  and  their  different  styles  of  Building. 

The  native  kampongs  usually  consist  of  a single  house,  or  of  only  a few  but 
very  large  buildings,  inhabited  by  a considerable  number  of  people  living  together. 
The  custom  of  living  in  such  a way,  close  together  in  a confined  space,  in  which 
a great  many  disadvantages  as  regards  personal  freedom,  ease,  cleanliness, 
morality,  etc.,  must  inevitably  be  inherent,  has  something  unnatural  about  it, 
not  on  a par  with  the  inborn  inclination  of  the  natives  for  liberty  and  freedom  from 
restraint,  and  is  contradictory  to  the  nomad  manner  of  life  of  their  ancestors. 
Nevertheless  it  seems  to  be  a necessary  evil.  Without  doubt  this  custom  owes  its 
origin  to  the  often  unexpected  attacks  of  neighbouring  warlike  tribes  ; the 
population  is  thus  compelled  to  be  always  ready  and  to  live  as  closely  as  possible 
together,  to  be  thus  able  to  resist  the  foe  with  united  powers,  and  not  perforce 
to  weaken  their  resistance  by  the  separate  defence  of  single  dwellings. 

In  the  interior  the  houses  are  surrounded  by  palisades  and  continually  kept  on 
a war  footing.  In  the  regions  situated  nearer  the  sea  shore,  where  for  a long  time 
past  there  have  been  no  hostile  attacks  to  fear,  the  palisades  have  disappeared  ; the 
ancient  custom  of  living  together  in  large  houses  has,  however,  survived. 

In  the  whole  district  of  Pnlu  Petak,  the  lower  Kapuas  and  Dusm  Hilir,  the 
houses  stand  on  poles  three  or  four  feet  high,  are  covered  with  kajang  plaiting  or 
mats  of  thatch,  also,  often  with  poor  bark  like  slates,  measuring  30  to  40  feet  in 
length,  but  not  very  wide.  A smooth  floor  made  of  laths,  covered  with  mats,  but 


cxc.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

not,  as  with  the  other  Malays,  consisting  of  several  thicknesses  laid  one  above  the 
other,  extends  throughout  the  building.  In  addition  to  a large  apartment,  situate 
in  the  centre  of  the  house,  and  serving  as  a gathering-place  for  all  inhabitants,  the 
dwelling  is  partitioned  into  several  smaller  compartments  by  means  of  kajang  walls, 
inhabited  by  the  different  families,  and  opening  into  the  large  room  by  their 
respective  doors.  Usually  only  a single  principal  entrance  leads  to  the  interior  of 
the  building,  and  is  reached  by  a pathway  on  the  riverside,  likewise  supported 
on  posts,  or  it  consists  of  a trunk  notched  across  at  regular  distances  like  steps. 

The  compartments  for  the  single  families  are  very  small.  At  the  same  time 
they  are  full  of  smoke,  each  of  them  containing  its  particular  fire-place,  and  are 
generally  exceedingly  untidy.  Above  the  couch  of  the  paterfamilias  his  valuables 
are  kept,  consisting  of  jars,  weapons,  and  clothes;  among  the  household  furniture, 
lying  along  the  walls  on  low  shelves  in  the  greatest  confusion  and  disorder, 
some  Chinese  jars  for  preserving  the  precious  tuwak  are  hardly  ever  lacking. 
Windows,  long  and  narrow,  practically  openings  made  some  feet  above  the  ground, 
through  which  when  sitting  on  the  floor  one  may  look  out,  are  only  found  in  the 
central  room  along  both  sides  of  the  principal  entrance. 

In  front  and  around  the  houses  are  seen  the  Ampatons,  dedicated  to  certain 
spirits,  in  order  to  protect  the  house  from  misfortune,  illnesses  and  witchcraft. 
Often  also  the  sandongs,  containing  the  earthly  remains  of  the  deceased,  are  placed 
in  the  neighbourhood  and  surrounded  by  Ampatons. 

Along  the  rivers  Karan  and  Patai  the  same  style  of  building  prevails  more  or  less. 
In  the  districts  Duson  Ulu,  Murung  and  Siang  very  great  similitude  in  architecture  is 
found.  The  houses  are  all  surrounded  by  high  palisades.  The  buildings  enclosed  in 
the  banting  or  fence,  serve  as  a common  dwelling-place,  and  consist  of  two  or  three 
large  and  long  houses  built  on  poles  15  and  sometimes  more  feet  in  height.  The 
front  of  the  house  sometimes  projects  at  an  obtuse  angle,  and  as  the  ridge  of  the 
roof  is  considerably  longer  than  the  building,  the  roof  itself  slopes  with  acute  angles 
towards  the  sides  of  the  house,  which  indeed  gives  it  a strange  appearance, 
for  the  structure  of  the  roof  is  just  the  reverse  of  what  we  might  observe 
elsewhere.* 

By  steps,  made  of  a single  long  trunk,  the  common  apartment  is  entered  from 
without,  through  either  a gallery  10 — 12  feet  broad,  occupying  the  whole  length 
of  the  building,  or  a roomy,  square  hall,  situated  in  the  centre  of  the  house,  to  which 
open  out  the  compartments  of  the  single  families.  These  are  also  extremely  plainly 
furnished.  Along  the  walls  are  stuck  or  hung  weapons  and  clothes,  besides  a great 
many  charms  against  evil  spirits.  Usually  a bunch  of  similar  talismans  is  seen 
hanging  over  the  principal  entrance  of  the  house.  In  a corner  on  the  floor  is  the 
fire-place,  consisting  of  a square  receptacle,  filled  up  with  earth,  while  in  another 
corner  is  seen  the  sleeping  place  of  the  family,  usually  consisting  of  several  curtains 
made  of  coarse  stuff  sewed  together.  Along  the  walls  the  tuwak  vessels  are  put  in 
a row,  and  near  by  hang  the  drinking  horns.  Some  boxes  for  keeping  clothes  in 
and  other  things  complete  the  simple  furniture. 

The  exterior  walls  of  the  house,  as  well  as  the  floor  and  the  interior  partitions, 
are  usually  composed  of  coarse  boards,  the  roof  being  covered  with  strap  (small 
pieces  of  wood,  i.e.  shingles)  or  with  flattened  bambu.  For  some  houses  bark  is  used 
instead  of  wood.  Between  the  separate  larger  buildings  or  under  them,  the  small 
rice-stores  are  erected  ; they  are  carefully  made  closed  houses,  spacious  enough 
to  contain  2 to  6 koyans,  and  supported  on  poles  provided  with  large  wooden  discs 
at  the  upper  end.  Within  these  magazines  the  rice  is  kept  in  cylindrical  vessels,  or 
rather  in  boxes,  made  of  bark.  Under  the  houses  also  are  the  rice-mortars  which 
are  used  day  and  night,  the  pig-styes,  etc. 

The  benting  is  composed  of  a double  row  of  palisades.  Many  of  the  poles  of 
which  it  consists  are  iron-wood,  sometimes  30  feet  high,  with  rough  carvings, 
representing  disfigured  human  faces  with  long  tongues,  also  monstrous  animals, 

* This  architecture,  often  met  with  in  the  Dutch-Indian  Archipelago,  to  wit,  the  outward 
sloping  walls,  is  intended  to  make  defence  possible  from  within  with  pikes  Editors.] 


cxci. 


Schwaner’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 

usually  in  the  form  of  crocodiles,  in  order  to  frighten  as  it  were  the  attacking  foe. 
So-called  Bandars , i.e.  high  poles  made  of  several  pieces  put  together,  bearing  human 
skulls,  stand  before  or  around  the  principal  front  of  the  benting  ; they  vary  in  number  ; 
beside  them  are  monstrous  figures  made  of  wood,  and  the  coffins,  surrounded  by 
skulls,  in  which  rest  the  bones  of  the  ancestors.  Within  the  benting,  where  all 
the  living  beings  are  crowded  together,  there  is  noise  and  bustle  day  and  night. 
Especially  must  we  mention  the  pounding  of  rice  and  the  howling  of  hundreds 
of  dogs,  sometimes  all  yelping  together  with  their  shrill  penetrating  voices. 

Along  the  Tewel  and  Mantalat  rivers  the  same  architecture  prevails  ; but  the 
houses  are  smaller  and  the  bentings  are  in  an  extremely  neglected  condition.  Here 
bark  is  mostly  used  for  closing  the  houses  from  without  and  for  partitioning  them  into 
different  rooms.  Bandars  are  hardly  ever  seen  here,  and  the  coffins  are  likewise 
lacking,  because  in  these  regions  the  custom  prevails  of  gathering  the  bones  of  the 
deceased  in  earthen  pots  and  putting  them  away  in  rock  caves.* 

The  houses  of  the  Ot  Danom  lie  along  the  upper  Kapuas  Miming.  Their 
kampongs  are  very  large,  usually  consisting  of  three  or  four  very  low  buildings,  whose 
arrangement  does  not  differ  in  the  least  from  the  houses  described  above.  At 
several  points  of  the  upper  side  of  the  palisades  are  placed  small  guard-houses, 
continuously  occupied  by  sentries,  to  reconnoitre  the  surroundings  of  the 
kampong.  At  a distance  of  five  feet  from  the  upper  inside  edge  of  the  benting 
there  is  a circular  gallery,  on  to  which  open  the  doors  of  the  family  compartments, 
and  from  which  attacking  parties  are  harassed.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
benting  only  a few  trees  are  planted,  to  make  an  unexpected  approach  of  the 
enemy  impossible.  At  the  same  time  a great  many  wooden  pegs  [calthrops]  are 
stuck  into  the  ground,  i.e.  pointing  outward  away  from  the  benting  so  as  to  impede 
a massed  advance  of  the  enemy.  The  bentings  are  usually  built  on  the  riverside 
at  such  places  where  two  river-arms  meeting  afford  an  extensive  view  so  that  the 
enemy,  which  usually  approaches  in  praus,  can  be  readily  seen  some  distance  off. 

On  the  other  hand  all  these  fortified  kampongs,  sometimes  also  called  kotas,  are 
only  safe  from  the  attacks  of  native  enemies ; they  are  not  at  all  capable  of  offering 
the  least  resistance  to  European  means  of  warfare. 

Clothes  and  Weapons. 

The  clothes  and  weapons  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  part  of  Borneo  were  in 
former  years  simpler  than  nowadays. 

The  men  s clothes  consisted  of  a sort  of  belt  of  beaten  bark,  several  yards  long, 
worn  round  the  hips,  in  order  to  cover  their  nakedness  in  some  way.  A similar  tie 
was  wound  round  the  head  to  hold  up  the  hair,  and  a small  jacket,  open  in  front, 
with  or  without  sleeves,  covering  half  the  body,  likewise  of  sewed  bark  or  home- 
woven  material,  completed  the  whole  outfit. 

The  women  were  likewise  plainly  dressed.  Usually  they  only  wore  a narrow 
home-made  sarong , wound  round  the  hips  below  the  navel  and  hanging  just  over 
the  knees,  and  besides  sometimes  also  a small  jacket  with  or  without  sleeves,  covering 
the  upper  part  of  the  body  down  to  the  region  of  the  stomach. 

Many,  nay  most  of  the  natives  have  remained  faithful  to  this  ancient  custom  ; 
others,  however,  prefer  cotton  material  for  their  clothes,  while  some  of  them  have 
tried  to  imitate  the  costume  of  the  Malays. 

In  Pulu  Petak,  where  cotton  fabrics  are  to  be  had  at  very  low  prices,  the  art  of 
weaving  has  nearly  entirely  disappeared,  the  natives  preferring  to  spend  their  time 
in  more  remunerative  labour.  (Clothes  made  of  bark  are  very  rare  here.)  The  same 
takes  place  on  the  lower  Dusun  and  along  the  Karau  and  Patai  rivers  ; nevertheless, 
the  old  model  has  been  preserved  everywhere.  The  male  inhabitants  of  these 
regions  cover  the  loins  with  belts  ( chawat ),  usually  consisting  of  a long  tie  of  white 
or  blue  cotton  ; on  the  head  they  wear  a piece  of  cloth  like  the  Malays,  but  more 
tightly  fastened  than  these  have  it.  The  jacket  consists  mostly  of  fabrics  of  a red  or 
other  bright  colour.  To  be  safe  from  sunshine  and  rain  they  cover  the  head  with 


* This  is  done  here  because  this  district  is  situated  on  the  slopes  of  the  Ange-Ange  mountains 


cxcii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

a coniform  hat  made  of  nipa  leaves.  On  the  arms  they  wear  rings  of  copper  or 
polished  shells.  They  also  usually  tie  a string  above  the  calf  of  the  leg,  while  in 
the  ear-lobes  are  fastened  discs,  an  inch  in  diameter,  made  of  wood  or  horn,  and 
sometimes  inlaid  with  gold  spangles.  The  neck  is  adorned  with  chains  of  long,  red 
polished  agates,  lameangs,  consisting  of  one  or  more  strings  and  sometimes  united 
with  bits  of  gold-leaf,  in  the  shape  of  a crescent.  These  sometimes  very  costly  neck 
ornaments  also  cover  the  upper  part  of  the  breast. 

One  of  the  chief  ornaments  is  the  tatuing  of  the  upper  part  of  the  body  and  the 
arms  and  the  calves  of  the  legs,  which  parts  are  often  covered  with  elegantly  and 
graciously  interlacing,  symmetrical,  black  lines  and  curls.* 

The  women's  dress  in  Pulu  Petak,  Kapuas  Murung,  and  the  lower  Dusun, 
consists  of  the  above-mentioned  sarong  ( saloi ) and  the  jacket.  Both  cling  tightly 
to  the  body  and  bring  their  figures  into  relief.  The  narrow,  short  sarong,  keeping 
the  thighs  close  together,  only  allows  them  to  make  short  strides,  and  is  the  cause 
of  their  tripping  gait,  which  is,  however,  considered  very  pretty  in  women.  Over  the 
sarong  a thin,  usually  red  coloured  rotan,  called  l intong  t being  five  or  six  fathoms 
long,  is  loosely  tied  around  the  hips,  so  as  to  form  a kind  of  cuirass.  This  lintong  is 
never  taken  off.  The  sarong  is  usually  of  a dark  blue  colour  and  seamed  with  red 
cotton.  When  the  women  do  not  wear  a jacket,  which  among  the  richer  classes  does 
not  consist  of  beaten  bark  but  of  blue  cotton  with  red  borders,  then  they  wrap  the 
upper  part  of  the  body,  under  the  arms  down  to  the  hips,  in  a long  broad  girdle  of 
red  cotton,  so  as  to  cover  the  breast. 

The  whole  fore-arm  down  to  the  wrist  is  covered  with  a great  many  copper 
rings,  gradually  becoming  smaller  from  the  elbow  to  the  hand,  and  fitting  close  to  the 
arm.  The  first  ring  at  the  wrist  and  the  last  at  the  elbow  are  made  of  polished  shells. 
These  are  called  belusar ; the  copper  rings,  numbering  from  20  to  25,  being  designated 
by  the  name  of  lasom.  Such  arm-rings  are  already  put  on  to  the  children  of  rich 
people  at  the  age  of  eight  or  ten  years,  and  hinder  to  a not  inconsiderable  degree 
the  development  of  the  fore-arms  ; they  are  only  very  rarely  changed  later  on,  when 
the  girls  have  attained  to  a more  advanced  womanly  age,  to  other,  somewhat  wider 
rings.  The  engendered  verdigris  injures  the  skin  and  causes  sores  and  painful 
eruption  on  those  parts  of  the  body  in  continual  contact  with  the  rings. 

Round  the  neck  the  women  wear  a similar  ornament  to  that  of  the  men,  the 
strings  of  agates,  however,  are  more  in  number  and  more  profusely  provided  with 
gold-leaves.  The  ear-discs,  too,  are  like  those  of  the  men,  but  a little  larger.  The 
fingers  are  adorned  with  a great  many  copper,  iron,  silver,  and  polished  shell  rings. 

The  hair  is  worn  separated  and  combed  back  sideways,  and  tied  together  in  a 
knot  with  the  back  hair. 

The  women  protect  themselves  from  sunshine  and  rain  by  a round,  slightly 
globular  hat,  called  tangai,  made  of  nipa  leaves,  measuring  not  seldom  two  or  even 
three  feet  in  diameter. 

The  tangai  is  painted  with  red  figures  and  lines,  and  adorned  with  sea  shells 
sewed  on  to  it. 

The  teeth  of  both  sexes  are  sometimes  ground  down  a little  when  the  age  of 
puberty  has  been  attained,  and  the  two  incisors  are  overlaid  with  bits  of  silver  or 
copper  leaf. 

The  dress  of  the  inhabitants  of  Siang  or  Murung  is  generally  similar  to  that  of 
the  Ot  Danom  people. 

The  men,  beautifully  and  robustly  built  and  of  a very  light  brown  colour, 
are  naked,  except  for  a whitish  or  reddish  belt  made  of  beaten  bark.  The  long  hair 
is  combed  backward,  and  round  the  head  a narrow  fillet  is  wrapped,  likewise 
made  of  bark,  the  stiff  ends  of  which  stand  up  in  an  elegant  way  on  both  sides  of 
the  temples.  The  hair  is  then  pulled  forward  over  the  back  of  the  fillet  and  hidden 
under  the  upper  borders.  Some  wear  the  hair  in  the  Pari  fashion  of  Kutai,  i.e.,  cut 
off  for  a span  at  the  back  of  the  head,  the  rest  being  allowed  to  grow  freely.  The  longer 

* In  the  south  of  Borneo  this  is  considered  as  a sort  of  costume,  usually  only  worn  by  those 
who  start  on  a journey. 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes.  cxciii. 

hair,  thrown  back  over  the  fillet,  covers  the  shorter  hair  at  the  nape  of  the  neck, 
protecting  this  from  the  penetrating  mandau  when  fighting.  Others,  especially  the 
wealthy,  wear  jackets  made  of  home  fabrics  or  of  coloured  cottons.  Even  the 
bark  belt  is  already  sometimes  substituted  by  white  cotton,  and  some  already  wear 
the  Javanese  fillet.  Jackets  of  native  fabric,  usually  coloured  blue,  are  also  often 
worn  by  the  men. 

The  body  is  extraordinarily  richly  and  beautifully  tatued.  On  the  arms  single 
copper  rings  are  often  worn,  and  around  the  neck  the  above-mentioned  agate  neck- 
laces. These,  however,  are  less  numerous,  nay,  usually  they  consist  of  single 
pieces,  fastened  to  a simple  string. 

The  women,  who  are  full  and  robustly  built,  and  of  a still  lighter  colour  than 
the  men,  wear,  like  the  Pulu  Petak  women,  a short  and  narrow  sarong,  reaching  to 
the  knees  and  fastened  at  the  hips  by  folding  it  and  rolling  it  at  the  top  edge,  while 
it  is  also  kept  up  by  the  lintoiig.  This  whole  manner  of  fastening  is,  however,  very 
impractical,  the  sarong  only  hanging  here  and  there,  leaving  the  buttocks  and  thighs 
partially  uncovered. 

The  rotan  lintong  is  sometimes  replaced  by  heavy  copper  chains,  wound  several 
times  round  the  body. 

The  Ot  Danom  women  have  the  arms  cuirassed  with  the  lasom  of  the  Ngajus, 
the  Siang  women  having  their  arms  closely  wound  with  brass  wire.  The  fingers 
are  often  provided  with  a great  number  of  rings  made  of  brass  or  copper  and  sea- 
shells.  The  ear-discs  are  larger  than  those  of  the  men,  sometimes  measuring  i^inch 
in  diameter. 

Above  the  calves  of  the  legs  is  wound  a black  cord,  made  of  vegetable  fibres. 
The  neck  is  adorned  with  strings  of  glass-beads  or  with  agates. 

The  women  are  likewise  tatued  on  some  parts  of  the  body,  as,  for  instance,  on 
the  hands  and  behind  the  knees,  or  along  the  shin-bone  down  to  the  ankles. 

When  busy  outside  the  house  they  cover  up  their  bosoms  with  a linen  wrapper 
of  a red  colour,  or  w’ear  a jacket  of  bark  or  of  blue  cotton,  with  or  without  sleeves. 
The  sarongs  are  woven  by  them  out  of  bambu  fibres  or  grass,  and  coloured 
with  a blue  dye.  The  hair  on  the  head,  often  hanging  loose,  is  also  sometimes  tied 
up  by  hair  strings. 

Men  and  women  are  great  lovers  of  smoking,  and  prefer  their  cigars  rolled  in 
plantain  leaves  of  home  grown  tobacco  to  the  sirih. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Dusun  as  regards  dress  hold  a medium  position  between 
those  of  Siang  and  those  of  Pulu  Petak.  They  are  often  not  tatued  at  all,  and  some 
of  them  just  a little  ; though  they  prick  certain  figures  into  their  skin,  attaching  a 
peculiar  meaning  to  them.  Thus  a figure  consisting  of  two  spiral  lines  interlacing 
each  other  and  provided  with  stars  at  the  extremities,  pricked  on  one  of  the 
shoulders,  means  that  the  man  has  already  cut  off  heads  on  various  ngaijau 
expeditions.  Two  lines  meeting  each  other  in  an  acute  angle  behind  the  nails  of  the 
fingers,  signify  a certain  dexterity  in  wood-carving  ; a star  on  the  temple  at  the 
outer  corner  of  the  eye  is  a sign  of  happiness  in  love,  etc. 

The  women  are  not  tatued  at  all,  and  differ  from  the  tribes  already  described  in 
their  dress,  in  so  far  that  their  short  sarongs  are  not  sewn,  but  are  left  open  at  the 
side,  so  as  to  uncover  the  whole  leg  at  every  step. 

Along  the  Teweh  the  dress  custom  of  the  Dusun  river  people  is  followed  in 
many  respects.  Here,  too,  the  men  are  only  tatued  a little.  On  the  Upper  Teweh, 
however,  the  tatuing,  especially  of  the  face,  becomes  more  general.  I have  seen 
men  tatued  on  the  forehead,  others  on  the  cheeks,  others  still  on  the  upper 
lip.  On  the  other  hand  they  wear  a great  many  arm-rings ; the  legs  are  also 
adorned  with  copper  rings,  from  the  ankles  up  to  the  middle  of  the  calves.  The 
ear  lobes  of  the  women  are  more  lengthened  out  than  those  of  the  men.  At  the 
same  time  the  latter  often  have  a second  hole  in  the  upper  rim  of  the  ear,  in  which 
they  wear  a tusk  of  a big  species  of  cat,  giving  them  a very  wild  appearance.  This 
ornament  is  especially  worn  by  the  so-called  Orang  Brani  (Malay),  i.e.  by  very 
courageous  and  warlike  men.  The  lintong  is  not  worn  by  the  women  of  these 


n 


cxciv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

regions ; its  place  is  taken  by  cords  or  in  some  cases  by  a belt,  consisting  of  a brass 
chain. 

In  the  uppermost  regions  of  the  river  basin  the  women  wear  head  fillets  like  the 
men,  and  their  sarong  is  open  at  the  side.  The  incisors  of  the  upper  jaw  are  here 
often  covered  with  bits  of  copper-plates. 

The  Orang  Boroi  men  often  wear  jackets,  closely  woven  out  of  bambu 
fibres  by  their  wives.  The  women  also  have  head  fillets  and  hair  cut  short, 

which  does  not  look  becoming.  The  lobes  of  the  ears  are  exceedingly  lengthened 
out.  On  the  other  hand  they  are  decently  dressed,  with  the  exception  of  the  left 
leg,  continually  uncovered  on  account  of  the  open  sarong.  A narrow  piece  of  cotton 
and  a jacket  with  sleeves  chiefly  contribute  to  this  decency  in  dress.  The  former  is 
adorned  with  red  and  blue  ribbons  sewed  on  it,  is  tied  round  the  neck  and  hangs 
down  over  the  breast.  On  arms  and  legs  rings  are  worn.  They  like  smoking  very 
much  and  often  use  rotan  tobacco  pipes  for  this  purpose. 

The  weapons  of  the  natives  are  to  be  divided  into  offensive  and  defensive  arms. 

To  the  former  belong: 

i st.  The  Mandau,  a short  sword  with  a rounded  off  blade,  which  they  know 
indeed  how  to  handle  with  tremendous  force.  I happened  to  see  a Siang  man, 
cutting  through  the  thigh  of  a captive  Melawi  man,  who  was  killed  with  a single 
blow.  On  the  other  hand  the  mandau  is  a weapon  introduced  by  the  Pari  tribe 
of  Kutai  into  this  part  of  the  river-basin  only  about  50  years  ago.  Formerly  the 
parang  was  used  instead. 

2nd.  A number  of  lances,  bearing  different  names  according  to  the  different 
form  of  the  iron  points,  being  either  long  and  narrow,  or  short  and  broad,  or 
provided  with  barbs,  etc. 

3rd.  The  blow-pipes,  from  which  poisoned  arrows  are  shot,  sometimes  provided 
with  lance  points. 

Defensive  arms  are  : 

1 st.  The  shield,  telawang. 

2nd.  A waistcoat  quilted  with  kapok  (cotton),  baju  kapok,  nearly  an  inch  thick, 
or  made  of  rope. 

3rd.  The  skins  of  animals,  especially  of  goats  and  bears,  or  also  of  big  cats. 
They  protect  the  breast  and  the  back,  are  provided  with  large  shells  or  copper 
in  front,  and  are  called  ayong. 

4th.  The  covering  of  the  head  consists  in  a semi-globular  cap,  tapok,  of  plaited 
rotan,  with  an  animal  skin  over  it. 

No.  1 and  4 are  chiefly  intended  as  protection  against  mandau  blows  ; No.  2 
and  3 hinder  the  penetration  of  poisoned  arrows. 

Mandau,  shield,  lance  and  blow-pipe  essentially  belong  to  the  attire  of  the 
natives,  even  in  times  of  peace,  and  they  never  leave  their  houses  without  them. 

A man  in  full  armament,  excepting  the  bare  arms  and  legs,  presents  but  few 
vulnerable  spots  to  the  enemy ; he  is  protected  from  wounds  inflicted  by 
the  mandau,  and  at  a great  distance  even  from  bullets.  But  he  also  knows 
how  to  cover  the  bare  parts  of  the  body  with  great  dexterity  ; for  the  native 
fights  with  the  body  inclined  backward,  putting  the  right  or  left  leg  forward,  while 
the  weight  of  the  body  is  resting  on  the  other  leg.  The  shield  is  put  on  the  ground 
in  front  of  the  advanced  foot,  and  covers  the  whole  inclined  body.  At  intervals  only 
do  the  fighting  men  uncover  themselves  by  bold  leaps,  immediately  resuming  their 
stooping  positions  behind  the  protecting  shields.  The  battle  [sic.]  having  lasted 
some  time  in  this  way  and  the  warriors  not  having  succeeded  in  inflicting  wounds 
on  each  other,  their  rage  gets  raised  to  its  highest  pitch,  the  shields  are  thrown 
away,  and  a struggle  for  life  ensues,  often  ending  in  the  death  of  both  com- 
batants. 

The  warrior  wears  bark  ckawat  round  his  loins,  and  is  dressed  in  a thick  and 
solidly  wadded  waistcoat  without  sleeves,  open  in  front,  kept  together  by  a single 


Schwancr's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


cxcv. 


button  and  hanging  down  to  the  abdomen.  At  the  neck  this  waistcoat  has  a solid 
collar  likewise  wadded,  covering  the  back  of  the  head.  Above  this  garment  the 
senayong  is  worn,  hanging  over  back  and  breast,  with  the  shaggy  side  turned 
outward.  The  front  of  this  is  provided  with  shells  or  copper  plates,  either  to 
increase  the  wild  appearance  or  for  the  sake  of  better  protection.  The  hair 
hangs  loosely  over  back  and  shoulders  and  contributes  not  inconsiderably  to  safe- 
guarding these  parts.  The  head  is  covered  with  the  above  mentioned  round  cap, 
called  tapoh  ; this  cap  is  likewise  provided  with  shells  and  copper  plates  in  front, 
and  further  adorned  with  bunches  of  cock  feathers,  with  the  quill  feathers  of  the 
hornbill  and  with  human  hair.  Sometimes  it  is  shaped  like  a bear’s  or  tiger’s  head. 
On  the  left  hip  of  the  chawat  hangs  the  quiver,  filled  with  poisoned  arrows,  and  the 
mandau.  Then  if  we  put  a shield  into  the  left  hand  of  a man  so  attired  and  a 
lance-pointed  blow-pipe  into  his  right  hand,  we  get  the  complete  type  of  a warrior 
equipped  for  battle. 

We  may  assume  that  25  European  soldiers  standing  behind  a palisade  parapet, 
would  be  able  to  resist  300  to  400  natives,  provided  the  former  kept  up  a continuous 
fire.  In  a hand-to-hand  fight,  however,  I am  sure  that  one  native  can  withstand 
two  or  more  European  soldiers. 

Arrow  Poisons. 

For  poisoning  arrows  the  natives  make  especial  use  of  the  juice  of  two 
plants,  namely,  the  ipoli  siren  or  sadiren. 

The  ipoli,  also  called  ratus,  is  gathered  from  the  juice  of  the  honyong  tree.  The 
konyong  has  a thin  stem  and  long  slender  boughs  ; the  leaves  have  long  stalks, 
are  placed  in  two  rows,  and  are  broad  and  oval ; their  tops  are  lengthened  out 
like  a thread,  and  the  sappy  foliage  resembles  the  leaves  of  the  coffee-tree. 

In  order  to  gather  the  poison,  the  boughs  and  the  stem  are  first  freed  from  the 
exterior  thin  bark,  and  the  sap-wood  scraped  off.  The  latter  is  thoroughly  dried 
in  the  sun,  and  then  stewed  with  water  and  some  dried  leaves  of  the  same  tree  in  an 
iron  pan  till  the  liquor  grows  thick  and  begins  to  acquire  a brown  colour.  Then  it 
is  filtered  through  a cloth,  to  strain  off  the  sap-wood  and  the  leaves,  and  afterwards 
it  is  boiled  once  more,  so  that  by  evaporation  it  finally  acquires  a pitchy  consistency. 
The  evaporation  is  completed  by  continuously  shaking  the  mass  in  a folded  leaf  over 
the  fire  till  it  is  quite  dry.  Then  the  ipoh  is  further  exposed  to  the  influence  of 
the  sun  for  several  days,  and  afterwards  may  be  preserved  in  dried  leaves  for  months. 
It  is  chiefly  used  for  killing  small  animals. 

The  siren  or  sadiren  is  gathered  from  a tree  of  the  same  name.  It  is  a lofty 
tree,  the  slender,  straight-growing  stem  branching  off  at  a considerable  height. 
The  luxuriant  foliage  is  of  a dark  hue,  the  shape  of  the  medium  sized  leaves  being  a 
pointed  oval.  The  poisonous  juice  is  drawn  by  notching  the  stem,  and  gathered  in 
bambu  cases.  As  soon  as  it  has  acquired  a certain  consistency  by  evaporation,  it 
may  be  used  without  further  preparation. 

The  siren  is  the  stronger  poison,  destroying  life  with  tremendous  quickness.  It 
is  chiefly  used  by  the  natives  in  war  and  for  killing  big  animals.  A man  or  an 
animal  shot  with  an  arrow  or  other  weapon  poisoned  with  it  dies  within  a few  minutes 
in  fearful  convulsions.  One  of  my  native  travelling  companions,  wounded  by  an 
arrow  of  the  Pumiv',  died  within  less  than  ten  minutes  in  terrible  convulsions.  The 
arrow  had  only  superficially  wounded  him  on  his  right  shoulder.  The  only  means 
by  which  sometimes  the  deadly  effect  may  be  prevented  is  the  cutting  out  of  the 
whole  wounded  part,  and  the  sucking  and  pressing  out  of  the  blood.  Once 
introduced  into  the  blood,  both  poisons  have  a quick,  nay,  an  immediate  effect  ; 
they  are  less  active,  however,  when  taken  in  food.  In  this  case  they  cause  a slow 
and  gradual  decline  of  the  unfortunate  victim. 

Daily  Life. 

From  what  we  have  mentioned  so  far,  one  will  be  able  to  derive  some  notion  of 
the  domestic  life  and  the  daily  occupations  of  the  natives. 

* This  is  a tribe  living  on  the  Upper  Mohakan  or  Kutai  river. 


cxcvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

The  cultivation  of  the  fields  and  the  domestic  occupations  are  left  to  the  women, 
the  care  of  the  children,  the  weaving  of  materials  for  clothes  and  the  making  of  them, 
the  plaiting  of  mats,  etc.,  being  also  their  task.  Only  at  the  hardest  labour  do  the 
men  offer  their  assistance ; otherwise  they  spend  their  time  in  idleness  or  in  making 
and  keeping  their  weapons  in  repair,  mending  their  house,  and  watching  their 
families  : or  they  pass  their  time  in  gambling,  drinking,  law-suits,  ngaijau  or  assan 
expeditions,  hunting  or  fishing,  gathering  products  of  the  woods,  and  in  trade. 

Their  daily  food  is  very  plain.  They  eat  the  produce  of  hunting  and  fishing, 
with  rice  and  other  additional  meats.  Domestic  animals  are  only  killed  on  the 
occasion  of  feasts,  and  only  then  is  the  intoxicating  tuwak  drunk.  Pastry  and  cakes 
are  unknown  to  them  and  so  is  opium.  They  generally  like  much  sirih  chewing 
and  tobacco  smoking,  as  with  all  nations  of  our  globe  ; their  greatest  delight, 
however,  is  the  mutual  gossip  of  both  sexes. 

The  Orang-Ot  Tribe. 

Before  ending  this  ethnographical  part  of  my  account  I cannot  but  add  some 
details  about  the  remarkable  Orang-Ot  tribe  and  its  customs. 

This  tribe  lives  on  the  inaccessible  mountains  of  the  eastern  and  southern 
watershed.  It  is  spread  in  the  northern  Siang,  along  the  sources  of  the  Lahai, 
Tohop,  Marawai,  Tahujan  and  Osoh  rivers,  and  on  the  opposite  side  down  to  their 
junctions  with  the  Mahakam  river,  where  it  touches  the  Pari  tribes,  from  which  it  has 
already  copied  many  habits.  The  influence  from  the  Barito  and  Murung  side  has 
as  yet  not  had  favourable  results  and  has  awakened  but  little  confidence ; to  this  we 
must  attribute  the  great  shyness  of  the  Orang-Ot,  causing  them  to  hide  in  their  dark 
woods  and  to  shirk  all  intercourse  with  strangers.  But  when  compelled  to  converse 
with  strangers,  they  turn  their  backs  to  them,  squatting  on  the  ground,  hiding  their 
faces  behind  their  arms  on  their  knees.  The  alleged  reason  of  this  queer  habit  is 
that  the  sight  of  strangers  causes  them  giddiness,  and  that  their  eyes  are  affected  in 
the  same  manner  as  when  they  look  at  the  sun. 

Their  build  is  like  that  of  the  already  more  civilised  inhabitants  of  Siang.  They 
are  tall  and  handsome  and  of  a very  light  colour. 

They  are  without  kampongs  and  live  in  the  woods  and  mountains  assembled  in 
small  families.  The  sub-divisions  of  their  tribe  are  called  by  different  names, 
according  to  the  districts  into  which  they  divide  their  country,  and  the  river-branches 
along  which  they  live. 

Every  family  has  the  exclusive  right  of  hunting  in  the  region  inhabited  by 
it  ; poaching  often  causes  bloody  wars  between  them. 

The  paterfamilias  is  at  the  same  time  family-chief.  They  take  shelter  from 
sunshine  and  rain  in  huts  made  of  branches  and  covered  with  kajang  mats. 
Like  the  animals  of  the  woods  they  lead  a nomadic  life,  only  caring  for  the  supply 
of  the  necessaries  of  life.  They  stay  where  nature  affords  them  sufficient  food 
for  some  time,  looking  afterwards  for  new  means  of  subsistence  for  they  are  not 
acquainted  at  all  with  agriculture  of  any  sort. 

Besides  sago  and  wild  fruits,  they  eat  all  sorts  of  food,  even  the  most  loath- 
some animals.  They  do  not  like  salt,  supposing  that  its  use  causes  mortal 
diseases. 

Their  whole  dress  consists  of  a chawat  made  of  bark.  The  females  also  do 
not  wear  any  other  clothes  than  a rotan  band  round  the  loins,  to  which  is  fastened  a 
strip  of  bark  in  front,  being  a hand-breadth  wide,  which,  pulled  between  the  legs 
and  twdsted  round  the  rotan-fillet  at  the  back,  is  hardly  sufficient  to  cover  their 
nakedness.  Neither  men  nor  women  are  tatued  ; but  both  sexes  are  armed  in  the 
same  manner.  A blowr-pipe,  provided  with  an  iron  or  bambu  lance  point,  a quiver 
with  poisoned  arrows,  a parang,  and  a shield  are  their  weapons  and  means  of  defence. 
They  have  a wild,  cruel  and  warlike  character.  In  the  dead  of  night  they  creep 
towards  their  enemies,  and,  as  soon  as  they  have  hit  them  with  the  poisoned 
arrows  out  of  their  blow-pipes,  hastily  take  to  flight.  They  avoid  an  open  battle. 
According  to  what  is  reported,  the  Ot-Danom  [?]  in  former  years  undertook 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes.  cxcvii. 

destructive  ngaijan  expeditions  under  the  command  of  a certain  Marong  Kain  to 
Siang  and  Murung,  and  only  retired  to  the  mountains  and  woods  after  their 
commanders  had  been  murdered. 

At  their  marriages  the  girl’s  free  will  acts  the  chief  part.  The  girl  chooses  her 
husband  and  presents  him  with  a kitchen  utensil,  with  a blow  pipe,  a shield,  and  a 
parang.  For  the  rest  the  nuptial  tie  is  very  loose  with  them,  the  sexes  satisfying 
their  desires  as  soon  as  time  and  opportunity  allow  it. 

Their  dead  are  buried  in  an  erect  position,  in  the  stems  of  old  “ iron-wood  ” 
trees,  the  aperture  being  afterwards  so  carefully  closed  up  that  there  is  no  visible  trace 
left.  The  tree  remains  living  and  the  aperture  gets  overgrown  by  new  bark.  A 
living  grave  like  that  is  hung  with  all  sorts  of  talismans,  besides  the  skulls  of 
enemies  and  the  heads  of  wild  boars,  deer,  monkeys,  etc.,  killed  by  the  deceased 
during  his  life.  The  putting  away  of  the  bones  into  the  sandongs,  as  is  the  custom 
with  the  more  civilised  tribes,  perhaps  owes  its  origin  to  this  custom  ; the  truth 
of  the  opinion,  that  the  manner  of  life  of  the  ancestors  of  all  the  natives  was 
originally  quite  identical  with  that  of  the  present  Orang  Ot,  is  generally  confirmed 
by  the  similarity  of  still  many  other  customs,  though  time  and  circumstances  may 
have  changed  them  in  some  way  or  other. 

The  Ot  women  have  an  easy  and  quick  confinement.  As  soon  as  the  child  is 
born,  the  mother  is  placed  above  a hole,  in  which  are  kept  burning  certain  kinds  of 
wood,  mixed  up  with  the  earth  of  an  ant-hill.  The  flooding  is  soon  arrested  by  this 
treatment,  which  is  repeated  several  times  ; on  account  of  the  smoke,  the  humours 
are  dried  up,  and  the  mother  so  soon  regains  her  forces,  as  to  allow  her  already 
on  the  following  day  to  parry  about  her  child  wrapped  up  in  bark,  and  to  resume  her 
usual  occupations. 

When  the  Ot  wish  to  assemble  in  greater  numbers  for  some  purpose,  they 
strike  violently  on  a hollowed  stem.  The  sound  produced  is  heard  very  far,  and 
following  its  direction,  the  dispersed  members  of  the  tribe  come  up  to  the  meeting- 
place. 

The  traders  also  make  use  of  this  expedient  to  gather  their  customers,  in  order 
to  exchange  with  the  Ot  wax,  ropes,  blow-pipes,  kajang  mats  and  arrow  poison, 
for  utensils,  lance-points  and  parangs." 

* The  Orang  or  Olo  Ot  or  Ut  carry  on  the  exchange  in  the  well-known  manner  of  Kitbu  or 
Lubu  of  Sumatra  and  other  similar  primitive  tribes  in  Celebes  and  elsewhere.  They  never  show 
themselves  to  Europeans ; all  that  is  known  about  them  is  on  hear-say.  The  Kutai  people  relate 
that  their  Ot  do  not  contract  marriages,  have  no  houses,  and  are  hunted  and  killed  by  them  like  the 
animals  of  the  wood. 


NOTES. 

1 Hatala,  is  neither  Indian  nor  Dyak,  but  from  the  Arabic  Allah  tacila.  Hardeland  has  used 
this  name  in  his  Bible  version,  and  it  is  strange  indeed  that  hitherto  no  native  name  for  the  highest 
divinity  is  known. 

2 Tasik  Tabanteran  Bulan  Lumbong  Mat  an  Andan,  i.e.  sea  moved  by  the  moon  and  surrounding 
the  sun.  We  derive  tabanteran  from  the  Javanese  banter,  and  compare  this  form  with  the  well-known 
Malay  form  made  with  the  prefix  ter.  Matan  andan  is  probably  a collateral  form  of  mata-hara.  In 
the  Malayo-Polynesian  languages  an  inter-changing  of  r with  lingual  d is  often  met  with,  and  the 
nasal  being  put  before  it  is  likewise  a common  occurrence.  Only  au  instead  of  i remains  unclear. 
Cf.  Balinese  matan-ahi  (sun).  See  also  further  on  angai  instead  of  angin. 

3 Tasik  Malambang  Bulan  Laut  Babandan  Intan,  i.e.  sea  resembling  the  moon  and  containing 
diamonds  (or:  surrounded  by  diamonds). 

4 We  now  arrange  the  words  according  to  the  arrangement  in  the  preceding  names  : Tasik 
Kalumbang  Bulan  Lab'eho  Rambang  (on  another  place  rampang)  Matan  andau,  i.e.  the  sea  surrounded  by 
the  moon  and  more  agreeable  than  the  sun.  Instead  of  Kalumbang  we  read  Kalumbung,  as  before,  in 
the  name  of  the  first-mentioned  sea.  The  words  Lab'eho  rambang  are  unknown,  the  former  is  perhaps 
the  equivalent  of  the  Malay  lebih,  Jav.  luwih,  i.e.  more,  the  latter  a corruption  of  ramya  (Old 
Javanese)  i.e.  agreeable,  Malay  ramai  The  final  nasal  is  also  found  in  the  Old  Javanese  word. 

3 Tempon  Telon,  elsewhere  called  a sangsang,  is  unknown.  According  to  the  details  given  of 
this  being’s  functions,  one  would  incline  to  derive  tempon  from  the  Jav.  tcimpii  or  tampi,  receive, 
accept  , for  Tempon  Telon  receives  and  conducts  the  souls  like  Mercury. 


cxcviii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  X.  Borneo. 


6 Lai'it  Bahawang.  The  meaning  is  not  clear.  Baku  means  much  in  Sanskrit ; in  Old  Balinese 
also  the  plural  Bahawah  or,  incorrectly,  Bhawah,  is  met  with. 

7 Sangsang,  elsewhere  called  Singsong,  is  undoubtedly  the  Jav.  and  Balinese  Sanghyang,  a usual 
name  for  the  gods,  such  as  batarii,  without  any  distinction  of  rank,  for  even  the  highest  deity  is 
called  Sanghyang  Tunggal. 

8 Bilian,  in  Bali  Balian  or  Wawalen,  see  Alsana  Bali  (Tydschrift  voor  Nederlandsch  Indie, 
9th  year).  There  are  on  both  isles  possessed  persons,  through  whom  the  deity  speaks  and  cures 
illnesses. 

9 T.e.  the  Moon-sea. 

10  Kalu  Tunggal  Tttsolt.  The  first  word,  kalu  or  kala,  is  probably  the  God  of  Death,  or  of 
destruction,  very  naturally  having  his  residence  beneath  the  earth,  but  at  the  same  time  awakening 
life,  in  the  quality  of  subterranean  fire,  and  therefore  said  to  keep  watch  over  the  plants  he  produces. 
Tunggal  means  single,  unique  : so  he  is  a very  great  deity.  Tusoh  is  perhaps  the  Malay  lusuk,  prick, 
stab,  a surname  given  to  the  god  on  account  of  his  destructive  arms. 

11  Hantu,  Sanskr,  also  known  in  Java;  in  Bali  Bhuta  is  in  use,  meaning,  however,  a sort  of 
identical  demon. 

12  Compare  the  Naga  Padoha  of  the  Bataks  in  Humboldt's  " Kawi  Sprache,"  i 240.  Naga 
means  snake ; padoha,  or  paduka,  Sanskr.  Malay,  prince  ; the  original,  meaning,  however,  being 
slipper.  It  seems  not  improbable  that  busai  is  derived  from  vasuki  the  king  of  snakes,  who  acts  an 
eminent  part  in  Indian  and  Balinese  mythology,  but  who  is  not  said  to  bear  the  earth. 

13  Compare  Batada  (Batara)  Yingyang,  the  God  Yingyang,  with  Humboldt,  “ Kawis  Prache," 
i.  239. 

14  Sangsang  Angai  is  probably  Sanghyang  Angin,  the  wind-god,  also  indicated  by  his  functions 
In  the  ending  ai  is  to  be  seen  an  analogy  with  Matan-andan  compared  with  Mata-hari. 

15  Dewa,  or  funeral  feast  This  may  be  explained  (though  deva  means  god  in  Sanskr.,  Balinese, 
Jav.,  and  Mai.)  by  the  fact  that  the  deceased  (the  pitaras,  shadows),  are  also  considered  gods,  and  that 
in  Bali  up  to  this  present  day  numerous  yearly,  nay  daily  offerings  are  brought  to  them.  The 
cremation  and  the  festivity  on  that  occasion,  act  a greater  part  in  Bali  than  any  other  ceremony- 
concerning  the  mortals. 

16  Malabo  Balai  is  possibly  to  be  derived  from  Old  Jav.  labu,  waste,  corrupt,  and  bale  (as  angai 
from  angin,  so  balai  seems  to  come  forth  from  bale)  a bedstead,  here  especially  that  of  a pregnant 
woman  or  the  nuptial  bed.  So  the  words  would  mean  ; corruption  of  the  bed,  and  the  feast  celebrated 
to  prevent  this,  would  bear  the  name  of  the  feared  thing. 

17  Nahunan  Nakawan.  In  the  second  word  we  think  we  see  the  word  anak,  child,  perhaps 
combined  with  the  Old  Jav.  ttahit,  new.  i.e.  young.  The  first  word  is  clearly  derived  from  tahun, 
year,  and  so  the  whole  signifies  the  feasts  repeated  every  year,  i.e.  the  feast  of  birth.  (The 
name  should  be ; nianahunan  anak-awau,  the  verb,  or  tahunan  anak  atvau,  the  feast  itself,  anak  awau 
meaning  infant.  Compare  mistake  andan  instead  of  andau  ] 

,8  Mambandai,  the  bathing  feast,  to  be  derived  from  mandi,  Mai.  (Bathe,  Transl.)  ; the  ending 
at  is  known  from  other  examples  ; the  inter-changing  of  m and  mb  is  owing  to  the  organ  of  speech, 
and  the  more  natural,  because  an  m is  preceding,  and  the  connection  of  m with  b is  very  frequent  in 
Indian  [Malayo-PolynesianJ  languages. 

19  Belako  Undong.  The  second  word  is  evidently  the  Malay  antong,  profit,  gain ; with  the  first 
word  we  can  only  compare  the  Jav,  baliihu  or  beldkti,  sincere.  (Should  be  balaku  on  tong,  i.e.  the  asking 
for  profit  or  happiness,  compare  Hardeland's  Diet  i.  5.] 

20  Bilianhai  is  undoubtedly  a compound  of  bilian,  Balinese  balian  or  waualen  (see  above,  note  8). 
The  second  word  is  not  clear,  perhaps  it  is  only  a suffix,  corresponding  to  the  Malay  suffix  i,  the  h 
not  being  essential.  In  this  case  we  could  trace  back  the  word  to  baliani  or  balianin,  i.e.  cause  to  be 
a bilian  or  possessed  person,  which  agrees  with  the  explanation  given  by  Mr  Schwaner  of  the 
Bilians,  the  gods  coming  into  contact  with  men  by  them.  [Hai  is  a very  common  word,  meaning 
great,  and  balian  means  feast  besides  possessed  person  So  the  whole  simply  signifies  " the  great 
feast."] 

21  This  name  likewise  refers  to  the  veneration  of  the  moon,  already  mentioned  repeatedly 
higher  up,  which  veneration,  with  that  of  the  sun,  seems  to  form  the  base  of  the  whole  mythology. 

22  The  meaning  of  the  words  sandong  dulong  is  not  clear  For  sandong  nai'tng  the  latter  part 
seems  to  agree  with  the  Old  Jav.  nung,  ie.  excelling,  very  well  tallying  with  the  description  of  the 
matter.  [ Naiing  should  be  rating  = provisional  coffin  ; sandong  rating  means  the  larger  sandong,  into 
which  the  ratings  are  placed;  dulong  is  not  to  be  found  in  Hardeland's  Diet.] 

23  Ambatan  is  perhaps  to  be  derived  from  Jav.  embat,  thinness,  slenderness,  for  they  seem  to  be 
human  images  in  miniature. 


Note. — The  above  Notes  are  evidently  not  Dr.  Schwaner’s. — H.  L.  R. 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


cxcix. 


II.— THE  KAHAIJAN  RIVER  BASIN. 

[These  Notes  have  been  picked  out  of  the  text,  not  having  been  collected  at  the  end  of 
the  volume  like  those  of  the  Barito  Basin. — H.  L.  R.] 

Courtship  and  Marriage. 

“ Amongst  the  rich  Ot  Danums  there  is  sometimes  the  cruel  custom,  probably 
taken  from  the  Chinese,  of  locking  up  their  young  daughters,  8 to  io  years  old,  for 
a certain  time  in  a special  small  apartment  of  the  house  and  to  keep  them  cut  off 
from  all  intercourse  with  other  people.  The  cabin  is  merely  furnished  with  a small 
window  which  only  looks  out  on  to  a solitary  place,  so  that  darkness  mostly  reigns 
in  the  apartment.  The  captive  girl  may  never  and  on  no  account  whatever  leave 
the  abode.  All  necessities  are  carried  out  in  it.  Neither  father  nor  mother,  nor 
brother  nor  sister,  are  allowed  to  see  her  during  her  term  of  imprisonment;  but 
only  a female  slave  who  is  appointed  to  attend  to  her  has  access  to  her.  The  poor 
victim  to  this  custom  sits  seven  years  in  this  way  in  solitary  confinement,  occupying 
herself  in  making  mats  and  such  like  handiwork.  The  development  of  her  limbs, 
especially  the  lower  limbs,  suffer  under  this  wTant  of  exercise.  After  the  time  of 
seclusion,  which  generally  finishes  when  the  maid  has  arrived  at  a marriageable 
age,  she  is  freed  from  her  prison  and  appears  bleached  lightly  yellow"  as  though 
made  out  of  wax,  tottering  on  small  thin  feet— wffiich  according  to  the  taste  of  the 
natives  is  considered  especially  beautiful.  As  though  she  were  new-born,  they  then 
shew  her  the  sun,  the  earth  and  its  productions  and  the  water.  A big  feast  is  then 
held  at  which  a sheep  is  slaughtered  and  the  maid  sprinkled  with  its  blood.  This 
seclusion  is  called  Bakuivo  and  is  to  endow"  the  daughter  with  the  above-named 
pretty  qualities,  to  make  her  name  renowned  and  at  the  same  time  through 
this  to  attract  many  rich  suitors.”  (p.  77.) 

At  Dengan  Kami  (Melanhoei  district)  he  found  morality  in  an  exceptionally  low' 
state,  almost  no  marriage  ceremonies,  and  occasionally  a man  with  three  wives. 
There  would  appear  from  his  report  to  be  something  like  polyandry  without  a 
marriage  ceremony,  for  he  mentions  a case  where  several  men  had  to  pay  a fine 
each  on  the  birth  of  a child,  (p.  168.) 

Burials. 

“ As  amongst  the  Ngajus  the  coffin  with  its  contents  is  brought  out  into  open 
day.  Later  the  bones  are  cleaned  and  burned,  whereupon  the  ashes  are 
collected  in  a jar  and  placed  in  the  sandong.  The  funeral  ceremonies  are  accompanied 
by  a costly  feast  at  which  men,  cattle,  and  pigs  are  slaughtered  and  the  decapitated 
heads  of  the  sacrificed  offerings  hung  on  the  sandong.  The  tomonggong  Tundan 
put  into  the  coffin  of  his  deceased  wife  eight  full  dresses  besides  all  her  ornaments. 
Immediately  she  died  he  killed  a budak,  and  over  and  above  that  three  more  when  the 
coffin  was  brought  out  of  the  house.  At  the  cleaning  and  burning  of  her  bones  he 
had  eight  budaks,  sixty  pigs,  and  two  bullocks  killed.”  (p.  76.)  “ Amongst  the  rich 

there  is  a curious  custom  that  the  survivor  of  two  spouses  must  on  no  pretence 
whatsoever  leave  the  house  for  a certain  time,  which  is  longer  or  shorter  according 
to  the  custom  of  different  families.  Often  the  mourning  spouse  has  to  remain  from 
three  to  seven  months  sitting  idle  on  a mat.”  (p.  77.) 

On  the  Katingan  River  : “ In  front  of  the  houses  stand  ampatans  and  pantars  on 
the  top  of  which  are  hornbills  carved  out  of  wood.  It  is  strange  that  most  of  the 
pantars  do  not,  as  in  the  more  easterly  lying  districts,  consist  of  high  and  very 
straight  masts  but  that  tree  stems  of  medium  length,  crooked,  serpent  shaped,  bent 
or  zig-zag  are  preferred.  This  custom  coincides  more  with  the  idea  which  one 
has  about  a pantar,  for  the  post  is  looked  at  in  the  light  of  a river  [Batang 
Damon ) which  leads  from  the  earth  to  the  abode  of  the  dead  or  of  the  Sangsangs.” 
(p.  121.) 

“ The  corpses  are  burnt  a few  days  after  death  and  the  coffin  is  placed  in  the  open 
air  and  when  the  flesh  has  disappeared  it  is  again  opened  in  order  to  be  buried  or 


cc.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

burnt.  Sometimes  the  corpses  are  buried  and  at  the  end  of  a year  and  a day  dug  up 
in  order  to  conserve  the  ashes  in  sandongs  as  in  the  two  other  cases. 

“ Mourning  ends  with  the  Dewa  feast  at  which  offerings  are  brought  to  the  dead 
so  that  they  may  spread  their  glory  in  heaven. 

“ In  the  Melanhui  district  the  dead  are  burnt  but  children’s  bodies  are  buried 
in  living  trees.  The  pantars  which  they  erect  at  their  burial  places  in  front  of  their 
houses  are  only  about  15  feet  high  and  ornamented  with  wooden  horns  or  heart 
shaped  blocks.”  (Melanhui,  p.  195.) 

Future  Life. 

Among  the  Ot  Danum  it  is  believed  that  the  “ souls  of  the  dead  are  led  over  to 
their  abode  in  the  next  world  immediately  their  bodies  are  put  in  the  coffin,  but  not 
as  amongst  the  Ngajus  only  when  the  funeral  feast  takes  place.  Amid  the  songs 
of  the  bilian  the  soul  is  led  by  a Sangsang  to  the  abode  of  souls  over  a high  bridge 
which  commences  at  the  house  of  the  deceased  and  whose  other  end  rests  on  Kaju 
Batu  Paroh  Bulan.”  (p.  77.) 

“ The  abode  of  souls  is  on  the  Bukit-Raja,  the  highest  mountain  of  the  district, 
and  on  those  adjoining  it,  viz.,  Kaib,  Boran,  and  Bukit  Njait.  The  Bukit-Raja  was 
very  much  higher  in  former  times  than  now,  for  it  reached  to  the  heavens,  the  seat  of 
the  gods  and  of  bad  spirits.  It  served  the  dangerous  spirit,  Bojong,  as  a road  to 
the  earth,  where  he  devoured  men.  But  Burong  Madeira  flew  along  with  his  wings 
and  threw  him  into  the  depths,  whence  he  rose  up  as  Bukit-Njait,  and  in  doing  so 
gave  Bukit-Raja  his  present  shape. 

“The  souls  of  the  dead  are  guided  by  Sangsang  Tandeho  in  a golden  boat  to 
Bukit-Rajah  with  the  prayers  and  supplications  of  the  bilians.  On  their  journey  to 
heaven,  which  rests  on  the  mountain  Lumbut,  they  have,  like  the  souls  of  the 
Ngajus,  to  undergo  many  difficulties  and  dangers. 

“ The  natives  of  the  Melanhui  district  place  the  abode  of  the  souls  of  the  dead 
on  Mount  Balia  Kapalla.”  (p.  195.) 

Charms. 

A Ngaju,  while  muttering  magic  words,  “tied  to  the  sash  of  his  mandau  a 
piece  of  wood  off  one  of  my  drawing  pencils,  which  I had  cut  into  the  form  of  a 
doll,  together  with  a lot  of  other  charms.  As  soon  as  he  gets  home  he  will  offer  a 
fowl  to  the  spirits  who  direct  the  fate  of  men,  in  order  to  bathe  in  blood  this  new 
talisman,  which  is  to  provide  him  with  prosperity  and  riches.”  (p.  54). 

Omen  birds  if  heard  on  the  right-hand  side  are  bad,  if  on  the  left  good.  (p.  168.) 

Medicine  Women  (Bilians). 

“ The  Ot-Danums  have  no  bilians  like  the  Ngajus.  The  business  of  the  bilians 
is  carried  on  by  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  wealthy,  who  confine  themselves  to 
the  cure  of  the  sick  by  driving  out  evil  spirits,  to  the  guiding  of  the  souls  to  the 
abodes  of  the  deceased  ancestors,  and  to  the  praying  of  the  gods  for  prosperity  and 
riches  ( Belako  untang).  The  gift  enabling  them  to  perform  such  business  is  obtained 
by  the  Sangsang  going  over  into  the  body  of  the  bilian.  While  this  is  in  operation, 
the  woman  must  withdraw  herself  from  all  community  with  her  husband.”  (p.  76.) 

“ The  bilians  who  know  how  to  commune  with  the  gods  in  case  of  sickness 
and  to  supplicate  evil  spirits  are  women  and  maids  of  good  family,  and  always  of 
blameless  character.” 

Basirs  (Manang  Bali). 

The  doctor  refers  to  an  exceptionally  worthy  man  belonging  to  this  class  on  the 
Kaihaijan  River,  (p.  46.) 

Legends. 

Dr.  Schwaner  relates  that  a certain  river  is  called  Gadjah  mundor,  which  means 
the  river  bend  where  the  elephant  turned  round.  The  legend  runs : “ Many  years 
ago  an  elephant  came  over  the  seas  near  the  Kahaijan  river,  and  ascended  the  river 
up  to  the  above-named  place,  in  order  to  challenge  the  animals  of  the  island  to 


CC1. 


Schwaner’s  Ethnographical  Notes. 

combat.  With  this  end  in  view  he  let  them  be  informed  of  his  arrival,  and  gave  the 
herald  at  the  same  time  one  of  his  tusks  so  as  to  give  the  collected  animals  an  idea 
of  his  size  and  strength,  and  by  this  means  to  strike  fear  and  fright  in  their  breasts 
in  advance.  He  succeeded  in  his  design  so  far  that  fear  and  desperation  filled  the 
assembly,  and  they  were  only  rescued  from  their  confusion  by  the  cunning  of  the 
porcupine,  and  were  thus  inspired  with  fresh  courage.  It  advised  them  to  let  the 
elephant  know  they  were  ready  to  accept  his  challenge  ; at  the  same  time  they 
should  send  the  elephant  one  of  his  quills  so  that  the  elephant  might  make  a 
comparison  between  the  hair  of  the  porcupine  and  his  own  tusks,  and  then  form  an 
idea  how  great  must  be  the  tusks  of  the  animal  who  owned  the  hair.  The  ruse  of 
the  little  porcupine  had  the  wished-for  result,  for  the  elephant,  dreading  the  strife 
with  so  powerful  an  enemy,  turned  round  and  went  back  from  whence  he  came.” 
As  there  were  no  wild  elephants  in  that  portion  of  Borneo,  and  as  most  of  the 
inhabitants  are  not  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  this  animal,  Dr.  Schwaner  is 
inclined  to  think  the  legend  may  have  some  foundation  in  the  mis-carried  invasion 
of  the  Hindus,  (p.  15.) 

“ In  the  Labeho  Tampang  Kahaijan  River  there  is  on  the  left  bank  a steep  rock 
about  which  the  following  story  was  told  me  : Many  years  ago  it  happened  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Lepang,  a side  stream  of  the  Rungan,  found  many  large  pieces 
of  the  mighty  metal  while  gold  digging.  Amongst  others  they  found  a nugget, 
which  in  size  and  form  completely  resembled  a hart,  and  with  the  shape  of  the 
animal  it  combined  its  shyness  and  swiftness.  Seeing  this  tremendous  treasure  the 
diggers  threw  themselves  greedily  upon  it,  but  before  they  were  ready  to  grasp  the 
animal  it  got  up,  reached  with  nimble  legs  the  grotto  of  a rock,  and  vanished  quickly 
into  its  dark  depths  out  of  the  sight  of  its  pursuers.  At  the  same  time  some 
natives  coming  down  the  Kahaijan  observed  on  the  heights  above  Labeho  Tampang 
a golden  hart,  which,  running  swiftly,  rushed  into  the  foaming  whirlpool.  Accord- 
ing to  the  opinion  of  the  natives  this  hart  was  the  king  of  the  gold  who  was  fleeing 
from  the  Lepang  to  the  Kahaijan,  and  by  that  means  had  brought  over  a lot  of  his 
riches  to  the  banks  of  this  river.”  (p.  52.) 

“ The  Ot-danoms  call  the  supreme  being  Mahadara.  He  created  the  earth  and 
all  that  therein  is.  In  the  beginning  there  was  nothing  but  water,  and  all  endeavours 
to  draw  out  the  dry  land  remained  fruitless,  until  at  last  seven  Nagas  [jars]  are 
taken  for  a foundation,  on  to  which  basis  Mahadara  threw  the  earth  down  out  of 
heaven.  As  formerly  there  was  nothing  but  water,  now  the  water  and  light  are 
suppressed  and  the  universe  is  overwhelmed  with  earth.  Mahadara  stepped  down 
from  his  seat,  and  pressed  this  together  into  a firm  mass,  stones,  &c. ; he  formed 
the  mountain  ranges  and  heights,  the  depths  of  lakes  and  seas,  the  beds  of  rivers 
and  brooks,  so  that  the  water  now  got  its  bed  in  the  dry  ground.  Only  after  that 
were  men  made  out  of  earth,  and  the  rest  of  creation  developed.” 

“ According  to  the  belief  of  the  Ot  Danoms  there  was  once  a big  deluge  on  the 
island,  on  which  occasion  many  inhabitants  lost  their  lives.  But  the  crown  of  the 
Bukit  Arai  at  Mendai,  which  may  be  a side  pocket  of  the  Kapuas  Bohang,  remained 
above  water,  and  was  the  abode  of  a small  number  of  people  who  were  able  to  save 
themselves  in  praus  until  the  waters,  which  had  covered  the  land  for  three  months, 
had  abated,  and  the  ground  was  dry  once  more.” 

“ The  Ot-danoms  trace  their  descent  from  two  different  ancestors,  who  came 
down  from  heaven  in  golden  ships,  followed  by  their  slaves  in  wooden  and  less 
costly  vessels.” 

Agriculture. 

“ At  times  the  ears  and  stalks  of  the  rice  are  destroyed  by  insects,  at 
others  there  are  great  swarms  of  rats  through  which  whole  ladangs  (households)  are 
eaten  up,  or  the  plants  are  drowned  by  the  high  waters.  The  results  of  this  are 
famine  and  general  poverty.”  (Kahaijan  R.  p.  21.) 

“ Here  [in  Sungei  Miri]  as  well  as  on  the  middle  and  upper  Kahaijan  the  plant- 
ing of  ujagong,  the  most  important  food  of  the  natives  of  the  Barito  and  Kapuas 
Murung  in  times  of  rice  failure,  is  completely  neglected.  In  its  place  we  find  the 


ccii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Kumbili  Kaju  which  according  to  what  is  said  of  it  must  be  a healthier  and  more 
strengthening  root  than  the  ujagoug.  (p.  65.) 

On  the  Kahaijan  River  he  speaks  of  rice  barns  “ on  high  poles  in  the  shape  ot 
a little  house  same  as  with  the  Ot  Danums  and  Siangers.”  (p.  24.) 

The  sacred  Sawang  plant  is  spoken  of  at  Rasali  on  the  Kahaijan  river  and  on 
the  Katingan  river,  (pp.  27,  124.) 

There  is  a sacred  tree  at  Tampang,  Kahaijan  river : “ On  the  top  of  the 

Ambon  my  attention  was  called  to  a damar  tree,  which  was  held  sacred.  A large 
bullet-shaped  mass  of  white  damar  which  had  oozed  out  at  the  top  of  the  tree  may 
therefore  not  be  taken  away,  but  it  serves  the  traveller  as  an  oracle  and  is  covered 
with  hundreds  of  darts'  shot  out  of  the  blow  pipes.  Superstition  says  that  those 
who  miss  the  damar  three  times  shall  become  poor  and  unlucky,  while  fortune  shall 
favour  the  lucky  shot  in  the  possession  of  riches  which  he  may  carry  away.” 
(P-  45-) 

Games. 

Cock  fighting  and  cockpens  on  the  Melahui  river  are  very  common  and  cause 
great  waste  of  time,  &c.  (p.  175.) 

Food. 

The  salt  water  rises  to  the  surface  and  “ in  order  the  better  to  collect  it  the 
natives  dig  a hole  in  the  soil  down  to  the  sandstone  and  place  there  a cylinder  made 
out  of  a hollow  tree  stem.  The  salt  water  rises  in  this  pipe  and  overflowing 
on  to  the  ground  is  wasted.  Twenty  or  thirty  natives  are  daily  busy  preparing  the 
salt  by  letting  the  water  steam  off  in  iron  pans,  by  which  means  they  obtain  about 
half  a gantang  of  salt  per  day.”  They  only  get  salt  in  this  way  when  the  traders 
omit  to  bring  it  to  them.  (p.  176.  Kampong  Tumbang  Serawai.) 

Narcotics. 

Among  the  Ot  Danums  and  Ngajus  both  men  and  women  get  thoroughly 
drunk  at  their  feasts,  consequently  it  sometimes  comes  to  quarrelling.  In  the 
evening  after  a merry  feast  one  occasionally  finds  a great  number  of  the  invited 
guests  in  great  rage  tightly  bound  on  the  ground,  (p.  77.) 

On  the  Katingan  River  they  smoke  home-grown  tobacco  out  of  the  bambu  pipes, 
and  collect  carefully  the  foul  juice,  out  of  which  they  prepare  little  balls  which  are 
fixed  on  to  a thin  bambu  stick  and  which  from  time  to  time  they  place  between  the 
lips  in  order  to  lick  them.  These  tobacco  juice  balls  take  the  place  of  cigars 
amongst  them.  While  engaged  or  when  travelling  1 did  not  see  them  smoke,  but 
I nearly  always  saw  them  use  these  little  balls  of  which  almost  every  Ot  Danom 
carries  one  stuck  behind  his  ear.  (p.  137.) 

Hunting. 

“ The  natives  on  the  Katingan  are  in  the  habit  of  leaving  their  kainpongs  for  long 
years  together  and  taking  their  possessions  and  goods  with  them  to  their  lat/angs. 
Under  such  forsaken  houses  where  a lot  of  offal,  &c.,  has  been  thrown  a rich 
vegetation  springs  up.  Deer,  attracted  by  this  at  night,  are  often  killed  by 
the  lances  of  the  natives  who  watch  for  them  in  the  houses.”  (p.  121.) 

Dogs. 

At  Sakkoi  on  the  Kahaijan  1\.,  Dr.  Schwaner’s  little  long  haired  spaniel  was 
taken  to  be  a young  steer  or  a young  he-goat  and  he  had  much  difficulty  in 
convincing  them  to  the  contrary,  (p.  44.)  Among  the  Ot  Danums  dogs  “ have  a 
history  and  like  all  animals  a soul.  It  is  said  they  spring  from  Patti  Palankaing,  the 
king  of  animals.  When  he  was  holding  an  assembly  and  was  about  to  sit  gravely 
down  in  the  middle,  a part  of  his  body  which  is  generally  kept  covered  became 
visible,  and  was  the  cause  of  a general  laugh.  Offended  at  such  unmannerly 
behaviour  Patti  fell  to  biting  the  animals  and  drove  them  away  in  confusion.  This 
action  put  an  end  to  his  dominion  ; in  consequence  of  an  implacable  hatred  thus 
taking  root  in  his  mind  and  affecting  his  issue,  it  became  clever  in  hunting.  The 


Schwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes.  cciii. 

bodies  of  dogs  are  wrapped  in  cloths  and  covers  and  buried  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  houses,  rice  (bias)  and  salt  are  given  it  in  the  grave  and  rice  strewn  over  the  grave 
as  an  offer  to  the  gods  to  induce  them  to  lead  its  soul  to  the  heaven  of  dogs.  To  its 
memory  a pantar  aso  is  erected,  on  which  are  hung  the  jawbones  and  skulls  of  the 
deer  and  pigs  it  has  killed.”  (p.  78.) 

Habitations. 

On  the  Kahaijan  River  : “ The  roofs  are  covered  with  dinger,  a sort  of  grass, 
which  they  say  is  so  lasting  that  a roof  covered  with  it  requires  no  replacing  for  10 
to  15  years.  The  walls  are  made  of  tree  bark  or  out  of  wattlework  made  of  flat 
pressed  bambus.  . . . The  inside  of  the  houses  is  very  irregularly  divided  ; it  is 

as  much  as  one  can  do  to  distinguish  a room  in  the  middle  on  to  which  a certain 
number  of  private  family  rooms  adjoin.  The  sub-divisions  are  made  by  means  of 
bark  or  bambu  wattle,  or  the  walls  are  made  of  planks  freely  ornamented  with 
carving,  representing  arabesques  and  foliage.  The  inside  is  dirty  and  black  with 
smoke,  which  has  no  other  exit  than  through  the  door,  or  here  and  there  through 
horizontal  chinks  which  act  as  windows.  A quantity  of  various  objects  are  hung 
along  the  walls,  as  well  as  all  sorts  of  household  utensils,  weapons,  fishing  tackle, 
clothes,  charms,  &c.  At  the  same  time  also  gongs  in  various  numbers  and  sizes 
according  to  the  wealth  of  the  inhabitants  and  occasionally  on  the  main  post  of  the 
building  on  a very  high  carriage  a leila  [brass  gun]  are  fixed.  . . . The  inside  of 
the  house  is  reached  by  means  of  a tree  trunk  furnished  with  notches. 

Along  the  riverside  a few  balai  are  erected,  the  common  rendezvous  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  kampong;  here  also  are  held  the  well-attended  feasts,  while 
travellers  take  their  night’s  rest  there. 

“ The  size  of  these  buildings  is  generally  out  of  proportion  to  that  of  the 
dwelling  houses  which  are  generally  much  smaller.  Besides  they  are  extremely 
plain,  consisting  only  of  a big,  open,  long  rectangular  shed  raised  on  posts  about 
4 feet  high  and  covered  with  a very  overhanging  roof.”  (p.  20.) 

“ The  landing  place  is  indicated  by  a small  raft,  covered  with  planks,  called 
batang,  made  fast  to  the  bank,  which  makes  intercourse  between  the  river  and  shore 
possible.  From  the  batang,  by  means  of  a ladder  made  out  of  a single  beam  or  out  of 
several  small  tree  stems,  one  arrives  at  a small  tent  house  which  stands  on  the  bank, 
and  which  is  furnished  with  seats  right  and  left ; this  serves  at  the  same  time  as  a 
waiting-room  for  travellers  or  in  general  for  those  who  have  business  on  the  river. 
From  here  there  is  a plank-way  raised  about  two  feet  above  the  ground  towards  the 
kampong,  where,  according  to  the  number  of  dwellings,  it  spreads  in  different 
directions,  so  that  during  rains  and  floods  the  inhabitants  can  get  to  one  another 
dryshod.”  (p.  21.) 

“ The  Ot-Danom  style  of  architecture  : The  houses  are  long,  covered  with  roofs 
of  trapezoid  form,  rest  on  posts,  are  furnished  with  but  very  few  small  window 
openings,  and  closed  by  means  of  planks,  or  bambu  wattle,  or  also  with  bark. 

“ The  Kampong  Tampang  is  one  of  the  largest,  and  without  doubt  the  neatest 
that  we  have  met  with  in  the  whole  length  of  the  Kahaijan.  It  consists  of  a single 
house  360  feet  long,  resting  on  piles  20  feet  high,  and  is  surrounded  by  a palisade  of 
the  same  height,  so  that  the  house  towers  above  it.  The  floor  of  the  house  stretches 
to  the  edge  of  the  palisade,  and  forms  a broad  gallery  round  the  house  which  is  used 
for  various  purposes.  The  walls  are  made  of  planks,  while  the  roof  consists  of  bark. 
Inside  the  palisade  steps  lead  to  the  dwellings  of  the  different  families.  Underneath 
are  the  rice  storehouses,  the  platforms  for  the  rice  mortars,  dec.  In  front  of  the  house, 
on  two  sides,  are  spacious  yards,  which  are  cleared  of  grass  and  kept  very  neat. 
There  also  are  two  large  balais,  the  assembly  place  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Kampongs  and  for  the  sojourn  of  strangers.  At  each  one  there  is  besides  a small 
smithy.  The  inside  of  the  family  dwelling  is  neatly  divided  into  smaller  apartments 
which  serve  as  bedrooms.  One  also  sees  occasionally  under  the  roof  small  partitions 
meant  for  bedsteads.  Between  the  palisades  of  the  benting  and  the  courtyard 
ampatons  are  set  up.”  (p.  34.) 


cciv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

“ The  delicately  carved  ridge-boards  of  the  roofs,  projecting  much  beyond  the 
base  of  the  oblong  four-cornered  building,  gives  these  houses  quite  a peculiar 
appearance,  (p.  67.) 

Dress. 

On  the  Katingan  River  he  refers  to  cases  where  women  have  been  drowned 
owing  to  the  heavy  copper  leg  and  arm  rings  which  they  wear.  Ear  discs  as 
large  as  a florin  are  inlaid  with  gold  plates,  (p.  124.) 

Higher  up  the  river  and  in  the  highlands  the  natives  weave  the  material  for 
their  clothes  out  of  fibre  of  bambu  or  of  Daun  Letupa,  and  also  of  cotton 
thread,  (pp.  136,  168.) 

Tatuing. 

The  Ot  Danums’  tatuing  is  more  perfect  and  more  intricate  than  that  of  the 
Ngajus,  and  they  cover  the  whole  body  except  the  face.  They  say  that  in  former 
times  the  Ot  Danums  as  well  as  the  Ngajus  were  but  little  tatued.  The  bilians 
have  brought  the  art  of  tatuing  to  the  present  degree  of  perfection  through  hearing 
the  description  of  the  pretty  tatued  bodies  of  the  [mythical]  Sangsangs  . . . The 

shinbones  of  the  women  are  like  those  of  the  Siang  women  tatued  to  the  root  of 
the  angle,  (p.  79.) 

War. 

“The  beniing  [fortress]  is  built  out  of  ironwood  posts  30  feet  high,  and  above  it 
long  poles  project  like  masts,  on  the  top  of  which  are  placed  hornbills  with  spread 
wings  carved  out  of  wood.  These  figures  sometimes  carry  a human  skull  or  rest 
upon  one.  In  front  of  and  inside  the  benting  there  are  a lot  of  ampatans.  The  four 
habitations  surrounded  by  the  palisade  stand  on  posts  15  feet  high;  decayed  plank 
ways,  resting  on  still  more  rotten  supports,  lead  from  one  dwelling  to  the  other  and 
throughout  the  benting.  In  the  middle  Kahaijan  district  the  bentings  are  very 
scattered,  and  their  number  is  far  exceeded  by  that  of  the  unpalisaded  Kampongs. 
In  case  of  pressing  danger  they  serve  as  refuges  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  latter, 
and  they  are  therefore  collectively  raised  by  them,  and  kept  up  at  communal  cost.” 
(p.  26,  also  p.  54.) 

On  the  Katingan  River  he  refers  to  a great  heap  of  the  skulls  of  the  former 
inhabitants  of  the  village  Jumbang  Hangi  ; there  were  160  skulls,  and  the  people 
had  lost  their  lives  through  the  dispute  arising  on  the  elopement  of  a woman, 
(p.  152.) 

On  the  same  river  he  found  the  inhabitants  in  the  greatest  dread  of  the  Punans; 
he  adds,  “ but  the  murderous  destruction  carried  on  by  these  people  along  the 
Rakanur  and  in  other  tributaries  of  the  Malahui  is  truly  horrible.”  (p.  165.) 

Slaves. 

“ The  rich  Ot  Danums  possess  a number  of  slaves.  Whenever  their  number 
increases  too  much  they  are  freed  of  their  serfdom  ; they  must  thereupon  look 
after  their  own  suppport,  and  are  only  bound  to  serve  on  special  summons.  The 
children  of  such  apparently  freed  slaves  as  well  as  their  parents  remain  subordinate 
to  their  original  master,  (p.  80.) 

The  “ Ot-danoms  are  partly  free  and  partly  slaves.  The  latter,  called  bewar , 
are  probably  of  the  same  class  as  the  present  budaks  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  main 
river  whose  state  I have  formerly  described,  and  who  have  probably  descended  from 
former  budaks.  The  bewars  are  bound  to  obey  and  serve  their  masters  as  much  as 
these  require  it.  They  mostly  live  in  special  kampongs,  or  at  least  in  detached 
houses.  They  plant  their  own  rice,  and  must  satisfy  their  wants  out  of  their  own 
means.  They  may  trade  and  amass  wealth.  I know  cases  in  which  a bewar  was 
much  better  off  than  his  master,  without,  however,  altering  their  mutual  relationship. 
Bewars  who  have  no  parents  or  near  relations  are  employed  on  domestic  work. 
Sometimes  also  the  full-grown  children  of  living  bewars  are  taken  into  the  house  in 
order  to  share  the  work  until  they  get  married. 


Schwancr's  Ethnographical  Notes. 


ccv. 


“ A free  Ot-danom  cannot  lapse  into  the  state  of  a bewar. 

“ The  impossibility  of  paying  debts  is  no  reason  for  falling  into  slavery.  The 
debt  remains  in  full  force,  and  on  the  death  of  the  debtor  goes  over  to  the  children, 
while  they  become  an  object  of  the  singer.  [See  below.  Government.] 

“ There  are  no  real  Budaks,  but  those  who  at  the  end  of  three  years  are  unable 
to  pay  their  debts  become  slaves,  or  samboat ; then  they  are  bound  to  obey  their 
creditors  and  to  work  for  them  without  being  allowed  their  freedom,  not  even  in  case 
they  possess  the  necessary  means  to  satisfy  their  debt.  They  remain  with  their 
children  and  grandchildren  for  ever  in  a state  of  subjection. 

“ On  money  lent  no  interest  is  payable. 

“ Slaves  are  sacrificed  at  the  Dewar  feasts  in  the  Melanhui  district.”  (p.  195.) 

Human  Sacrifices. 

On  the  Kahaijan  River  “ the  quantity  of  skulls  one  sees  placed  round  about  the 
tombs  has  been  handed  down  from  earlier  times  or  emanates  from  sacrificed  slaves.” 
(p.  22.) 

“ The  Sakkoi  of  the  same  river  do  not  lay  themselves  out  to  cut  off  heads  and 
the  bad  habit  of  sacrificing  slaves  does  not  rule  to  such  a great  extent  as  amongst 
others  of  their  kinsfolk.”  (p.  44.) 

At  Kotta  Toembang  Menangeh  mention  is  made  of  a chief  having  used  his  sword 
against  defenceless  slaves  (p.  55),  and  in  the  house  of  the  Tomangang  Toendan  the 
Doctor  refers  to  12  skulls  of  slaughtered  slaves,  (p.  60.)  Every  year  this  man  makes 
human  offerings  to  the  spirits  of  prosperity,  (p.  61.)  At  the  head  of  the  river  there 
is  “ the  bc.lai  for  strangers  which  as  everywhere  else  on  the  Kahaijan  is  ornamented 
with  human  skulls.”  (p.  67.)  “ Among  the  Ot  Danoms,  not  only  at  funeral  feasts  but 

also  on  other  occasions,  as  for  instance  at  the  conclusion  of  peace  and  friendship, 
men  are  slaughtered.  The  Talismans  of  the  house  and  of  a few  people  are  washed 
in  the  blood  while  the  concerned  parties  besmear  with  it  their  heads,  shoulders, 
breast,  stomach,  knees  and  feet  under  mutual  wishes  for  prosperity  and  long  life.” 
(p.  77.)  The  Doctor  states  that  in  the  Kahaijan  River  district  he  induced  many 
chiefs  to  give  up  human  sacrifices,  (p.  55.)  In  the  Melanhui  watershed  slaves  are 
sacrificed  at  Dewa  feasts,  (p.  195.) 

Government. 

“ The  chiefs  reap  certain  benefits  from  those  who  do  not  belong  to  their  families, 
who  settle  in  their  districts,  or  who  wish  to  collect  the  produce  of  the  country.  A 
right  of  settlement  must  be  paid  for  with  100 — 200  gantangs  of  rice,  besides  which 
the  inhabitants  of  a district  are  bound  to  help  the  chief  in  any  great  undertakings. 
Whoever  cuts  rotan  must  pay  a bundle  of  it  to  the  chief ; so  also  with  gold  washing, 
every  digger  has  to  pay  a tax  of  half-florin  to  the  chief.  The  chief  has  also 
the  right  to  lay  a tabu  (pamali)  on  any  parts  of  his  district,  that  is,  he  may  forbid 
entry  and  exit  for  a certain  time.  This  tabu,  which  may  last  for  several  consecutive 
years,  is  laid  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  some  important  member  of  the  family. 
The  way  in  which  it  is  laid — to  give  it  shortly — is  as  follows  : The  mouth  of  the 
river  to  be  tabued  is  tied  from  shore  to  shore  with  a rotan  rope,  on  which  wooden 
parangs  and  short  rotan  ropes  are  fastened,  while  at  one  spot  a little  prettily  made 
boat  out  of  bambu  is  set  up,  and  at  one  end  a small  goji,  that  is  a Chinese  ewer,  is 
placed.  The  chief  calls  the  attention  of  the  inhabitants  to  these  preparations  to 
acquaint  them  with  the  commencement  and  duration  of  the  tabu,  at  the  same  time 
informing  them  that  if  the  tabu  be  broken  a fine  will  have  to  be  paid  of  equal  value 
to  the  ewer  above  mentioned,  and  that  he  who  declines  to  pay  the  fine  shall  be  forced 
to  do  so  by  means  of  the  weapons  whose  figures  made  out  of  wood  are  hung  upon 
the  rotan  rope.  I have  had  ample  opportunity  of  being  convinced  that  the  tabu  is  a 
very  condemnable  institution  of  the  adat,  as  by  its  means  kampongs,  whole  districts, 
and  important  roads  are  shut  off  from  communication,  and  that  trade  and  all  other 
business  is  impeded.  It  happens  not  seldom  that  the  tabu  entails  great  loss  and 
important  increase  of  expenses  to  the  merchants.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Senamang 
I counted  no  less  than  six  trading  vessels  which  had  already  been  waiting  several 


ccvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

weeks  for  the  moment  when  the  barrier  should  be  cut  through,  so  to  be  able 
to  proceed  on  their  journey.* 

“ From  what  we  have  just  mentioned  it  will  be  seen  that  in  the  Katingan  districts 
the  dignity  of  a chief  does  not  depend  upon  popular  election  but  is  hereditary. 
Should  a district  fall  to  a woman  on  account  of  the  want  of  male  heirs,  then  the 
husband  of  the  woman  is  made  chief,  an  arrangement  which  shows  that  no  female 
chieftainship  is  tolerated.”  (p.  95.)  But  Niai  Balau,  a Kahaijan  of  great  courage 
and  determination,  who  led  her  people,  mandau  in  hand,  to  victory,  was  a 
chieftainess.  (p.  54.) 

“ Murder  was  punished  with  a fine  of  2,000  florins,  paid  to  the  family  of  the 
murdered  man,  and  a blood  feud  often  supervened.”  When  the  matter  was  ended, 
slaves  were  exchanged,  and  peace  made.  (Melandui  district,  p.  168.) 

“ An  important  occupation  of  the  free  Ot  Danums,  which  occasionally  requires 
the  exertion  of  all  their  mental  powers,  is  the  so-called  singer.  It  consists  in  the 
renewal  of  old  undetermined  law  suits,  of  lapsed  debts,  unfulfilled  obligations,  &c., 
which  mostly  descend  from  the  time  of  their  ancestors,  with  the  object,  but  occasion- 
ally without  well-founded  reasons,  of  robbing  others  of  part  or  of  the  whole  of  their 
property,  and  to  enrich  themselves  thereby.  The  wealth  of  great  grandfathers  is 
thus  thrown  away  among  the  great  grandsons.  The  singer  is  chiefly  a case  of 
memory,  and  often  requires  a very  thorough  knowledge  of  the  genealogical  trees  of 
different  families  and  of  their  circumstances,  but  also  considerable  skill  in  argument. 
If  a defendant  does  not  possess  these  qualities,  or  perhaps  in  not  so  great  a degree  as 
the  plaintiff,  then  he  generally  loses  the  case,  and  must  satisfy  the  demands  of  his 
opponent.  The  custom  of  the  singer  is  for  many  the  source  of  great  wealth,  but  at 
the  cost  of  others,  who  have  thereby  lost  their  property  and  freedom.  The  collecting 
of  newer  debts,  of  interest  in  arrears,  of  fines,  &c.,  can  be  brought  under  the  singer 
institution.”  (p.  81.) 

“ Another  very  funny  custom  of  the  Ot-Danoms  is  that,  during  serious  conver- 
sation, they  repeatedly  slap  the  back  of  their  heads  with  the  flat  of  the  hand,  in  order 
as  it  were  to  knock  out  the  thoughts.  This  custom  is  very  wide-spread,  and  appears 
to  be  contagious,  for  several  of  my  comrades  shared  it.”  (p.  137.) 

Property. 

On  the  Katingan  River  “ The  land  is  divided  amongst  a few  rich  and  powerful 
families,  and  is  looked  upon  by  these  as  hereditary  property.  The  origin  of  this  the 
people  are  not  able  to  explain  properly  ; they  are  satisfied  with  the  saying  that  their 
ancestors  were  already  the  possessors,  as  it  is,  however,  demonstrable  that  various 
great  families  at  present,  who  call  themselves  proprietors  of  the  land,  originally  did 
not  come  from  the  Katingan  watershed,  but  from  another  place,  more  especially 
from  the  Upper  Kahaijan  River,  we  may  not  without  well-founded  reasons  consider 
that  their  present  pretensions  have  followed  upon  a provisional  usurpation  which  was 
supported  originally  by  the  riches  and  the  renown  of  the  new  comers,  and  so  brought 
about  the  present  result.  These  indeed  are  the  only  conditions  which  force  the 
poorer  classes  of  the  people  with  irresistible  power  into  slavish  subjection.''  (p.  147.) 

At  Tundan,  on  the  Kahaijan  River  the  Doctor  speaks  of  the  “ Tomonggong  (chief ) 
possessing  45  costly  jars  ( blangas ),  which  may  be  collectively  valued  at  15,000  florins, 
which  possession  makes  him  the  richest  native  in  the  island.”  (p.  61.) 

Trade. 

“ I may  repeat  once  more  that  most  Ot  Danum  natives,  in  spite  of  their  appetite 
for  trade,  do  not  possess  the  ability  for  carrying  it  on  with  profit  ; they  have  not  suffi- 
cient sense  for  speculation  or  calculation,  nor  method  in  their  affairs,  nor  quickness 
in  their  undertakings.  Time  is  not  taken  into  account  in  their  travels.  Only  slowly 
do  they  learn  to  set  up  their  wares  and  to  demand  the  proper  price  for  them. 
Hence  very  few  return  home  with  any  profit  to  their  families,  who  in  the  meanwhile 

* At  the  new  moon,  in  the  Melanhui  District,  there  is  one  day  pamali  (tabu),  and  at  the  full  of 
the  moon  there  are  three  days  tatu,  during  which  no  work  must  be  done,  and  not  even  a " singer 
undertaken,  (p.  168.) 


Scliwaner's  Ethnographical  Notes.  ccvii. 

have  become  impoverished.  Many  come  back  laden  with  debts,  and  others  as 
poor  as  when  they  started  The  reason  that  one  sees  so  many  married  people  along 
the  Kahaijan  without  children  is  principally  to  be  found  in  the  licentious  life  which 
the  traders  lead  on  their  year-long  travels.”  (p.  114.) 

“ Out  of  superstitious  fear  the  Ot  Danums  and  Ngajus  make  strangers  on  their 
first  arrival  pay  a balas,  i.e.,  a sum  of  money  with  which,  according  to  the  amount, 
offerings  are  made,  buffaloes  and  pigs  are  cooked,  and  offered  to  the  spirits  to 
reconcile  them  to  the  arrival  of  the  strangers,  and  to  induce  them  not  to  withdraw 
their  favours  from  the  natives,  to  bless  the  rice  crop,  and  to  richly  fill  the  Karangans 
with  pure  gold.  Such  a balas  costs  a traveller  40  to  100  florins,  according  to  his 
means  and  the  length  of  his  journey,  (p.  77.) 

Mining. 

On  the  Kahaijan  River  the  “whole  of  the  district  is  covered  with  gold  mines, 
which  consist  of  square  or  rectangular,  and  sometimes  also  oblong,  perpendicular 
shafts  of  various  depths,  according  to  the  depth  under  the  surface  at  which  the  gold 
is  found.  The  shafts  are  here  sunk  close  to  one  another,  and  the  gravel  is  drawn 
out  in  an  irregular  manner,  so  that  in  the  end  the  shafts  issue  into  one  common 
opening  underground,  formed  through  the  taking  away  of  the  gold-bearing  stratum. 
None  of  these  shafts  are  in  any  way  shored  up  by  timber,  hence  it  occasionally 
happens  that  they  fall  in,  by  which  the  workers  sometimes  lose  their  lives.  The 
sinking  of  the  shafts  is  the  work  of  the  men,  while  the  clearing  of  the  gravel  and  the 
washing  out  of  the  gold  is  handed  over  to  the  women  and  girls.  The  shafts  first 
sink  through  a 4 to  8 and  even  10  foot  thick  layer  of  yellowish  loam,  under  which 
the  white  keisand  is  found,  and  which  is  about  b to  2 foot  thick,  and  above  all  things 
is  richest  in  gold  in  the  lowest  part.  Under  that  is  found  dorre,  gray  solid  potter’s 
clay.  The  gold  obtained  is  washed  in  the  neighbouring  river.  Of  aqueducts  the 
natives  have  no  idea  and  are  therefore  only  able  to  extract  the  gold  profitably  when 
it  is  found  near  running  water,  (p.  38.) 

At  the  time  of  the  Doctor’s  visit  “two  women  were  killed  through  the  falling 
in  of  a mine  and  hence  the  village  was  made  pamali  to  strangers.”  (p.  39.) 

When  the  gold  is  in  the  sand  on  the  bottom  of  the  river  bed,  in  order  to  get 
this  sand  a small  raft  is  made  use  of  which  is  furnished  with  an  apparatus  made  out 
of  small  tree  trunks  which  has  much  in  common  with  hinged  gridiron.  At  one  end 
there  is  a wicker  basket  (faschine)  filled  with  stones.  When  the  place  is  reached 
where  gold  bearing  sand  is  found  the  apparatus  is  sunk  with  its  heaviest  end  and  so 
serves  not  only  as  an  anchor  but  also  as  a ladder  upon  which  to  climb  down.  With 
his  back  leaning  against  the  ladder  so  as  to  offer  necessary  resistance  to  the  current 
the  gold  washer  steps  down,  scrapes  the  sand  into  flat  wooden  dishes  and  then  climbs 
up  to  wash  the  gold  out  of  the  sand  on  the  raft.  He  then  descends  again  with  the 
same  object.  Women  also  share  in  this  work  and  it  is  astonishing  how  long 
they  are  able  to  stay  under  water,  (p.  74.) 

The  Serawai  river  and  its  tributary  the  Tjeroendong  are  noted  for  the  purity  of 
the  gold  found  in  their  neighbourhood.  “The  holes  which  the  natives  dig  are  at 
first  not  very  wide,  and  only  when  they  are  convinced  that  they  have  struck  the 
gold  bearing  sand  layer  do  they  enlarge  the  holes  up  to  10  to  15  feet 
square.  The  depth  of  the  holes  varies.”  The  sides  of  the  holes,  which  do  not 
seem  to  be  much  more  than  5 (?)  feet  deep,  are  supported  by  timber.  “ They  do 
not  dig  up  more  of  the  sand  than  is  found  at  the  bottom  of  the  hole,  for  they  do  not 
understand  the  art  of  making  underground  galleries,  &c.”  (p.  178.) 

In  every  Kahaijan  village  there  is  generally  a small  smithy  for  the  repair  of 
weapons  and  of  other  iron  implements ; the  kampong  dwellers  and  strangers  have 
the  right  to  make  free  use  of  it.  (p.  20.) 

Dammar. 

I found  children  and  women  busy  collecting  dammar  which  they  pick  up 
out  of  the  alluvial  deposit,  standing  up  to  their  breasts  in  water  ( Kahaijan 
River).  Dammar  is  never  found  here  in  pure  sand.  (p.  27.) 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


ccviii. 


NOTES  EXTRACTED  FROM  MRS.  PRYER'S  WORK 

(SEE  BIBLIOGRAPHY), 

Which  reached  me  too  late  for  insertion  in  the  body  of  the  book. 

Ordeals. 


Some  men  were  reported  to  have  undergone  the  hot  water  ordeal,  winch  is 
quite  a voluntary  test.  Mr.  Pryer  examined  “ the  hands  that  had  been  in  the 
boiling  water ; they  did  not  seem  any  the  worse  for  it.  . . . When  the  man’s 

hand  is  in  the  hot  water  he  relieves  his  feelings  by  loudly  calling  on  Heaven  to  help 
him  and  bear  witness  to  the  truth  of  his  statements.”  (Kinabatangan  R.  p.  75.) 

Nest  Hunting. 

“ The  candles  they  made  by  taking  a long  piece  of  thick  wick  of  rolled  cloth, 
and  having  warmed  a lump  of  beeswax,  squeezed  it  thickly  round  the  wick ; 
ordinary  candles  do  not  answer,  as  they  spoil  the  nests.  The  pronged  forks  are 
made  out  of  thin  saplings  ; they  are  cut  in  different  lengths,  the  top  end  is  split  into 
four,  and  to  keep  the  ends  apart  little  wedges  of  wood  are  inserted  at  the  base  of  the 
slits  and  bound  into  place  by  rattans,  and  the  beeswax  candle  is  secured  just  below. 
. . . One  amongst  other  cave  customs  was,  that  if  a person  below  called  out 

‘ forfeit,’  the  collector  above  had  to  throw  down  a nest,  so  that  by  these  means 
alone  the  hangers-on  made  a good  living.  . . . The  swiftlets  which  make  the 

nests  are  of  two  kinds,  the  one  which  makes  the  black  nest  having  a slightly  larger 
head  than  the  other.  I do  not  know  whether  this  fact  is  scientifically  known.” 
(pp.  56,  66,  67.) 

Names. 

There  was  a slave  woman,  rejoicing  in  the  name  of  Champaka.  “ Champaka  is 
the  name  of  a very  sweet-smelling  flower.  Natives  in  this  part  of  the  world, 
especially  Sooloos,  sometimes  give  their  children  very  odd  names.  For  instance,  I 
have  known  a man  called  Ular  (snake)  ; another,  Ubi  (potato) ; and  another,  Kalug 
(worm).”  (p.  71.) 

Honey. 


On  the  Kinabatangan  R.  the  wax  and  honey  do  not  seem  to  be  sought  after  by 
the  natives,  (p.  78.) 

Fire-Making. 


Fire  was  obtained  by  means  of  bambu,  bit  of  pith  and  a broken  piece  of  pottery. 
(Kinabatangan  R.  p.  81.)  The  Buludupies’  “ usual  way  of  producing  fire  is  to  take 
a piece  of  dry  bamboo  about  a of  an  inch  thick,  scrape  it  until  they  have  produced  a 
flocky  substance,  then  with  a little  bit  of  broken  pottery,  a piece  out  of  an  old  plate 
or  tea  cup,  held  between  their  finger  and  thumb,  they  strike  it  smartly  against  the 
edge  of  the  bamboo  and  a spark  is  produced  which  kindles  the  flock.”  (p.  98.) 

Tobacco. 

The  natives  do  not  attempt  to  ferment  it,  but  simply  dry  it,  cut  it  up  small,  and 
use  it  in  their  pipes  or  rolled  into  cigarettes,  the  covers  of  which  are  thin  young 
leaves  of  the  nipa  palm.  (Kinabatangan  R.  p.  81.) 

Food. 


Snakes,  monkeys, 
pp.  69,  70.) 


rhinoceros  and  crocodiles  are  eaten. 
Sickness  Boats. 


(Kinabatangan  R. 


“ We  saw  a miniature  house  floating  down  towards  us.  It  was  gaily  decorated 
with  flags,  and  was  fitted  on  to  a lanteen  or  raft.  I wished  to  have  it,  but  the 


Notes  from  Prof.  KiikenthaVs  Work. 


ccix. 


boatmen  refused,  in  their  usual  courteous  Malay  fashion,  to  interfere  with  it, 
explaining  that  someone  in  a village  above  must  be  ill,  and  that  this  little  house  had 
been  launched  on  the  river  in  the  hope  that  the  illness  would  be  floated  away  in  it, 
and  the  boatmen  were  afraid  that  if  they  took  it,  the  sickness  which  they  imagined 
to  be  on  board  it,  would  attack  us  or  some  member  of  our  party.”  (Kinabatangan 
R.  p.  83.) 

Trade. 

Mr.  1 'ryer  attempted  at  Domingo]  on  the  Kinabatangan  River  to  establish  a 
market,  but  it  “ went  off  rather  flatly,”  as  being  the  first,  the  people  did  not  seem  to 
understand  what  to  do.  An  old  Sulu  “ woman  and  her  cakes  were,  in  fact,  the  chief 
feature  of  the  market.”  (p.  85.) 

Rights  in  Jungle  Produce. 

A panglima  on  the  Karamuk  River  seems  to  have  had  rotan  cutting  rights  ; 
both  rotan  and  rights  he  carefully  preserved,  (p.  87.) 

The  Buludupies. 

It  would  seem  that  we  owe  it  to  Mr.  Pryer  that  the  Buludupies  on  the  Sigaliud 
River  have  not  been  exterminated.  There  were  only  seventeen  of  them  when  he 
came  on  the  scene  and  they  were  in  despair  at  the  harassing  they  received  on  all 
sides.  They  are  of  a mild  and  gentle  disposition  and  cultivators  of  the  soil.  Many 
of  the  women  are  quite  fair,  almost  if  not  quite  as  white  as  Portuguese  or  Spaniards, 
(pp.  97,  98.)  Mrs.  Pryer  states  : “ The  character  of  the  face  of  these  people  differs 
in  some  degree  from  that  of  the  more  typical  Mongolian  type,  their  eyes  being  so 
round  and  the  bridge  of  the  nose  so  developed  that  Dr.  Rey,  a French  scientific 
man,  who  visited  North  Borneo  in  1881,  was  inclined  to  think  they  were  of  semi- 
Circassian  ancestry.”  (p.  95.) 


NOTES  FROM  PROF.  KUKENTHAL'S  WORK. 

(SEE  BIBLIOGRAPHY.) 

Received  since  going  to  press. 

Agriculture. 

The  Kalabits  irrigate  their  fields  and  use  the  plough,  (p.  263.) 

The  dial  post’s  shadow  is  measured  with  the  arm.  If  it  reach  the  biceps  it  is  a 
good  time  for  augury  ; if  it  reach  the  elbow  then  is  the  best  time  for  planting ; if 
it  get  shorter  there  is  danger  from  monkeys  ; if  it  get  to  the  wrists  insects  will  cause 
trouble.  If  the  shadow  be  so  small  as  to  reach  only  between  finger  and  wrist  the 
crop  will  be  good  but  there  will  be  death  in  the  house,  for  when  there  is  weeping  the 
hand  is  used  to  wipe  away  the  tears,  but  in  the  bend  of  the  arm  everything  can  be 
borne,  and  hence  when  the  shadow  length  is  equal  to  it  then  the  best  seed  time  has 
come.  (p.  292.) 

Omens. 

The  white-headed  hornbill  ( Bercnicornis  cowatns,  Grant,)  is  mentioned  as  the 
most  important  omen  bird.  (p.  266.) 

Tatuing. 

The  better  class  Kayan  women  are  more  finely  tatued  than  the  lower  class  women. 
They  are  tatued  from  the  hips  to  the  middle  of  the  calves.  The  tatu  instrument  has 
four  needles.  In  the  illustration  on  Plate  ix.  only  two  needles  are  shown.  Among 
the  men  a finger  tatued  indicates  the  owner’s  presence  in  a battle,  and  when  the 
whole  of  the  back  of  the  hand  is  tatued  it  means  he  has  taken  a head.  The  rule  is 
not  strictly  adhered  to.  (p.  272.) 

O 


OCX. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Heads. 

A carved  piece  of  wood  attached  to  a decapitated  head  means  that  the  original 
owner  was  a man  of  importance,  (p.  279.)  The  Kenniahs  say  that  they  used 
formerly  only  to  take  the  hair  [?  scalp]  of  their  enemies,  but  a toad  once  promised  a 
party  of  warriors  good  luck  if  they  would  take  heads  instead.  Heads  were 
accordingly  taken,  and  all  sorts  of  wonders  followed  ; hence  the  custom  was  started 
and  it  remained,  (p.  2S0.) 

Sumpit  Poison. 

It  must  be  renewed  every  two  or  three  months,  (p.  283.)  It  is  said  to  be  very 
powerful  and  even  to  destroy  large  animals,  such  as  stags,  in  a few  minutes.  It  is 
taken  internally  as  a febrifuge.  Rhinoceros  may  eat  the  leaves  with  impunity,  but 
if  their  excrement  fall  into  water  the  fishes  rise  stupified.  (p.  284.)  It  would  seem 
from  Prof.  Leubuscher’s  experiments  that  the  poison  is  not  that  of  Antiaris  toxicaria, 
but  of  a probably  still  unknown  poison.  Chemical  examinations  proved  that  it  was 
certainly  not  a glucoside  and  that  probably  among  other  and  unimportant  substances 
there  was  an  alkaloid  mixed  with  an  acid.  Physiological  experiments  showed 
that  the  poison  acted  on  the  heart  exclusively — it  did  not  affect  the  nerves  and 
muscles.  Antiarin  does  affect  the  nerves  and  muscles  and  causes  heart  stoppage  in 
systole,  and  it  is  an  alkaloid.  Hence  the  poison  brought  home  by  Prof.  Kukenthal 
is  not  Antiarin  but  probably  an  alkaloid.  It  had  no  effect  on  fishes,  and  therefore 
derrid  could  not  have  been  present,  (pp.  284-269.) 

Childbirth. 


To  show  that  he  is  expecting  offspring  the  husband  ties  a vertebra  of  the 
plandok  round  his  left  ancle,  the  plandok  being  sacred  here  ; the  vertebra  acts  like  a 
charm.  He  is  to  a certain  extent  pamali  as  regards  his  vocation  and  food;  he  may 
not  go  a hunting  for  fear  the  wound  he  causes  may  be  reproduced  on  the  child  and 
would  be  a weak  spot  to  it  in  time  of  war.  Dirt  and  ape’s  hair  was  rubbed  on  a 
child's  head  to  insure  its  not  being  stolen  by  apes,  and  when  it  had  a gumboil  an  old 
woman  rubbed  its  mouth  with  a weed  until  it  became  quite  raw. 

Daily  Life. 


They  have  no  idea  of  perspective ; in  pictures  people  in  the  background  are 
thought  to  be  little  pepple. 


Burials. 


The  Professor  shows  tombs  which  consist  of  high  posts  in  a hole  at  the  top  of 
which  the  dried  bodjr  is  placed. 


Coffin  Discovered  by  Mr.  C.  V.  Creagh 
(See  opposite  page.) 


Notes  on  Burials  and  Skull  Measurements. 


c cxi. 


NOTE  ON  BURIALS. 

In  a cave  on  the  Kinabatangan  River,  Mr.  C.  V.  Creagh  has  recently  discovered 
some  “40  bilian  (iromvood)  coffins,  artistically  carved  with  figures  of  buffaloes, 
crocodiles,  lizards,  and  snakes,  containing  skeletons  of  men,  women,  and  children, 
and  also  sumpitans,  spears,  and  articles  of  Chinese  and  other  pottery,  with  brass 
ornaments  of  native  and  foreign  workmanship.  The  relics  appear  to  me  to  be  of 
Javanese  origin,  but  there  is  no  tradition  on  the  river  of  settlers  of  this  nationality. 
The  carvings  and  scroll-work  on  some  of  the  coffins  are  superior  to  those  now 
executed  by  native  workmen.”  . . . The  coffins,  “ ornamented  with  the  pro- 

truding heads  of  buffaloes  or  cows,  contained  male  skeletons,  while  figures  of  snakes, 
lizards,  and  crocodiles  appeared  to  be  used  for  the  decoration  of  those  of  the  women 
and  children.”  The  illustration  on  opposite  page  of  one  of  the  coffins  is  taken  from 
plate  facing  page  32  of  Vol.  xxvi.  of  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute, 
by  whose  permission  it  is  here  reproduced. 


III. 

NOTE  ON  SKULL  MEASUREMENTS. 

There  are  probably  not  much  over  100  Borneo  skulls  altogether  in  all  the 
European  collections.  The  measurements  prove  wide  diversity  in  form  ; nearly  one 
half  of  the  skulls  already  measured  are  dolichocephalic,  the  other  half  being  about 
equally  divided  between  the  meso-  and  brachy-cephalic  forms.  These  cranial 
differences  are  on  a par  with  the  differences  in  outward  physique,  customs  and 
language  which  we  meet  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country,  proving 
the  mixed  origin  of  the  native  races  both  as  regards  inter-marriage  amongst  themselves 
and  union  with  foreigners.  The  following  are  the  names  of  some  of  the  chief 
students  who  have  given  attention  to  the  study  of  Borneo  skulls : Prof.  Sir  Wm. 
Flower,  Jos.  Barnard  Davis,  Professor  Virchow,  MM.  Quatrefages  and  Flamy,  Dr. 
Mehnert,  Dr.  Montano,  Dr.  Swaving,  Dr.  Dusseau  and  Dr.  Van  der  Hoeven.  For 
particulars,  see  Bibliography.  The  Leiden  Collection  of  skulls  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  measured,  and  I have  not  been  able  to  get  any  reply  to  my  request  for 

information  about  it  from  the  Professor  in  charge.  Since  Prof.  Sir  William  Flower 

wrote  his  catalogue,  two  specimens  have  been  added  to  the  collection  of  the  Royal 
College  of  Surgeons’  Museum,  and  I am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  Prof.  C. 
Stewart,  F.R.S.,  for  the  following  measurements  of  them. 

733A.  Skull  from  North  Borneo. 

C 500.  L 179.  B 125.  Bi6g8.  H 138.  Hi  771.  BN  104. 

Nw26.  OW38.  Oi  1000.  Ca  1380. 

743 A.  Skull  of  “ Ukiet,”  Interior  of  Borneo. 

C493.  L172.  B 135.  Bi  785.  H 136.  Hi  791.  BN  100. 

BA  89.  Ai.  890.  Nh  49.  Nw  24.  Ni  490.  Chv  37. 

Oh  33.  Oi  892.  Ca  1375. 

Sir  Wm.  Flower  appears  to  have  been  the  only  osteologist  who  has  measured 
the  skeleton  of  a native  of  Borneo. 


IV. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


Space  prevents  me  inserting  the  long  list  of  excellent  works  relating  to  the  natives 
of  Dutch  Borneo.  It  is  therefore  with  regret  I omit  the  names  of  a host  of  such  authorities 
as  Horner,  Henrici,  Grahowsky,  Kater,  Kiihr,  Piton,  Schadee,  Schmeltz,  Tromp,  Von 
Gajfron,  Von  Dewal,  and  numerous  others. 

Anon. — Practice  of  the  Native  Court  at  Sibu  for  Divorce  and  Matrimonial  Causes. 

8vo.  9pp.  Appendix  i.,  4 pp.  Appendix  ii.,  1 p.  Sarawak  : 
Printed  at  the  Sarawak  Gazette  Office  by  D.  J.  J.  Rodriguez. 
Bastian,  A. — Indonesien  oder  die  Inseln  des  Malayischen  Archipel.  Part  iv. 

Borneo  and  Celebes.  Berlin.  8vo.  1889.  pp.  1-38  deal  with 
Borneo. 

Beccari,  O.— “ Cenno  di  un  viaggio  a Borneo.”  “ Boll.  d.  Soc.  Geogr.  Ital.”  1868. 
Beeckman,  Daniel,  Capt. — A Voyage  to  and  from  the  Island  of  Borneo.  . . Lond. 
sm.  8vo.  pp.  xviii.  -f  205.  1718. 

Belcher,  Edwd.,  Sir. — Narrative  of  the  Voyage  of  H.M.S.  Samarang  in  surveying 
the  Islands  of  the  Eastern  Archipelago.  8vo.  1848.  2 vols. 

Bethune,  C.  D.,  Capt.  R.N. — -Notes  on  Part  of  the  West  Coast  of  Borneo.  Jour. 
Roy.  Geog.  Soc.  xvi.,  1846.,  p.  294. 

Bock,  Carl. — The  Head  Hunters  of  Borneo  : A Narrative  of  Travel  up  the 
Mahakkam  and  down  the  Barito.  Royal  8vo.  London,  1882. 
(2nd  Ed.)  pp.  xvi.  + 344. 

Boyle,  Fred.- — Adventures  among  the  Dyaks  of  Borneo.  8vo.  London,  1865. 
pp.  xii.  + 324. 

Breitenstein,  Heinr.,  Dr. — Aus  Borneo.  Mitth.  d.  K.K.  Geogr.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
xxviii.  1885.  pp.  193  and  242. 

Brooke,  Chas.  (now  His  Highness  Rajah). — Ten  Years  in  Sarawak.  With  an 
Introduction  by  H.H.  The  Rajah  Sir  James  Brooke.  2 vols., 
8vo.  London,  1866. 

Hints  to  Young  Out  Station  Officers.  7 pp.,  8vo.  [Sarawak.] 

British  North  Borneo  Herald. — Sandaken,  1882  et  seq. 

Burbidge,  F.  W.,  F.L.S. — The  Gardens  of  the  Sun;  or  a naturalist's  journal  on 
the  mountains  and  in  the  forests  and  the  swamps  of  Borneo  and  the 
Sulu  Archipelago.  London,  1880.  8vo.  pp.  xx.  4-  364. 

Busk,  Geo.,  F.R.S. — Note  on  Collection  of  Bones  from  Caves  in  Borneo,  referred 
to  in  Mr.  Everett’s  Report.  Proc.  Roy.  Soc.  No.  203  ; 1880. 
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INDEX. 


ADAT  (see  Government). 

AGE  (see  Physique). 

AGRICULTURE. 

Auguries,  see  Omens 

Bambu  used  as  rice  stores,  409  ; private  rights 
in  young,  418 
Barns,  409,  A190,  202,  203 
Beburong,  397 
Berobat,  403 
Bigamy,  401 
Biliongs,  399 

Birdnesters  poor  farmers,  422 
Children  weeding,  405 
Chinese  influence,  422 
Clearing  land,  398,  399 
Coconuts,  418 

Communal  property,  419,  420 
Danga.it,  405 
Dibbling,  408 

Disputes,  fruit  trees,  418 ; land,  420 ; fighting 
with  sticks,  420 
Divination,  see  Omens 
Fallow,  400 

Famines,  421  ; famine  foods,  A201 
Farm  houses,  403 

Feasts,  agricultural,  41 1 ; see  Harvest 
Fences,  building,  402  ; embankments,  421 
Floods,  422 

Fruit  trees,  417;  durian,  417;  coconuts,  418; 
abundance,  418 ; destruction,  418 ; Ratio 
nuts,  418  ; disputes,  418 ; private  v.  com- 
munal property,  419,  420 
Gardens,  407 

Harvest,  76,  82,  408  ; reaping  knife,  408,  409  ; 
Land  Dyak  feasts,  412 ; Kenniah,  415  ; 
Kay  an,  415  ; food  wasted  at  feasts,  421,  on 
the  Barito,  A 173 
Hill  cultivation,  400 
Idols  (?)  on  farm  paths,  401 
Incest,  401 

Inheritance  of  lands,  419,  420 
Insects,  403,  A201 
Irrigation,  406,  A209 
Jungle,  new  versus  old,  400 
Land,  tenure,  419  ; sales,  419;  division  on  death, 
419;  disputes,  420;  communal,  420;  rents, 
420 

Langhau,  403 


Agriculture  ( continued ). 

Mortars,  rice,  409,  410,  A191 
Neglect,  A 1 63 
Numbar,  406 
Oil,  418 

Omens.  194,  397  ; time  wasted  on,  421,  422 

Orang  Kaya  decides  on  new  grounds,  397 

Padi,  see  Rice 

Parangs,  399 

Pests,  403,  A201 

Pleiades,  400 

Ploughing,  422,  A209 

Potatoes  treated  as  marbles,  408 

Prayers  for  heat,  401 

Property,  in  fruit  trees,  418  ; in  land,  41S 

Rats,  403,  A201  ; snaring,  443 

Rents,  420 

Residence,  shifting,  400 

Rice,  general  operation,  402 ; varieties,  40C ; 
doctorings,  411  ; obtaining  soul  of,  413  ; 
women  cleaners,  410 
Rights  of  tenants,  420 

Sacred  farm  flower,  416,  ii.  43  ; plant,  A202  ; tree, 
A202 

Sacrifices,  402;  harv  est,  412 

Sago  lands,  91 ; cultivation  and  manufacture,  422 

Search  for  new-  lands,  397 

Sowing,  402 

Stars,  farming  regulated  by,  307,  400 
Storage,  409,  A 190,  202,  203 
Sundial,  400;  posts,  shadow  how  measured, 
A209 

Tabu,  401,  402;  breaking  a,  402;  to  drive  off 
rats,  403  ; fruit  tree,  419 
Tenant  rights,  420 
Threshing,  409 
Tobacco,  408 

Weeds,  400:  weeding,  405,  4x8 

Winnowing,  409 

Women  padi  cleaners,  410 

AMOKING  (see  Character). 

AMUSEMENTS  (see  Childbirth,  Daily  Life). 

ARCHAEOLOGY  (see  also  Writing  and 
Negritoes). 

Beads,  ii  282 

Bull,  native  dread  of  a stone,  ii.  279 


Index. 


ccxix. 


Archeology  (continued). 

Cave,  explorations,  ii.  280 ; not  used  as  sepul- 
tures, ii.  282  ; negative  results  of  explora- 
tions, ii.  284 ; artistically  carved  coffins  in, 
A211 

Chinese  coins,  ii.  280  ; pottery,  ii.  280 
Crocker)',  ii.  279 
Everett's  explorations,  ii.  280 
Figure  on  sandstone  rock,  ii.  280 
Hindu  relics,  ii  279,  280  (and  note). 

Human  bones  in  caves,  ii.  282 
" In  the  days  of  the  Hindus,”  ii.  279 
Javanese  necklace,  339  ; era,  ii.  283 
Ornaments  of  gold,  ii.  279,  280,  282 
Paving  tiles  of  concrete,  ii.  280 
Potter)-,  ii.  280  ; Chinese,  ii.  280  ; in  caves, 
ii.  282,  A211 

Stone  celt  in  river  bed,  ii.  280,  281,  302  ; curved  ' 
stone,  ii.  282  ; celt  of  doubtful  origin,  ii.  283 
Tumuli  containing  jars,  ii.  286  (note) 

BOATING. 

Bandongs  (Kalaka  fish  boats),  ii.  248 
Bark  canoes,  ii.  254 
Barongs  (dug  outs),  455  ; ii.  249 
Boats,  57,  59,  ii.  246 ; keel  laying  ceremony, 
ii.  246  ; building,  364,  ii.  247  ; skill,  A163  ; 
builders,  47,  76,  ii.  252 
Bore  (river),  ii.  252 
Kajangs  (awnings),  ii.  248 
Nails  not  used,  ii.  247,  254 
Paddles,  ii.  248,  249,  250 ; paddling,  52,  83,  84 
Planks,  ii.  247,  250,  253 
Poling,  ii.  254 

Seas,  rough,  ii.  248  ; long  voyages  on,  ii.  249 

Sickness  boats,  283.  284,  A208 

Soul  boats,  144,  145 

Speed,  ii.  249,  253 

Surf  running,  ii.  250 

Taking  to  pieces,  ii.  248 

Tuba  tied  on  ankles,  ii.  248 

BORNEO. 

Borneo,  extent  of  (xv.)  ; note  on  British  settle- 
ments (xv.) ; tribes  of,  37 

BROOKE. 

Brooke,  Sir  Charles,  work  done  by  (xviii.) 
Brooke,  Sir  James,  high  character  of  (xvi.) ; 
reverence  for,  65 ; makes  the  division  of 
Land  and  Sea  Dyaks,  42 

CANNIBALISM. 

Birth,  to  feast  at,  ii.  221 
Body  eaten,  ii.  217,  219 
Brain,  ii.  218,  221 
Children,  ii.  220 

Children  partake,  ii.  217 ; do  not,  222 
Cooking,  ii.  219 

Courage,  to  obtain,  ii.  145,  2x8,  220,  222 


Cannibalism  (continued). 

Enemies  eaten,  ii.  127,  220;  to  strike  terror  into, 
ii.  220 

Feasts  at,  ii.  220 
Food  wanted  for,  ii.  127,  221 
Forehead,  ii.  220,  221 
Funeral  at,  ii.  221 
Hand,  ii.  219,  221 
Heart  eaten,  ii.  217,  220 
Knee,  ii.  221 
Leg  muscles,  ii.  218 
Marriage,  to  feast  at,  ii.  221 
Palms  of  hands,  ii.  217,  221 
Practise  denied,  ii.  217,  218,  223 
Soles  of  feet,  ii.  217 
Statements  doubtful,  ii.  220,  221 
Tongue,  ii.  218 

Women  partake,  ii.  217  ; do  not,  222 

CHARACTER. 

Affection,  75,  86;  conjugal,  129 
Amiability,  65,  91 
Amoking,  95 

Amusements,  65,  70,  82,  A163;  see  Childbirth 
and  Daily  Life 
Apathy,  66,  67,  68 
Bajaus,  59 

Beggars,  65,  69,  83,  A163 
Bravery,  92,  A162 

Brooke,  Sir  James,  reverence  for,  65 
“ Characters,”  67,  69,  71,  74,  75,  76,  77,  78,  81,  83, 
94.  I29 

Curiosity,  66,  68,  69,  81 
Curious  questions,  83 
Curious  reasoning,  80 
Concealment  of  feelings,  73,  A162 
Conceit,  71,  91 
Conservativeness,  74,  83 

Conversion,  objection  to,  73  ; difficulties,  75  ; 

Mahomedan,  75 
Courage,  83 
Cruelty,  A162 
Curses,  86;  fine  for,  A187 
Dancing,  see  Religion 
Decency,  sense  of,  92 
Dirt,  93,  366 

Disputes  through  accident,  78 ; general,  88  ; 

Murut,  94 
Election,  72 
Energy,  87,  92,  195 
Games,  see  Amusements 
Generosity,  67 
Gratitude,  65,  74,  95 
Greediness,  92 

Guests  must  not  come  to  harm,  95 
Hair  thrown  in  fire  causes  sickness,  288 
Head-slapping,  A206 
Help  in  sickness,  85 

Honesty,  65,  66,  67,  68,  69,  73,  81,  82,  92,  93 
Hospitality,  65,67,72,  73,86,87,91,92,94,95,117 


ccxx. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Character  (continued). 

Humour,  83 
Ignorance,  74 
Imitativeness,  80 
Indecent  language,  86,  92 
Indifference  to  others’  suffering,  92,  94 
Internal  satisfaction,  287,  355  ; communing  with 
dead,  A 172 
Klakar,  77 
Lanuns,  59 

Laughter,  71,  72,  75,  81,  83,  85,  93 
Learning  to  read  and  write,  69,  91 
Looking-glasses,  71,  91,  93 
Lover  and  the  chignon,  84 
Lying.  87,  92 

Memory,  aids  to,  77,  356  ; 84 
Mental  capacity,  65,  68,  69, 133,  A163;  stationary 
on  arrival  at  puberty,  83 
Miraculous,  fondness  for  the,  85 
Modesty,  133 

Morals,  66,  68,  76,  94,  1x7,  131,  132,  133,  A162, 
163,  173  ; low  state  of,  A199 
Murders,  88,  89,  100 
Numbers,  favourite,  231 
Oratory,  71,  78 
Pantuns  (riddles),  70,  368 
Peace,  paying  for,  70 
Politeness,  68,  69,  74,  81,  82,  92 
Progress,  65  ; disappointing,  70  ; capacity  for, 
73,  80,  82  ; when  young,  83  ; Dusuns,  91  ; 
Muruts,  94 
Repartee,  80 

Rhyming,  84:  see  Music:  Singing 
School,  82 

Shyness,  48,  50,  69,  81 

Smallpox,  funny  scene  after,  81 

Sociability,  364 

Sports  and  games,  54,  65,  104 

Stone-throwing,  72 

Suicide,  218 

Sympathetic  help,  in  childbirth,  98 ; in  war, 
ii.  104 

Tabu,  to  mention  health,  288  ; to  praise  food,  288 
Talkativeness,  52,  65 
Temper,  67,  77,  80,  82,  85,  128,  288 
Temperateness,  76 
Theft,  86,  90,  92,  93 
Treachery,  Kayans,  87 ; Muruts,  94 
Ulit,  see  Tabu 
Vaunting  or  bunkit,  70 
Vocabulary  making,  71,  93 
Weeping,  unknown,  A162 ; at  funerals  (see  Dis- 
posal of  the  Dead) 

White  man,  first  visit  of,  66,  68,  8i,  82,  92,  249,  I 
ii.  206  ; not  wanted,  ii.  100 
Wit,  83,  86 

Women,  characteristics  of,  85,  92 

Women,  strange  objection  between  men  and, 

75-  76,  141 


CHILDBIRTH  AND  CHILDREN. 
Abortion,  see  Slaves 
Adoption,  102 

Amusements,  cat’s  cradle,  366  ; prisoner’s  base, 
366 ; trial  of  strength,  367 ; leg  swinging, 
367  ; natural  concert,  367  ; jumping,  367  ; 
wrestling,  367 ; finger  trials,  367 ; spill 
catching  tops,  367  ; whittling,  367  ; football, 
367 ; swings,  367 ; greased  poles,  368 ; 
slapping,  368  ; pantuns,  70,  368 
Barrenness,  102 
Blacksmith’s  child,  a,  98 
Boys  preferred,  10 
Cannibalism,  ii.  217,  220,  221 
Ceremony  at  first  bath,  101 
Childbearing  age,  104 
Chorus,  1 15,  249 
Couvade,  97,  98,  A210 
Cradle,  99,  100 
Death  in  childbirth,  101 
Diet,  97 

Difficulty  in  birth,  98 ; Manang's  sympathetic 
help,  98 
Dirt,  366 
Dress,  99,  100 
Education,  103,  A183 
Families,  size  of,  104 
Feasts,  102 
Girls  preferred,  103 
Hair  thick,  101 
Hands,  360 
Idiots,  101 

Infanticide,  100,  101,  311 
Life,  359,  365,  366 
Midwife.  97 
Miscarriage,  100,  101 
Naming,  101 

Parental  affection,  102,  103,  104,  A 163 
Parturition,  98  ; easy,  99 
Pet  names,  101 

Population,  question  of,  104-106 

Presents,  102 

Purification,  102 

Sacrifices,  ior 

School,  love  for,  82 

Shaving,  101 

Suckling,  100 

Tabu  at  birth,  97,  98 

Twins,  100  ’ 

Uterogestation,  100 

Wallace,  A.  R.,  on  the  population,  103 
Weeding  farms,  405 

COLOUR. 

Black  used  also  to  designate  darkness,  ii.  277 
Colour-blindness  doubtful,  ii.  277 
Confusion  of  some  colours,  ii.  277 
Dyeing,  ii.  29,  35.  37,  50,  90 
Favourite  colours,  A 163 


Index. 


ccxxi. 


Colour  ( continued ). 

Good  sense  of  colour,  ii.  277 
Nomenclature  deficient,  ii.  277 
Pakatans  perhaps  colour-blind,  ii.  277 
Table  of  colour  names,  ii.  278 

CURIOUS  MOUNDS. 

Added  to  by  every  passer  by,  357 
Added  to  to  prevent  sickness,  358 
Commemorate  a great  event,  358 
Lie  forgotten  but  heaps  still  added  to,  358 
Raised  after  tabu  in  consequence  of  a lie,  357 
Raised  near  scene  of  murder,  358 

DAILY  LIFE 

Aqueducts  ( panchnrs ),  361  ; sec  Habitations 

Blacksmith's  work,  364 

Classes,  A 163 

Cotton  weaving,  364 

Daily  life,  359-371,  A195-196 

Dancing,  359  ; see  Religion 

Domestic  animals  fed,  363 

Domestic  quarrels,  85  ; rare,  366 

Early  rising,  363 

Etiquette,  362,  A163 

Firewood  procured  by  husband,  363 

Gossip,  A 1 96 

Idleness,  364,  366 

Mat  making,  365 

Meal  times,  361,  36G  ; preparation,  363 

Men's  work,  359,  365,  A196 

Noise  in  village,  359 

Perspective,  no  notion  of,  A210 

Rice  pounding,  82,  359,  362,  364,  366 

Sleep  interrupted,  360,  361 

Social  system,  A 165 

Spinning,  364 

Vermin,  72,  ii.  24 

Washing,  remarkable,  262,  363 

Water  carrying,  361,  365;  see  Habitations 

Women's  work,  360,  A196;  see  Women 

DISPOSAL  OF  THE  DEAD 
Affection  for  the  dead,  141,  203 
Baiya  presents  to  the  dead,  141,  204  ; jewels, 
A 199 

Bones  of  the  dead,  143,  144,  147,  150,  A174 
Burials,  posts  used  in,  A210 
Camphor  embalming  [sir]  , 149,  150 
Cave  burial,  149,  A211  ; see  Archeology 
Cemeteries,  135  el  scq,  204 

Coffins,  139,  146, 147-153,  204,  A190-191, 199,  211  ; 
see  Tombs 

Cremation,  135,  138,  161,  A199 
Customs,  135,  136,  137,  138 
Dead,  communing  with,  A172 
Death,  79 

Dividing  property  with  spirits  of  the  dead,  2^9 
Dread  of  the  dead,  209,  21 1 
“ Drinking  the  bambu,”  209 


Disposal  of  the  Dead  ( continued ). 

Feasts,  see  Gawai 
Final  dissolution,  218 
Food  for  the  dead,  206 

Future  life,  71,  141  ; changes  in,  217,  218,  219, 
A 1 74,  200 

| Gaivai  Antu  Funeral  feast,  143,  207,  209,  210 
Hades  (or  Heaven),  see  Road  to;  see  Sabaian 
Heads  for  funeral  feasts,  158,  207 
Human  sacrifices,  141,  145,  157-159.  190,  ii.  204, 
216,  A199,  205  ; see  Human  Sacrifices 
Jars  as  bone  repositories,  150,  151,  152.  A174 
Kina  balu,  the  Dusun  Hades,  220 
Legend  of  Kadawa,  the  cock  fighter,  21 1 
Lying  in  state,  143,  202 
Malays  rifling  graves,  141,  204 
Messages  to  the  dead,  144,  149,  159  ; pana,  206, 
208,  219 

Miniature  articles  at  funeral  feasts,  258 
Mountains  inhabited  by  the  souls,  220,  A200 
Mourning  dress,  138  ; putting  off,  209,  258 
Mungkul,  133 
Naggar’s  funeral,  142 
Names  not  mentioned,  ii.  275 
I’aluban's  funeral,  145  ; Milanau,  146;  Dutch  B., 
160 

Pantars  guides  to  heaven,  A199 
Puas,  or  lament,  ii.  268 

Road  to  Hades,  140,  143,  151,  202-204;  House 
of  Bubut  Bird  “bridge  of  fear,"  “Hill  of 
Fire,"  210,  220;  difficulties  the  souls  en- 
counter, A200 

Sabaian  (Heaven),  140,  141,  203,  206,  207,  218, 
219,  A170  ; see  Future  Life  and  Religion 
Sermungnp,  158  ; see  Messages  to  the  Dead 
Sextons,  136,  137 

Spirit  slaves  wait  upon  spirit  masters,  141,  158  ; 

ii.  141,  A189 
Soul  boats,  144,  145 
Souls,  seven  ( simungm ),  218 
Stone  circle,  150 

Sumping  conveying  trophies  to  the  dead,  207 
Sungkup,  feast  of,  130 
Tree  burial,  149,  152,  205,  A200 
Tombs,  146,  152,  205;  see  Coffins 
Wailing  at  death,  136,  138,  142,  146,  153,  154; 
before  death,  202  ; professional,  203,  206, 
207  ; at  feasts,  258 
Widows,  130,  A182  ; names,  ii.  274 

DOMESTIC  ANIMALS. 

Birds,  426 
Bees,  427 

Beeswax  for  candles,  379 
Cats,  425 

Cattle,  422,  425  ; neglected,  A163 
Dogs,  425  ; eaten,  390 ; sacrificed,  402, 425 ; tabued, 
425  ; antus,  426,  A191  ; unknown,  A202  ; 
legend  of  origin  of,  A202  ; burial  of,  A202  ; 
see  Hunting  and  Legends 


CCXX11. 


H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Domestic  Animals  ( continued ). 

Goats,  425 
Pigs,  424 
Poultrj',  426 

DRESS  AND  FASHIONABLE 

DEFORMITY. 

Armlets,  ii  39,  40,  41,  44,  45,  71-76,  A193 
Artocarpus  cloth,  ii.  35,  37 
Bambu  corsets,  ii.  42  ; fibre  dress,  A193 
Bark  or  bast  cloth,  ii.  35,  37,  50,  53 
Beads  in  dress,  140,  ii.  39,  40,  41,  44,  45,  46,  53, 
65  ; varieties  preferred,  ii.  71  ; necklace,  ii 
71,  72  ; old  and  valuable,  ii.  76,  282 
Beards,  63,  ii.  81  ; tale  as  to  Bukar's  beards, 
3 (note) 

Belt  of  beads,  ii.  44,  45  (see  hip-lace),  A194 
Blankets,  ii.  35,  36 
Brass  chains,  ii  40,  42,  46,  47 
Brass  wire,  ii  45,  76  ( see  Corsets) 

Breast  cloth,  ii.  44  ; A193,  194 
Bridal  dress,  113  ; drowning  through  weight, 
ii.  42,  A204 

Buttons,  substitute  for,  ii.  32  ; 42 
Caps,  see  Head  Dress 

Chawats  (waist  cloths),  ii.  35,  37,  39,  41,  44,  54 ; 

as  a tribal  distinction,  55 
China  armlets,  ii.  74 
Cicatrices,  ii.  80 
Circumcision,  ii.  80 
Colours,  ii.  29,  35,  37,  55 
Combs,  ii.  59,  63  ; men  combing  hair,  64 
Copper  rings,  ii.  47,  67  ; teeth  plates,  A194 
Corsets,  ii  40,  41,  42,  43,  44,  45  ; weight  of,  45  ; 

clasps,  46  ; how  removed,  47,  A193 
Cotton  weaving,  364;  gin,  ii  31 
Dandies,  59 

Deformation,  no,  99 ; of  head,  ii.  70 
Depilation,  ii.  81 

Drowning  through  heavy  ornaments,  ii  42, 
A204 

Dyeing,  ii  29,  35,  37,  50 

Earrings,  ii.  39,  41,  42,  45  ; manufacture,  65,  71  ; 
gold  and  silver,  69,  70 

Ear  mutilations,  55,  57,  ii.  66,  67,  68,  69,  70,  81 ; 
A193,  194 

Ear  plugs,  ii  44,  66,  68,  70,  71  : A193,  204 
Embroidery,  ii.  50 
Eyebrows,  shaving,  ii  44,  81 
Eyelashes,  pulled  out,  81,  296 
Feathers,  ii.  44  ; in  head-dress,  57 
Finger  rings,  ii.  42 
Flowers  in  hair,  ii  43.  62 
Girdles,  see  Belts,  Hip  lace 
Girl's  dress,  ii.  42 

Gold  ear  ornaments,  ii  70  ; armlets,  ii.  75  ; 
buttons,  ii.  42 

Hair,  cutting,  ii  58  ; length  of,  ii.  58,  59,  62,  63, 
64. 


Dress  and  Fashionable  Deformity 
(continued). 

Hairdressing  see  Head-dress 
Hairpins,  ii.  44,  38,  59,  65 
Hawkbells,  ii.  74 
Head  deformations,  ii.  79 

Head-dresses,  ii.  39.  40,  41,  44,  57,  59,  60,  61,  62, 
63,  64,  65  ; in  mourning,  58  ; A193,  194 
Head  shaving,  ii.  59,  62,  63,  64,  81 
Hip  lace,  ii  51,  55  ; see  Belts 
Knife,  ii.  39 

Jackets,  ii  40,  42,  48;  like  waistcoats,  ii.  49; 

making,  31,  32,  37 
Lamba  cloth,  ii  35,  37,  45 
Land  Dyaks,  49 
Lead  rings,  ii  45,  69,  70 
Leglets,  ii.  40,  41,  42,  44,  45,  71-76  ; A193 
Lintong,  see  Corsets 
Looms,  ii.  30 
Love  of  finery,  ii.  41 
Mat  seats  (tail-flap),  5,  ii.  55,  56 
Mourning  petticoats,  ii.  53  ; head-dress,  ii  58 
Moustachios,  39 

Necklets,  ii.  39,  40,  41,  44,  45,  71,  76 
Petticoats,  29,  40,  42,  45  ; how  suspended,  ii.  40, 
51  ; in  mourning,  ii.  53 ; open  at  side,  A193, 
194 

Poison-coated  trinkets,  ii.  71 
Polished  stones,  ii.  51 
Rotan  corsets,  ii.  42 

Sacred  flower,  ii.  43  ; see  Agriculture 

Saladan,  see  Corsets 

Screws  in  ear  buttons,  ii.  69 

Sea  Dyak,  55 

Seams,  hems,  &c.,  ii.  38 

Sexual  mutilations,  ii.  80 

Shells,  ii.  41,  47,  51,  71,  72,  73,  74,  75 

Silver  coins,  ii.  46,  51  ; teeth  plates,  A 192 

Silver,  ear  ornaments,  ii.  70  ; chains,  ii.  71  ; 

armlets,  ii.  75 
Silversmiths,  69 
Spinning  wheel,  ii.  31 
Tapang  wood  armlets,  ii.  71 
Tail-flaps  (mat  seat),  5,  ii.  55,  56 
Teeth,  filing,  ii  44,  77,  78,  79;  drilling,  77,  7S  : 
blackening,  78  ; plates,  78,  79,  A192,  194  ; 
ground  down,  A192 

Teeth  of  animals,  ii.  39 ; as  ear  ornaments,  67, 
68,  69,  73  ; A 193 
Thread  and  fibres,  ii  31,  37 
Tin  rings,  ii.  47 

Tribal  badges,  ii.  32,  33,  34  ; chawats  as,  ii.  55 

Want  of  vanity,  ii  93 

Weaving,  ii.  29,  31,  39 

Weight  of  ornaments,  ii.  42,  A204 

DYAK  (THE  WORD) 

Bampfylde’s  view,  39 

Sir  Jas.  Brooke  on,  39  ; his  division  of  the  people 
into  Land  and  Sea  Dyaks,  42 


Index. 


ccxxiii. 


Dyak  ( continued ). 

Everett’s  view,  40 ; the  word  Iban,  40 
Meyer's  remarks,  40 

Meaning  of  the  word,  probable  correct,  42-43 
Misuse  of  the  word,  39-43 

FEASTS  (see  Religion). 

FIRE. 

Skertchly’s  exhaustive  paper,  371 
Fire  Syringe  372 

Difficulties  with  it,  375 
Dyak  name  and  scarcity  of,  372 
Kalakas,  made  by,  372 
Manner  of  use,  374 
Names  and  description  of  parts,  373 
Sakarangs  and  Sarebus,  known  by,  373 
Fire  Drill,  375 

Bow  fire  drill  not  known,  the,  377  note 
Description,  375 
Legendary  origin  of,  301 
Method  of  operating,  376 
Side  groove  or  notch,  the,  375,  376 
Wide  distribution,  375 
Fire  Saw,  377 

Description  and  method  of  using,  377 
Flint  and  tinder  struck  on  bambu,  378 
Forest  conflagrations  caused  by  bambu 
rubbed  together  in  the  wind,  378 
Bambu  and  Pottery,  378,  A20S 
Tinder  making,  378 
Steel  and  Flint,  378 
Torches,  379 

How  light  regulated,  379 
Leaf  wick,  379 

Made  of  bambu  and  dammar,  379 
Strips  of  resinous  wood,  379 
Candles,  379  ; making,  A20S 
Fire  not  procurable  in  Hades,  205 ; fire  a 
“ medium,”  229  ; fire  appeases  hate  of  birds, 
229  ; messages  given  to  fire,  229  ; hair  burnt 
in  fire  causes  sickness,  288  ; “ fence  of  fire,” 
273  ; fire  kept  up  during  the  night,  366  ; fire 
place,  ii  1,  3,  10  (and  note);  firewood,  ii.  3; 
Malay  notion  of  fire,  372 ; originator  of 
house  conflagration  condemned  to  slavery, 
ii.  213;  fines  for  incendiarism,  A187 

FISHING. 

Angling,  460 

Barongs  (fishing  boats),  455 

Diving  for  fish,  456,  462 

Drying  fish,  455,  456 

Floating  baits,  461 

Hooks,  460 

Prawns,  457 

Rights,  418,  A167 

Seines,  nets,  and  scoops,  454-457 

Sharks,  455 


Fishing  ( continued ). 

Spearing,  462 
Spins,  461 

Sumpitan,  4C2  ; see  Sumpitan 

Tabu,  456 

Torchlight,  462 

Traps  and  weirs,  459,  463 

Tuba  fishing,  458  ; division  of  spoil,  459 

Weirs,  459,  463 

FOOD. 

Alligators,  382 

Bambu,  boiling  in,  379  ; jars,  387 
Beans,  407 
Beetles,  383 
Brine,  385 
; Buffalo,  383,  385 

' Cooking:  boiling  in  bambu,  379,  381  ; in  iron 
pans,  380  ; roast  pigeon,  380  ; grilled  fowl, 
380 ; scalding  the  feathers,  380 ; grilling 
fish,  380  ; fire  place,  380  ; earthen  pots,  381  ; 
wild  cat,  383  ; roast  rat,  386 
Cakes,  385  ; unknown,  A196 
Cat,  wild,  383 
Clay,  385 
Cribung,  379 
Crocodiles,  A208 
Cucumber,  379,  383 
Curing,  385 

Domestic  animals  seldom  eaten,  381,  A196 
Drinking:  arrack,  383;  seductive  maidens,  391, 
392  ; women  not  drinkers,  392  ; drunkards 
at  feasts  only,  392  ; pride  in,  392  ; water, 
387,  388;  panchurs,  387,  ii  5 (see  Habita- 
tions) ; bambu  jars,  387  ; at  peace-making, 
206 ; fondness  for,  A1G3  ; quarrels  while, 
Ai63,  A202  ; at  marriages,  A180  ; drunken- 
ness incurable ; 94 
Earth  eaten,  385 
Famines,  421  ; foods,  A201 
Fingers,  eating  with,  382 
Fish,  379.  380,  383,  384 
Fowls,  379 
Frogs,  382,  383 
Fruit,  383 
Gourds,  383 
Grass,  wild,  378 
Grubs,  382,  383,  384 
High  food,  86 
Honey,  385 
Indian  corn,  383,  407 
Kaladi,  383,  386 
Leaves  as  plates,  382 
Maize,  see  Indian  corn 
Mice,  383 

Monkeys,  380,  382,  383,  A208 
Mouth  washing,  384,  388 
Not  attacked  when  eating,  384 
Pigeon,  380 
Plates,  382 


ccxxiv.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Food  (continued). 

Pork,  379,  385 
Pottery,  390 
Rats,  383,  385 

Rice,  379,  380,  382,  383  ; mortars,  A203 
Roots,  386 

Salt,  385  ; manufacture,  386,  A202  ; in  food,  385  ; 

trade  staple,  387  ; necessity  for,  387 
Snakes,  382,  383.  A20S 
Spoons,  246 
Sugar,  385.  407 
Sweet  potatoes,  383,  386 

Tabued  food,  vegetables,  388;  new  rice.  390; 
goats,  388,  389  ; ox,  buffalo,  388,  389  ; fowls, 
butter,  388  ; fern pahu,  389  ; snakes,  389,  390  ; 
bears,  389 ; wild  cattle,  389  ; lizards,  389  , 
tiger  cat,  389  ; fruits,  390  : fish  with  cabbage 
palm,  390  ; dogs,  390 
Tapioca  383,  421 
Toads,  383 
Treacle,  385 

Vegetables,  379,  380,  381,  407 
Vinegar,  385 
Waste  at  feasts.  421 
Yams,  379  383 

FOREIGN  INFLUENCES. 

Alien  interference  (xix.) 

Chinese  : Agricultural,  422  ; cheating,  65,  67  ; 
coins,  ii.  280;  intermarriage,  124;  influence, 
A164 ; jars,  284,  286 ; origin  of  shields 
(xiii.)  ; pottery,  ii.  280 

Hindu  influence  (xiii  ),  A164  ; “ in  the  days  of,” 
ii.  279 ; relics,  ii.  279,  280  (and  note) 
Indonesian  affinities,  63,  A209 
Javanese  era,  ii.  283  ; jars  come  via  Java,  ii.  286  ; 
Manging’s  visit  to  Java,  i.  338  ; musical 
instrument  (xiii ) ; the  Siju  idol,  340 
Malay  rifling  graves,  141,  204  ; affinities,  63  , 
affinities  in  language,  ii  273 ; cheating, 
65  ; derivation  of  language,  ii  269.  271  ; 
influences  (xiii  ),  A164,  oppression  (xvi  ), 
67,  70 ; wheedlings,  ii  233 
Sulu  influence  (xiii.) 

GOVERNMENT  (Native  Custom,  Adat). 

Adultery,  punishment  of,  ii.  228 
Babultid  (defiance),  ii.  230 
Binting  Mar  VOW  (river  tabu),  A205 
Bunkit  (vaunting),  70 
Capital  offences,  ii  225 

Chiefs,  see  Orang  Kaya,  Panglima,  Pengara,  Tuah 

Classes,  A 165 

Councils,  ii.  225,  227 

Cursing,  fines  for,  A 187 

Decisions,  sensible,  ii.  228 

Defiance,  ii.  230 

Destruction  of  property,  ii.  228 


Government  ( continued ). 

Disputes,  about  fruit  trees,  418  ; about  land, 
420,  ii.  96;  fighting  with  sticks,  420;  settle- 
ment of,  A166,  168 

Evolution,  of  classes,  A166 ; of  property,  A166 ; 

of  heredity,  A167 
Fines,  89,  ii  228,  A186,  187,  206 
Guardians,  A184 

Heads  to  settle  differences,  ii.  230 
Inheritance,  138,  A167;  in  land,  419,  420,  ii.  229; 

curious  case,  ii.  229,  A182,  184  ; see  Property 
Malay  oppression,  ii.  230 ; intrigues,  ii.  231 
Murder,  ii  228,  229;  curious  law,  A187,  A206 
Orations,  ii  227.  228 

Chang  Kaya,  ii.  224 ; election  of,  72,  ii.  227 ; 
appointment  of,  A167 ; office  hereditary,  A167, 
206 ; women  not  eligible,  A206 : power, 
small,  ii.  225;  great,  ii  225;  increased 
power  leads  to  slavery,  ii  226  ; farm  assist- 
ance received,  ii  225,  226  ; ruined  popularity, 
ii.  226 ; five  chiefs,  ii.  227  ; tabu  laying, 
A205;  influence  of,  A162  : duties  of,  A168  ; 
prerogatives  of,  A 168  ; tax  making,  A205 
Panglima,  ii.  224 
Pengara,  ii.  224 

Property,  in  trees,  66,  418,  453,  A167  ; in  land, 
A 166  ; origin  of  in  land,  A206 ; fishing  rights, 
418,  A167;  in  game,  453;  dividing  with 
spirits  of  the  dead,  209  ; communal,  4:9, 
420;  in  bambu,  418;  tenants'  rights,  420; 
of  slaves,  ii.  211,  214  ; jungle  rights,  A209  ; 
evolution  of,  A166  ; see  Inheritance 
- Singer,  A206 
Social  system,  A 165 
Theft,  punishment  for,  A187 
Tuah,  ii  224  ; hard  worked,  ii.  225 
Vassalage  leads  to  slavery,  ii.  226 
Villages  separately  governed,  225,  A165 

HABITATIONS. 

Altars  at,  ii.  5 

Aqueducts  (panchurs),  359,  361,  364,  366,  ii.  5 

Balai,  see  Strangers 

Bambu  designs,  ii.  28 

Bark,  ii  18  ; roofs,  A190 

Bedsteads,  366,  382,  ii.  13,  A203 

Bridges,  ii.  1,  27 

Challenge  bowl,  ii.  158 

Communal  life  bad,  ii.  25 

Cottages,  ii  23 

Decorations,  ii.  9,  10,  12,  17,  A203  ; carved  ridge 
boards,  A204 
Dirt,  ii.  4,  10,  17 
Divisions,  ii.  1,  6,  A190 
Doors,  ii.  i,  3,  9,  10,  17 

Fences  and  stockades,  ii.  3,  6,  20,  24,  25,  A178,  190 
Fire  places,  380.  ii.  1,  6,  10,  12,  23,  24 
Firewood,  363,  ii.  20 
Flooring,  ii.  6,  24,  25 
Gomuti  palm  cordage,  ii.  6 


Index. 


ccxxv. 


Habitations  (continued). 

Height,  ii.  17,  20,  21 
Hooks,  ii.  16 

Household  goods,  ii.  3 ; stored  in  jungle,  ii.  6, 

10,  16 

Human  sacrifices  at  building,  ii.  215,  216,  see 
Human  Sacrifices 
Ladders,  ii.  1,  5,  6,  9,  16,  26,  A190,  203 
Land  Dyaks,  ii.  1 ; varieties  of,  ii.  3 ; Sea  Dyaks, 

11.  9 

Length,  ii.  16,  17,  25,  A203 
Loft,  ii.  14,  16 
Lower  verandah,  ii  3 
Mats,  ii.  10 

Mosquitoes,  ii.  14  ; curtains,  ii.  35 
Nibong  palm,  ii.  4,  244 
Nipa  palm,  ii.  4,  14,  17,  244 
Omens,  ii.  14,  16,  20,  24 
Panchurs,  see  Aqueducts 
Pang  oaks  (head  houses),  ii.  5 
Partitions,  ii.  3,  4,  21,  A203 
Passages,  ii.  3,  9,  22,  23 
Paths,  ii.  23-27 
Picturesque  spots,  359 
Pillows,  366,  382,  ii  6 
Planing  tool,  ii.  24 
Planking,  ii  4,  18,  20,  23 
Plans,  ii.  n,  23 

Platforms,  ii  1,  3,  9,  12,  13,  23 

Position  and  surrounding,  ii.  4,  17 

Posts,  ii.  22  ; holes,  ii.  21 

Private  apartments,  ii  9,  12,  22 

Raised  seats,  ii.  1,  18,  21 

Refuse,  ii.  4,  10,  17 

Removals  ii  14,  16 

Residence  shifting,  400 

Roofing,  ii.  6,  12,  13,  14,  17,  22,  A190 

Rotan  cordage,  ii.  6,  21,  27,  244 

Sacrifices,  ii.  15,  16,  24 

Shelves,  ii.  1,  10,  21 

Smoke  hole,  ii.  6,  10,  23,  A203 

Strangers’  place,  ii.  1 ; houses  for,  A203 

Tabu  at  house  building,  ii.  6 

Vermin,  ii.  21,  24 

Windows,  ii.  1,  3,  9,  12,  22,  27,  A190 
Women's  apartments,  ii.  5,  14 

HEAD  HUNTING. 

Accounts,  balancing  head,  ii  202 
Animal  heads,  ii.  158 
Baskets  for  heads,  ii.  145,  147 
Bones  preserved,  i.  258.  ii  154 
Brain  extraction,  ii.  146 
Brass  dishes,  ii.  170 

Burials,  heads  wanted  for,  158,  207,  ii  142 
Captives  killed  for  heads,  ii.  163 
Care  given  to  a captured  head,  ii.  168 
Carved  wood,  meaning  of,  A210 
Carving,  see  Decorated  skulls 
P 


Head  Hunting  (continued). 

Children's  admiration  of  heads,  ii.  144;  heads, 
ii.  159-162,  A178 

Collection  of  heads,  ii.  143  ; of  animals,  ii.  158 
Corpses’  heads,  ii.  141 
Cowardly  procedures,  ii.  159 
Cunning  in  taking  heads,  ii.  160 
Decapitation,  methods  of,  ii.  145 
Decorated  skulls,  ii.  145,  14C  ; Meyer’s  notes  on, 
ii.  147-153 

Depopulation  due  to,  A179 

Desire  for  heads  deep-rooted,  ii.  140,  142 

Division  of  a head,  ii.  150,  158,  159 

Effect  on  character,  ii.  167 

Enemies’  heads,  ii.  160,  164 

Feasts,  Head-,  256,  ii.  167-174 

Festoons  of  heads,  ii.  153 

“ Finest  way  possible,”  ii  162 

Funeral  feasts,  head  for,  158,  207 

Gawe  Pala  or  Burong  (head  or  bird  feast),  ii.  174,  256 

Houses,  Head-,  ii.  156,  157 

Human  sacrifices,  ii.  141 

Hunting,  head,  79,  91,  109 

Invoking  heads,  ii.  168 

Klieng  at  head  feasts,  ii.  174 

Language  at  feasts,  ii.  174 

Legend  as  to  origin  of  head  hunting,  ii.  163,  A210 
Lovers'  treachery,  ii.  161  ; trouble,  ii.  165 
Loving  cup,  ii.  173 

Marriage,  heads  for,  ii.  142  ; heads  a necessity 
for,  ii.  163-166,  A178  ; not  a necessity,  ii.  166 
note,  A 1 78 

Mengap  (song  of  feast),  ii.  174 
Number  of  heads  collected,  ii.  143 
Omens,  ii.  143 

Origin  of  head  hunting,  ii.  163,  A210 
Original  owners  of  heads,  references  to,  ii.  145 
Pangahs,  ii.  156,  157 
Passion  comparatively  new,  ii.  140,  141 
Penyala,  ii.  169,  170 
Perham's  Song  of  Head  Feast,  ii.  174 
Posts,  how  erected,  ii.  169,  173;  skulls  on,  A191 
Preservation,  methods  of,  ii.  145-148 
Pride  in  possession  of  heads,  ii.  142 
Property  in  heads,  ii.  158 
Propitiating  heads,  ii.  168-172 
Prosperity  insured  by  heads,  ii  143 
Recaptured  heads,  ii.  145 
Reception  of  captured  heads,  ii.  167-174 
Redeeming  a head,  ii.  144 
Relative  killed  for  a head,  ii.  161 
Ruai's  chief  ornament,  ii.  13 
Sacrifices  of  pigs,  ii  172  ; of  slaves,  ii.  163 
Scalps,  ii.  141,  A210 
Schemes  for  getting  heads,  ii.  142 
Singalong  Burong  at  head  feasts,  ii.  174 
Slaves,  wanted  in  heaven,  141,  ii.  141  : heads  of, 
ii.  163 

Smoking  heads,  ii.  147 
Song  of  Head  Feast,  ii.  174 


ccxxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Head  Hunting  (continued). 

Spirits  at  Feast,  ii.  174 

Spitting  on,  ii.  167 

Stone  for  head  dividing,  ii.  159 

Straw  wisps,  ii.  154 

Tatu  marks,  ii.  90,  159 

Women,  heads  of,  ii.  159-162,  A177,  178  ; 

influence  of,  ii.  163-166,  167,  168 
Wooden  heads,  ii.  162,  291 

HOSE. 

Hose,  Chas.  List  of  Borneo  tribes,  37 

HUMAN  SACRIFICES 
Burials,  at,  141,  145,  157,  190,  ii.  141,  163,  204, 
216,  A199,  205 

Captives  and  slaves,  of,  157,  ii.  163,  204,  214,  215, 
216,  217,  222,  A162,  166,  174,  188,  189,  199, 
205 

Communal  purchases  for,  ii.  217 
Heart  examined  at,  ii.  215 
House-building  at,  ii.  215,  216 
Legends  relating  to,  325. 

Peace,  at  conclusion  of,  ii.  204,  205,  A188,  205 
Prosperity,  to  bring,  ii.  216,  A205 
Spirits,  in  honour  of,  ii.  216  (note),  A205 
Women  torturers,  ii.  215,  216;  not  spectators  of, 
ii.  216 

HUNTING. 

Accidents,  430,  439,  452 
Animals,  why  hunted,  453 
Bears,  453 

Bees,  451,  A208  ; tapang  trees,  451 ; ladders,  451 ; 
accidents,  452  ; bears,  453  ; property  in 
trees,  452 

Birds,  “ calling,”  444  ; birdlime,  445 
Cave  swift  nests,  448  ; varieties,  448,  450  ; col- 
lecting, 449  ; value,  450 ; curious  custom, 
A208 

Crocodiles,  446 

Deer,  428,  429  ; snaring,  443  ; potting,  A202 

Dogs,  428,  429,  430  ; see  Domestic  Animals 

Frogs,  445 

Game  rights,  453 

Jungle,  cry,  430  ; rights,  A209 

Pickled  food,  430 

Pigs,  428,  429  ; charms,  439 

Pitfalls,  444 

Property  in  game,  453  ; in  bee  trees,  453 ; in 
fruit  trees,  66  ; see  Government. 

Skertchly's  description  of  traps,  430 
Sumpitan,  446  ; see  Sumpitan 
Tabu,  to  mention  name  of  animal,  224  ; against 
“ butter  fingers,”  430 
Tortoises,  445 

Traps,  430;  Skertchly’s  description,  430;  Jerat, 
431  ; Bubuang,  433  ; Kelung,  435  ; peti.  437  ; 
pig  charms,  439  ; Peti  lanchar,  440  ; Peti  and 
bow,  441 ; etymology,  442  ; rat  traps,  443 


HUPE 

Hupe,  Carl.  Ethnology  of  Pontianak  (xii.) 

INTERFERENCE. 
Interference  of  aliens  (xix.) 

White  people  not  wanted,  ii.  100 

JARS  (see  also  Writing). 
Attempts  to  deceive  Dyaks  with,  ii.  287 
Chinese  origin,  ii.  284,  286,  A177 
Exchanges  as  tokens  of  friendship,  ii.  284 
Fines,  taken  as,  per  head,  ii.  285 
Gusi,  ii.  284,  285,  286 
Heirlooms,  ii.  284 
Hostages  for  good  conduct,  ii.  2S5 
Java,  arrival  via,  ii.  286 
Joy  at  receiving  back,  ii.  285 
Mysterious  powers  possessed  by,  ii.  285,  2?6 
Naga,  ii.  284 

Oracular  powers  of,  ii.  286  (and  note). 

Price  excessive,  ii.  284,  285,  286,  287 

Room  full  of  jars,  ii.  285 

Rusa,  ii.  284 

Sacredness  of,  ii.  285 

Sacrifice  to,  ii.  285 

Sale  of  by  trade  goods,  ii.  286 

Varieties  of,  ii.  284,  285,  286,  A177 

Water  from  sacred,  ii.  286 

LANGUAGE. 

Land  Dyak,  7 ; ii.  267 

Conversion  of  letter  1 to  r and  r to  h, 
ii.  269 

Examples,  ii.  268 
Derivatives,  richness  in,  ii.  267 
Malay  derivation,  ii  269 
Prefixes,  ii.  267 
Puas  or  lament,  ii.  268 
Radical  connections  with  others,  ii.  267 
Tribal  differences,  ii.  267 
Sea  Dyak,  10  ; ii.  269 

Archaic  Malay  words,  ii.  271 
Aspirate,  importance  of,  ii.  269 
Final  vowel,  ii.  270 
Hindu  influence,  ii.  271 
H versus  k,  ii.  270 
Malay  derivation,  ii.  271 
Manang's  speech,  269,  ii.  174,  272,  A161 
Original  Borneo  element  wanting,  ii  271 
Phonetic  spelling,  ii.  271 
Slang,  ii.  272 
Speech  at  feasts,  ii.  174 
Tribal  differences  disappearing,  ii.  271 
War  language,  ii.  272 
Kayan,  18  ; ii.  272 

Distinct  from  Land  and  Sea  Dyak,  ii.  272 
Local  differences 
Milanau,  12 

Dialectical  differences,  ii.  272 
Tribal  differences,  ii.  272 


Index. 


ccxxvn. 


Language  (continued). 

Dusun,  ii.  272 

Accent  on  last  syllable,  ii.  272 
Affixes  not  frequent,  ii.  273 
Baju  quite  distinct,  ii.  273 
Bisaya  likeness,  ii.  273 
Conversion  of  yo  into  zo,  ii  273 
Lanun  quite  distinct,  ii.  273 
Local  differences,  ii.  273 
Malay  affinities,  ii  273 
Sulu  affinities  ii.  273 
Pronunciation  indifferent,  ii.  273 

LEGENDS  ( see  also  Religion). 

Alligators  afraid  to  eat  Dyaks,  348  ; a Dyak 
meets  an  alligator,  348,  and  who  marries  his 
daughter,  348 ; the  alligator  will  not  work 
and  so  is  killed,  349 ; alligators  now  dare  not 
for  shame  look  at  Dyaks,  349 ; another 
version  : a Dyak  goes  under  water  to  cure  a 
sick  alligator,  349,  and  is  turned  off  without 
his  fee,  349 

Alligator  bird  sings  to  the  alligator,  348. 

Barich,  origin  of  the. — Sick  persons  burned  to 
death,  309;  a sick  woman  rescued  by  Tupa 
Jing,  310;  her  veiled  return  and  appearance 
with  doctor’s  knowledge,  310 ; another  ver- 
sion, 31  x 

Buludupihs,  origin  of. — During  a fire  a girl 
carried  off  by  a spirit ; her  child  the  first 
Buludupih,  304 

Buludupih’s  story  of  the  Kinabatangan  cave, 
352 ; a chief  sends  his  son  to  fight  the  Sulus, 
352;  they  return  successful,  352;  are  lured 
into  a cave,  352 ; the  cave  closes  down  and 
only  the  youngest  brother  escapes,  352 

Cats,  men  laughing  at,  turned  to  rocks,  305 

Creation  of  the  world  — Gantallah,  the  lumbu, 
originates  two  birds  who  start  creation, 
299;  dragon,  woman  and  fruit,  300;  another 
account  of  creation,  300 ; a third  account : 
world  built  up  on  head  of  Naga  the  serpent, 
A 1 70  ; men  born  of  eggs,  A 170  ; Angai  gives 
life  with  death,  A171  ; fourth  account  : a 
woman  born  from  trees  after  six  times 
bringing  forth,  A171  ; produces  Sangen,  the 
progenitor  of  mankind,  A172 ; a fifth 
account,  A201 

Deluge.  — Trow  (Noah),  300;  the  arc  a paddy 
mortar,  300  ; after  deluge  creates  women  and 
marries  them,  300 ; the  ancestors  of  the 
Tringus,  300  ; men  kill  a snake  and  a flood 
of  water  issues  from  his  body,  301  ; the 
single  surviving  woman  invents  fire-drill, 
301 ; birth  of  Simpang  Impang,  301  ; the 
adventures  of  Simpang,  301 ; matriarchal 
injunctions,  302  ; Deluge,  A201 

Dogs,  origin  of,  A202 ; men  turned  to  rocks  for 
laughing  at  305,  357 

Elephant  outwitted  by  a porcupine,  A200 


Legends  (continued). 

Head-hunting,  origin  of,  ii.  1C3 

Jungle  leeches,  origin  of. — An  Umot  captures  a 
Dyak's  wife,  308  ; her  release,  and  death  of 
the  Umot,  308 ; the  child  a scourge,  its  cut 
up  body  turns  into  leeches,  309 

Kadawa  the  cockfighter,  21 1 

Kina  Balu,  Chinese  legend  of. — Theft  of  stone 
from  a snake,  304;  “celestial"  thieves  left 
behind  304 ; Dusuns'  ancestors,  304  ; lake 
with  imprisoned  princess,  305 

King  of  gold  mines,  A201 

Klieng’s  War  Raid  to  the  Skies  (by  the  Ven. 
Archd.  Perham).  — Varieties  of  Dyak 
legends,  311  ; Klieng  a foundling,  312;  his 
metamorphoses,  312;  his  wife  Kumang 
(Venus),  312 ; Klieng  appears  disguised, 
312 ; proposes  to  marry  Kumang,  313 ; 
Tutong's  denial,  313  ; the  war  path,  314  ; 
arrival  of  the  wind,  315;  gathering  the 
army,  315;  Sampurei's  joke,  317;  arrival  of 
grandmother  Manang,  318 ; her  miracles, 
319;  counter  miracles,  320;  approach 
Tedai’s  house,  322  ; the  fight  with  his  army, 
323  ; fall  of  Tedai,  324 ; Klieng's  return, 
324 ; how  songs  are  sung,  324 ; former 
human  sacrifices,  325. 

Klieng,  a story  of. — Arrival  of  strangers,  326  ; 
the  women  carried  off,  326  ; the  alarm  and 
pursuit,  327  ; adventures  of  Bunga  Noeing, 

327 

Klieng,  adventures  of. — His  proposed  marriage 
with  Bunga  Riman  (Kumang),  332;  Klieng 
wanders  in  the  forest,  333  ; a bird  leads  him 
to  people  fighting,  333  ; he  overcomes  them 
and  they  give  him  charms,  333 ; meets 
Bunga  Riman,  333;  a fly  helps  him,  334; 
passes  the  night  with  Bunga  Riman,  334  ; 
meets  her  brother  Aji,  334  ; they  fight,  Aji’s 
defeat,  334 ; his  prodigies  of  work,  335  ; 
attack  the  Kayans,  335  ; the  plunder,  335  ; 
Klieng’s  daughter,  336  ; his  return  to  his 
people,  336  ; Klieng’s  disguise  revealed,  337. 

Klieng,  the  tale  of  old  men,  337 

Limbang,  Ensera,  the  story  of  Klieng’s  young- 
est brother. — The  party  goes  out  hunting, 
leaving  Limbang  alone,  328 ; his  strength, 

328  ; a light  wanted,  328  ; he  meets  Gua  the 
giant,  329;  the  giant’s  way  of  eating,  &c.,  329; 
Limbang  marries  the  giant’s  grand-daughter 
(Bunsu  Mata  ari),  330  ; her  jewellery  lost, 
330;  arrival  of  a Malay  suitor,  331;  Lim- 
bang destroys  the  war  party,  331  ; meets 
Klieng,  331  ; death  of  Gua,  332  ; return  home 
of  Limbang,  332 

Limbang  removes  Bunsu  Mata-ari’s  house, 

337 

Manging,  the  story  of. — His  arrival  in  Java, 

338  ; his  cleverness  and  success,  338  ; the 
son’s  search,  339 ; a bad  reception,  339 ; 


ccxxviii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Legends  ( continued ). 

recognition.  339;  Manging's  wife,  339;  an 
antique  necklace.  339 

Mountain  spirits,  fear  of,  356  ; ghostly  buffalo 
footprint,  356  ; dragon  on  Kina  Balu,  356  ; 
prayer  to,  356 ; Dusun  ancestor  on,  356 ; 
Mount  Mentapon  angered  spirit  sends  rain, 
357  ; Sadong  hill  rocks  are  people  turned  to 
stone  for  laughing  at  dog,  357.  Nini  Sit 
(grandparents  Sit)  rocks  : Lundu  famine 

averting  spirits,  354  ; miraculous  night 
journey,  354  ; faith  is  shaken,  355;  Temelan 
rock  spirits  warn  against  enemy,  355  ; spirit 
communion,  287,  355  ; no  bowing  down  or 
worship,  355 ; pigs  turned  to  stone  now 
sacred,  356 

Nating,  the  adventures  of,  338 

Orang  Outan.— People  turn  into  orang  outans, 
350 ; women  pregnant  by,  350  ; twins  by, 
350 ; orang  outans  help  the  Bantings  once, 
35° 

Ot  Danum’s  descent,  A201 

Paddy,  origin  of. — Se  Jura’s  adventure,  307  ; 
maggots,  307  ; acquires  knowledge  of  farm- 
ing, 307  ; farming  operations  regulated  by 
the  stars,  307 

Plandok,  deer  and  pig. — Plandok  falls  in  pit,  347  ; 
induces  a pig  and  deer  to  do  likewise,  he 
escapes,  347 ; he  gets  the  deer  killed  by- 
bees,  347,  and  the  pig  by  a snake,  348 

Plandok  and  Kikura  seeking  bamboo  shoots. 
342  ; Plandok  caught  in  a snare,  and  escapes, 
343;  Kikura  caught  in  a pitfall,  343  ; induces 
monkey'  to  change  places  with  him,  344  ; 
Kra  escapes,  344  ; the  three  travel  together, 
344  ; Kra  deceives  and  kills  a fish,  345  ; 
Bruang  wants  a share  and  is  sent  about  his 
business,  345 

Plandok,  deer,  and  pig. — Disappearance  of  their 
fish,  346 ; they  watch  in  turn,  the  giant  too 
much  for  deer  and  pig,  but  Plandok  over- 
comes him,  346 

Pulang  Gana,  see  Religion 

Rats,  how  came  to  be  eaten,  350;  the  rats  ate  up 
all  the  rice,  therefore  it  was  time  to  eat  the 
rats,  350 

Rocks,  men  turned  into,  for  laughing  at  dogs, 
305.  357  1 oath  taken  by-  353 

Sadong  chief,  ancestor  of. — A boy  visitor  badly- 
treated,  305  ; he  causes  them  to  laugh  at  a 
dog,  and  they  are  turned  to  stone,  305  ; his 
descendant's  dream,  306  ; discovery  of  Si 
Lebor  nest  caves,  306 

Sennahs,  origin  of,  6 (note)  . 

Sibuyaus,  origin  of — Puttin  not  eaten,  303  ; fish 
changed  to  girl,  her  marriage,  child,  and 
her  disappearance,  303  ; other  versions 
ascribe  disappearance  to  ill  treatment,  303 

Siju  idol,  history  of  the. — Its  existence  denied, 
340  ; Siju  dies  in  Java,  and  his  body  carried 


Legends  ( continued ). 

home,  340  ; re-appearance  as  a copper  frog. 
340;  the  village  guardian  spirit,  341 ; stolen, 
loses  a leg,  341  ; a miraculous  leaf,  341 ; his 
recovery,  341  ; yearly  feast  in  his  honour, 
341 ; probably  a Hindu  idol,  342 
Simpang-impang,  birth  of,  301  ; mother  of 
Pulang  Gana,  177 

Singalong  Burong  and  his  sons-in-law,  Katu- 
pong,  Beragai,  &c.,  197,  198,  200 
Siu  meets  a beautiful  woman,  198 ; their  son 
Seragunting,  198  ; his  miracles,  198  ; get  to 
house  of  Singalong  Burong,  J99  ; more 
miracles,  199  ; acknowledged  to  be  grandson 
of  Singalong  Burong,  199  ; return  home 
with  knowledge,  200 

Snake  has  a stump  tail. — Of  a woman’s  twins, 
one  a snake,  350  ; the  twin  brother  cuts  his 
tail  by  mistake,  351 

Spooks. — A tree  that  never  sheds  its  leaves,  351  ; 
a sorcerer's  home,  351 ; camphor  tree  guarded 
by  an  ogre,  351 ; the  bones  of  a dragon,  351  ; 
ruins  of  a gigantic  house  inhabited  by  man- 
eating  spirits,  351 ; an  invisible  tiger,  352 
Tails,  men  with.  351 

Toad  advises  heads  to  be  taken  instead  of  scalps, 
A210 

Turtle,  the,  with  a pearl,  350 
Water  and  rock  spirits,  353  ; warm  spring  occu- 
pied by  spirits,  353 ; a stream  infested  by 
antus,  353  ; cataract's  roar  caused  by  antu, 
353  ; the  moving  stone,  353  ; the  tail  end 
of  Bunga  Noeing’s  waistcloth,  353  ; made 
known  by  a dream,  353 ; an  uncanny  pond, 
353  ; oaths  on  rocks,  353 ; placing  a cutlass 
in  a stream,  353 

White  People,  origin  of,  and  survival  of  books. — 
An  ichthyosic  woman’s  child,  the  first 
European,  302  ; during  the  Deluge  four  men 
escape,  fate  of  the  books,  Malay  bullying, 

303 

LOW. 

Low,  H.  Brooke,  Career  of  (xi.) 

MARRIAGES. 

Adultery,  130;  punishments  for,  130,  131,  133, 
A181 

Ampun,  123 
Bergaput,  123 

Betrothment,  ic8,  114,  115,  11S 
Bigamy,  401 
Bilians  at,  A180 

Brian  ( berrihan , barian),  115,  124,  125 

Caged  girls,  121,  A199 

Ceremony,  109,  no,  114,  115,  202,  A180 

Chastity,  115,  116,  133 

Chiefs’  offences,  122 

Children,  A179 

Chinese,  intermarriage  with,  124 


Index. 


ccxxix. 


Marriages  ( continued ). 
Concubinage,  A181 

Conjugal  affection,  129;  fidelity,  115;  devotion, 

130 

Courtship,  108,  109,  no,  118,  A179 
Cousins  considered  brothers  and  sisters,  ii.  274 
Criminal  intercourse,  133' 

Desertion,  112,  126 

Divination,  marriage,  202 

Divorce,  126,  127,  128,  A182;  ring,  128 

Dreams,  128 

Drunkenness  at,  A180 

Early  marriages,  45,  46,  115 

Elopement,  118,  A181 

Father-in-law,  125,  302  ; wife  goes  to,  348 

Feasts,  A180 

Gifts  and  Fines,  A180 

Girls  caged,  121,  A199 

Heads  necesssary  for,  ii.  142,  163-166,  A178;  not 
necessary  for,  ii.  166  note,  A178 
High  class  scandal,  115,  116 
Incest,  122 

Intercourse  unrestrained,  116,  117,  132 
Intermarriage,  47,  123 
Jabu,  1 16 

Jars,  112,  124,  127,  129 
Jealousy,  131,  132,  134 
Kudi,  1 16 
Love  song,  119 

Lovers’  troubles,  117,  118;  lover  captured,  A181 

Male  visitors,  109,  no 

Matrimonial  troubles,  128 

Monogamy,  114 

Mother-in-law,  112,  126,  302 

Ngaiap,  118 

Nunghup  bin,  118 

Omens,  127,  128 

Parental  devotion,  103 

Parents-in-law  not  to  be  mentioned,  302  ; must 
not  walk  before  them,  302 
Perik , 127 

Polyandry,  126  ; a doubtful  case,  A199 
Polygamy,  126,  A181 
Pride,  118 

Prohibited  degrees,  122 

Relationships,  122  ; counted  to  remote  degree, 
ii.  274 

Residence,  108,  109,  124,  125,  129,  348,  A181 

Ring  divorce,  128 

Sacrifices  at,  A180 

Settlement.  112,  124.  126 

Suicide,  115,  116,  117,  118 

Taj  11  ( tajau ),  124,  127 

Wedding  dress,  113 

Wedlock,  a sign  of,  114 

Widows,  130,  A182 ; widowhood,  A182 ; see 
Disposal  of  the  Dead 
Wife  of  low  rank,  80 
Woman’s  property,  A182 


MAXWELL. 

Maxwell,  F.  R.  O.,  tribes  of  Sarawak,  1-20 
MEDICINE  MEN  ( see  Religion). 

MENSURATION. 

Ages  not  known,  ii.  241 
Cloth  measurement,  ii.  240 
Daytime,  A153 

Distances,  ii.  241  ; measured  by  hair  drying, 
ii.  241 ; by  boilings,  ii.  241 
Enumeration,  ii.  240 
Knotted  string,  ii.  103,  290 
Lineal  measurement,  ii.  240 
Pig  measured,  ii.  240 
Pleiades,  400 

Numerals,  favourite,  231,  ii.  241,  A99,  100,  101, 
102,  108,  114,  124,  145,  160 
Six  months’  year,  ii.  239 

Sun-dial,  for  planting,  400,  ii.  239  ; post,  shadow 
how  measured,  A 209 
Time,  how  referred  to,  ii.  240,  A153 
Years  not  counted,  ii.  239 

METALLURGY  AND  MINING. 
Blacksmiths,  ii.  234;  work  appreciated,  ii.  236. 
forges,  ii.  236,  237  ; forges  common  property, 
A207 

Coppersmiths,  A163 
Diamond  digging,  ii.  238 

Gold  in  river  beds,  ii.  237,  A207  ; Malaus  the 
only  native  workers,  ii.  237,  A163  ; rights, 
A167  ; methods  of  mining,  A207  ; river  raft, 
A207 

Iron,  how  obtained,  ii.  234,  236,  237  ; smelting, 
ii.  137,  235,  236,  237,  A163 
Platinum,  ii.  239 
Stone  hammers,  ii.  238 

MUSIC. 

Bagpipes  (?),  ii.  259,  A163 
Banjoes,  ii.  261 
Boatmen  singing,  ii.  265 
Character,  musical,  ii.  264 
Chords,  ii.  259 
Chorus,  1 15,  249 
Drums,  ii.  263,  A163 
Dulcimer,  ii.  264 
Fiddle,  ii.  260,  262 
j Flutes,  ii.  258,  A163 

Gongs,  ii.  263.  A163  ; beaten  in  uniscn  263 
i Guitar,  ii.  262,  A163 
Harps,  ii.  260,  261,  262 
Jew’s  harps,  ii.  257 
Pentatonic  scale,  ii.  259,  265 
Plaintive  chorus,  249  ; music,  ii.  265 
Reed  pipes,  ii.  260 

Singing,  ii.  264  ; extempore,  ii.  266  ; improvising 
rhymes,  i.  84 
Spirits,  to  keep  off,  ii.  264 
Zither,  ii.  260 


ccxxx.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.N.  Borneo. 


NAMES. 

Additional  names,  ii.  274 
Animals’  names  adopted,  ii.  275,  A208 
Birds  named  according  to  note,  ii.  277 
Body  names,  ii.  273 

Change  in  case  of  sickness,  288,  ii.  275 ; due  to 
dislike  of  mentioning  the  dead,  ii.  275 
Dislike  to  mention  one's  own  name,  ii.  275  ; or 
dead  persons,  ii.  275 

Grandfather  and  grandmother  prefixes,  curious 
results  of,  ii  274 

Inversion  of  Malay  nomenclature,  ii.  274 
High  sounding  titles,  ii.  275 
Men,  of,  ii.  273,  A114 

Parents  adopt  children's  names,  ii.  274  ; due  to 
impatience  of  distinctions,  ii.  274 
Prefixes,  ii  273,  274 ; for  widowers,  274 ; survivors 
of  brothers  and  sisters,  ii.  274 ; widows, 
ii.  275  ; children,  ii.  275 
Relatives  insist  on  change  of,  ii.  275 
Slaves,  names  changed,  ii.  275 
Streams,  all  named,  ii.  277 
Surnames  unknown,  ii.  274 

Surprise  expressed  by  calling  upon  grandparents, 
ii.  276 

Villages  named  after  chiefs,  ii.  277 
Widow,  ii.  275 
Widower,  ii.  274 
Women  of,  ii.  273,  A114 

NARCOTICS. 

Arrack,  383,  394 

Betel  and  siri,  51,  86,  100,  111,  114,  131,  137,  143, 
202,  260,  272,  359,  394  ; carved  cases,  394  ; 
loss  of  taste  due  to,  395  ; ii.  39,  A193,  196 
Cigars,  A208 
Coconut  wine,  393 
Drinking,  see  Food 
Gomuti  palm  wine,  393 
Oil,  an  intoxicating,  379 
Opium  unknown,  395,  A196 
Palm  wine,  393 
Quids,  A202 
Rice  beer,  391,  392 
Siri,  see  Betel 
Spruce  beer,  251 
Tampoe  fruit  spirit,  393 
Tapioca  toddy,  394 

Tobacco,  59,  394;  cigars,  394;  quids,  394;  pipes 
395  : hubble-bubbles,  395  ; fairly  prepared, 
395  ; caladium  as  substitute,  396  ; 408, 

A193,  194,  196,  202 

NATIVE  CUSTOMS  ( see  Government). 

NATURAL  PRODUCTIONS. 

Bambu,  ii.  244 ; rice  stores  of,  418 
Dammar,  ii.  245 ; sacred  piece  of,  A202 ; collected 
in  river,  A207 ; used  for  torches,  379 ; for 
coffins,  148 


Natural  Productions  ( continued ). 

Gutta,  ii.  242 

Nibong  palm,  ii.  4,  244 

Nipa  palm,  ii.  4,  14,  17,  244 

Oils,  ii.  245 

Rotan,  ii.  244 

Rubber,  ii.  244 

Tapang  tree,  451,  452,  ii.  245 

NEGRITOES 

Andamanese  carried  to  Penang,  ii.  298 
Beccari  on,  ii.  295 

Burmese  and  Chinese  kidnappers  of  Andaman- 
ese, ii.  298 

Dalton’s  “ wild  Dyaks"  not  Negritoes,  ii.  295  ; his 
statement,  ii.  297 

Distribution  in  surrounding  countries,  ii.  293 

Earl  on,  ii  294  ; woolly  haired  people,  ii  296 

Existence  probable  but  not  proved,  ii.  301 

Flower,  no  proof  given,  ii.  295 

Gerland  on,  ii.  294 

Giglioli  on,  ii.  294 

Hamy,  see  Quatrefages  and  H. 

Hose  on,  ii.  294 
Junghuhn  on,  ii  294 
Kessel  on,  ii.  294 
Lafond  on,  ii.  301 
Man,  E.  H.,  on,  ii.  298 
Marsden  on,  ii.  294 
Meinecke  on,  ii.  295 
Meyer’s  review,  ii.  293-295 

Negrito  skull  decorated,  ii  295  ; origin  doubtful, 
ii.  299 

Papuan  sailor,  ii.  297  ; inhabitants,  296,  298 
Pickering  on,  ii.  294 

Quatrefages  and  Hamy,  Negrito  skull  in  Lyons 
Mus.,  ii.  295  ; careless  statements,  ii.  295 
Rienzi  on,  ii.  301 
Schwaner  on,  ii.  294 
Van  Eysinga  on,  ii.  298 
Waitz  on,  ii.  294 
Walckenaer  on,  ii.  301 
Whitehead  on,  ii.  294 
Zanetti  on,  ii.  295 

PATHOLOGY. 

Accidents,  recovery  from,  46 
Agues,  289 
Albinos,  296,  A162 
Anthrax,  289 

Arrow  poison  swallowed,  294 
Ascites,  289 
Bergamah,  83,  245,  251 
Bleeding  and  cupping,  297 
Blind  people,  13 1 ; see  Opthalmia 
Cajput  oil,  290 
Castor  oil,  289 
Cauterising,  297 
Charms,  291 

Cholera,  289,  290  ; fearful  ravages,  290 


Index. 


ccxxxi. 


Pathology  (continued). 

Colds,  58 
Consumption,  295 
Diarrhoea,  289 
Dreams,  291 
Dysentery,  290 
Elephantiasis,  289,  295 
Fevers,  53  289,  294 
Goitre.  47,  289,  295 
Gonorhoea,  289 
Healing  wounds,  296 
Honey  cure,  290 
Ichthyosis,  289  ; see  Kurap 

Inoculation,  292  ; fear  of,  292  ; efficacy,  292  ; 
not  submitted  to,  293 

Insanity,  296  ; parricide  to  save  from  shame  of, 
296 

Kurap  (skin  disease),  45,  46,  47,  289,  294 ; 

native  cure,  294  ; wide  spread,  294  ; due  to 
insanitary  conditions,  294 
Leeches,  298 
Leprosy,  289,  295 
Onion  cure,  290 

Opthalmia,  131,  289,  295  ; eyelashes  extracted, 
296  ; fire  smoke,  296 
Otitis,  289 
Pepper  cure,  290 
Plantains,  290 
Rubbing,  289,  291 
Russian  influenza,  289,  293 
Scab,  289 
Scrofula,  289,  295 
Setons,  297 

Skin  disease,  see  Kurap 
Snake  bites,  298 

Small  pox,  289 ; extreme  fatalicy,  290 ; fear  of, 
291,  292,  293  ; inoculation,  291,  292  ; an  evil 
spirit,  291,  293  ; spread  by  pigs,  293 
Spices,  289 
Spittle,  291,  297,  298 
Sprinkling,  289 
Syphilis,  289,  295 
Tabu,  289 
Tetter,  289 
Threadworms,  289 
Touching  cure,  83,  245,  251 
Ulcers,  289 

Vaccination,  see  Inoculation 
Washing,  289 

Water  from  sacred  jars,  290 
PEACE. 

Agreements,  ii.  203 

Balancing  head  accounts,  ii.  202 

Bambu  ceremonial  knife,  ii.  206 

Biting  opponents’  sword  blades,  ii.  204 

Blood  brotherhoods,  blood-drinking  at,  ii.  205 ; 

blood  smoking  at,  ii.  206,  207,  A189 
Breast  stroking,  ii.  205 
Brotherhoods,  ii.  205-208 


Peace  ( continued ). 

Cutting  a pig  in  two,  ii.  203,  204 

Drinking,  ii.  206 

Eating  salt,  ii.  205 

Exchange  of  knives,  ii.  205 

Fines  at,  89 

Gold  dust,  ii,  204 

Human  sacrifices,  ii.  204,  205,  A188,  189,  205 

Jars,  ii.  203,  204,  205 

Mediation  of  a third  party,  ii.  203 

Oath  keeping,  ii  208,  A188 

Paying  for,  70 

Rotan  cutting,  ii.  208,  A189 

Sacrifices,  ii.  203,  204,  206,  207,  208 

Salt  eating,  ii.  205 

Slaves  handed  over,  94  ; sacrificed,  ii.  204,  205, 
A 188,  205 

Sword  biting,  ii.  204  ; stroking  with,  ii.  205 

Treachery  of  Kayans,  ii.  207 

Trees  stripped  at  peace-making,  ii.  202 

PERHAM. 

Perham,  The  Ven.  Archdeacon.  Papers  on 
Petara  or  Sea  Dyak  Gods,  168  ; Klieng’s 
War  Raid  to  the  Skies,  31 1 ; Mengap,  the 
• Song  of  the  Sea  Dyak  Head  Feast,  ii. 
174 

PHYSIQUE. 

Activity,  52,  54,  55,  57,  58,  59,  A162 
Age,  60 

Ankles,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  51 
Arms,  49 

Cheek  bones,  45,  48,  49 
Chest,  49 
Child,  ugly,  52 
Dusun,  57 

Endurance,  53,  56,  77 
Eyelid  double,  57,  63 

Eyes,  46,  47,  48,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  51,  53,  55  ; 
Milanau,  55  ; Kayan,  56,  57  ; Ukit,  57  ; 
Dusun,  57,  58  ; Bajau,  59 
Face.  47 

Family,  numerous,  52,  59,  104 
Feet,  45 

General  physique,  see  Tribes 
Hair,  45,  46,  47,  48,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  50  ; pride  in, 
51,  52,  54;  Kayan,  56,  87;  Dusun,  58; 
Murut,  59  ; Bajau,  59,  63,  91,  113  ; lank  and 
curly,  A162 

Hands,  45  ; Sea  Dyak,  51 
Head,  shape,  47 

Height,  46,  48,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  52,  53,  54  ; Mil- 
anau, 55,  56  : Kayan,  56,  57 ; summary,  60, 
61 ; A162 

Intermarriage,  47 
Jumping,  54 

Knees,  Land  Dyak,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  51 
Legs,  Land  Dyak,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  52 
Manner  easy,  45,  46 


ccxxxii.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Physique  (continued). 

Marriage,  early,  45,  46 
Milanau,  55 

Mouth,  Land  Dyak,  46,  47,  48,  49  ; Sea  Dyak, 

51  ; Kayan,  56;  Dusun,  57 
Muscles,  Land  Dyak,  48  . Sea  Dyak,  51,  52 
Natural  grace,  Land  Dyak,  48  : Sea  Dyak,  50,  52  . 

Dusun,  58 

Noses,  Land  Dyak,  45,  47,  48,  49  : Sea  Dyak,  51, 

52  ; Kayan,  56,  57  ; Dusun,  58,  63  ; Punans, 
18,  19 

Odour,  53 

Running,  54 

Sham  fighting,  54 

Shin  bone  protuberance,  57 

Skin  colour,  Land  Dyak,  45,  47,  49  ; Sea  Dyak, 
50,  pride  in,  51  ; fairness  in  interior,  51,  53, 
54  ; women  darker  than  men,  55,  57  ; Mil- 
anau, 55,  56  ; Ukit,  57  ; Dusun,  57,  58  ; 
summary,  62,  63  ; fair  in  interior,  A164 
Skull  measurements,  A240 

Teeth,  Land  Dyak,  46,  48 ; Sea  Dyak,  51  ; Ukit, 
57 ; Dusun,  57 
Tree  climbing,  36,  59 

Walking,  Land  Dyak,  45,  49  ; Sea  Dyak,  51  ; 
Ukit,  57  ; Dusun,  92 

Weights,  carrying,  Land  Dyak,  45,  46,  47.  48;  52, 
57.  58 

Wrestling,  54 

POISONS. 

Bambu  spiculae,  ii  200 
Bugau  poison  plant,  ii  199 
Fine  for  poisoning,  A 187 

Powder  put  in  the  sirih  chalk,  ii  199  ; in  arrack. 

ii.  200;  arsenic,  ii.  199 
Thumb-nail,  poison  under,  ii  200 

PONTIANAK. 

Pontianak,  notes  on  ethnology  of  (xii.) 

RELATIONSHIPS  (sec  Marriage) 

RELIGION  AND  MEDICINE  MEN  AND 
FEASTS  (see  also  Legends). 

Alla  Taala,  168,  182,  A170,  197,  200 
Alligators,  invoking,  187 
Ampatons,  A174,  190 
Angai,  the  ruler,  A170 
Angels  (Sansangs),  A 170 
Anthropolatry,  189 

Antu,  165;  Umots  and  Minos,  165  ; called  upon  in 
sickness,  179;  good  and  bad,  182;  invisible, 
182  ; as  monsters,  183  ; kill  people,  183  ; in 
dreams,  183  ; Girgasi,  183  ; tree  spirits,  184, 
263;  magic  charms  (ubat),  185  186;  oaths 
(sampa),  184,  240;  to  nampok,  185  ; cause  of 
sickness,  185  ; change  into  animals,  186  ; 
Ribai  and  Ribut  (sea  and  wind  spirits),  201, 
203 ; Sikisar's  story,  263  ; leaf,  287 ; com- 


Religion,  &c.  (continued). 
muning  with,  287 ; laying  a storm  antu, 
287  ; antu  tree,  286,  A170-172 
Auguries:  pig's  heart,  234,  235,256;  pig's  entrails. 

234  ; pig  s length,  234  ; pig's  liver,  235 
Bambu,  as  ceremonial  knife,  254,  ii.  206 
Bergantah  (touching  cure),  83.  245,  251 
Basir,  see  Manang  bali. 

Besant  (child  invocation),  170 
Blessing  rice  seed,  256 
Blood  sprinkling,  see  Sacrifices 
Boricli  ( Bilian ),  165,  259,  266,  282 ; impostors, 
259 ; dress,  259 ; charms,  260 ; fighting 
antus,  260,  263  ; office  and  character  of, 
A174  ; dissolute  women,  A175  ; lead  the 
souls  to  heaven,  A200  ; excellent  women, 
A200  ; see  also  Manang 
Bras  Pilut  (Rice)  247 

Charms,  great  value  of,  238  ; hailstones,  239 ; 
stones,  239  ; tusk,  240  ; gourd,  240  ; seeds, 
coral,  roots,  240  ; washing  water,  240,  241  ; 
white  cloth,  240;  rice,  241  ; hawk  bells,  241, 

245.  248,  250,  253,  254  ; spittle,  241,  251, 
260  ; disagreeable  custom,  245  ; heirlooms, 
260  ; sickness  extractors,  260,  261 ; manangs, 
269,  272;  marbles,  273,  A172,  200;  for 
houses,  A 1 90 

Cure,  no,  no  blame,  267,  285  ; see  sickness  and 
Pathology. 

Creation  legends,  299,  300,  A170,  171,  201 
Dancing,  244 ; sword  and  war  dances,  244,  249, 
250 ; ridiculous,  244 ; comical  measures,  245, 

246,  247 ; poor  performances,  247,  248  ; 
" leg”  dancing,  249;  excitement,  250 ; unfair 
dancing,  251  ; drunkenness  at,  252 ; main 
booloogsi,  252  ; pole  dancing,  252  ; hard  work, 
253  ; gracefulness,  253  ; conjuring,  253  ; a 
divine  service,  262  ; 358,  A163 

Data  patinggi  mata-ari  (sun),  200 
Dead,  communing  with,  A172 
Dewata.  see  Petara 

Different  people  different  customs,  263 
Divination,  190 ; of  sex  previous  to  birth,  176, 
177  ; see  Auguries  and  Omens 
Dreams,  confidence  in,  231,  233;  warnings,  231  . 
magic  stones  presented  in,  231 ; frauds,  231  ; 
theory  of,  232  ; lawsuit  out  of,  132  ; practical 
sequence  to,  232  ; deer  preserved,  233  ; 
concocted,  233  : results  of  bad  food  attributed 
to,  233  ; attention  paid  to,  233  ; propitious, 
233 ; A172 

Dress  at  feasts,  242,  248,  251,  252.  254,  257 
Drunkenness  at  feasts,  251,  252 
Effigies,  cures  by,  268 
Epidemics  due  to  antus,  186 
Feasts,  242;  Land  Dyak,  412;  Kenniah,  415; 
Kayan,  415;  of  sungkup,  130;  nine  important 
ones,  A173,  197  ; Gaum,  143,  207,  209,  210; 
food  wasted  at,  421 

Fire,  fence,  273  ; antidote  to  bad  omens,  229 


Index. 


ccxxxm. 


Religion,  &c.  ( continued ). 

Frog  reverenced,  177 
Future  life,  see  Disposal  of  the  Dead 
Gawai  Aiitu  (spirit  feast),  130,  258,  ii.  174 
Gawai  Batu  or  Beni  (stone  or  seed  feast),  178, 
ii.  174 

Girgasi,  see  Antu 
God,  low  conception  of,  173 
Guardian  figures,  see  Ampatans 
Hands,  laying  on  of,  83,  245,  251 
Hantu,  see  Antu 

Idols,  214,  401,  A174 ; no  worship,  355 
Immorality  a cause  of  plagues,  180  ; at  feasts, 

A173 

Inflicting  injury  at  a distance,  ii.  208 
Ini  Andan,  174 
Klieng,  see  Legends 
Laying  storm  antu,  287 
Leaf  antu,  287 

Magic  stones,  231,  232,  269;  see  also  Charms  and 
Sympathetic  help 
Main  booloogsi,  252 
Man  turned  into  a Mias,  286 
Manang,  263 ; importance  of,  265 ; hereditary, 
265  ; blind,  265  ; mystery  of,  266  ; Dvaks 
not  deceived,  266 ; regulars  and  irregulars, 
266 ; male  and  female,  266,  282  ; “ possessed,” 
266;  payments  to,  266,  267 ; use  of  European 
medicines,  266;  power  of  “familiar,"  267; 
no  blame  if  patient  dies,  267  ; blamed,  285  ; 
treatment,  267,  268,  273 ; charms,  269,  272 ; 
language,  269,  270  ; Manang  bali,  270 ; 

dressed  as  women,  270 ; gross  frauds,  270 ; 
a good  man,  A200  ; the  bali's  importance, 
271  ; how  initiated,  271,  280  ; mysterious 
power,  271 ; fear  of  cholera  and  smallpox, 
272 ; pagarapi,  273  ; trance,  267,  274,  285  ; 
chant,  274 ; varieties  of  cure,  278  ; three 
grades  of  initiation,  280 ; a doctor  not  a 
priest,  282 

Medicine  man,  see  Manang 
Medicine  women,  see  Borich 
Metempsychosis,  213,  219 

Mias  (Orang  Outan),  man  turned  into,  286  ; 

smites  with  fever,  287 
Names  changed  after  sickness,  288,  ii  275 
Nampok,  185 

Nature  worship,  177,  200,  201 
Obat,  273 

Omens,  165,  191-202,  221-231  ; birds,  191,  221, 
226,  A173,  200;  legend  of  birds,  225;  com- 
plicated system,  191  ; various  animals, 
insects,  &c.,  192,  226,  228,  A173  ; rice- 
farming, 192,  A173;  cause  delays,  192;  good 
and  bad,  193 ; overcoming  bad  omens,  193, 
194  ; variety  of,  193  ; dead  beasts,  194  ; 
bees,  194  ; house  building,  194  ; sickness, 

194  ; killing  omen  birds,  195,  227 ; slaves  to, 

195  ; bird  cultus,  196  ; explanation  of,  200  ; 
absentees  return,  221  ; foretelling  rain,  221  ; 


Religion,  &c.  ( continued ). 
disaster  to  war  party,  223  ; birds  are  ances- 
tors, 224  ; the  katubong,  224  ; fire  an  antidote, 
229  ; thorough  belief  in,  229  ; curious 
coincidence,  230 ; agricultural,  397  ; agri- 
culture hindered  by,  421,  422,  A173  ; war, 
ii.  98,  104,  A178  ; bereincomis  comatus,  A209 
Ordeals,  89,  115,  187  ; wax  tapers,  235;  diving, 
236,  237,  A188  ; boiling  water,  237,  238, 
.\j188,  A208  ; salt,  238  ; land  shells,  238  ; 
attributed  to  monkeys,  238  ; coins  in  ashes 
and  water,  A188  ; duelling,  A188;  racing, 
A188;  fowl's  death,  A188;  stroking  hot 
resin,  A188 

Pelian  263,  273,  278  ; see  Borich 
Penchallong,  Tenyalong,  Pennegalon,  255,  256,  258 
Perham’s  Sea  Dyak  Gods,  168-213 
Petara  versus  Allah  Taala,  168 ; as  Vishnu,  181  ; 
Aratara,  181  ; names  of,  172 ; the  saving 
power,  179,  180 ; conception  of,  179 ; not 
worshipped,  181 
Polytheism,  169,  176,  179 

Prayer,  200,  215  ; for  sickness,  248,  253,  261 ; for 
heat,  401 

Pulang  Gana,  deity  of  the  soil,  176,  181,  200, 
ii.  15.  174 

Rags  hung  on  trees,  358  ; origin  forgotten,  358 ; 

compared  to  passport  system,  358 
Sacrifices,  fowls  or  pigs,  165,  189,  190.  204,  246, 
255,  260,  261,  402, 403,  ii.  172,  173  ; A200, 172 
Salampandai,  author  of  mankind,  176,  209 
Sampi,  invocation  for  rice  crop,  174 
Sansangs,  A170 
Serpent  worship,  187-189 
Shamanism,  282 

Sickness,  179,  185  ; theory  of,  260,  266,  272  ; 
piny  a,  260  ; vagrant  soul  catching,  26  r,  268  ; 
the  ‘scape’  chicken,  261  ; sesab,  261  ; food 
for  antus,  261,  265;  extracting  wood,  stones, 
&c.,  260,  263,  264,  267;  needles,  263  ; “ soul 
left  him,”  263;  antus  steal  souls,  263;  antus 
extracted,  264 ; antu  poisoning,  264 ; invoking 
antus  to  cause,  264  ; herbal  remedies,  266  ; 
pain  caused  by  antus,  267,  272 ; conversing 
with  antu,  267  ; treatment,  267 ; curing  by 
effigy,  268  ; another  method,  268  ; swinging 
an  old  woman,  268,  279 ; begging  antu's 
forgiveness,  269 ; pansa  utei,  272  ; securing 
the  soul,  274  ; various  methods  of  cure,  278 ; 
sent  adrift  in  a boat,  283,  284,  A208 ; 

Milanau  cures,  283-286  ; name  changed,  288  ; 
see  antus  and  pathology ; touching  cure,  83, 
245.  251 

Simpang  Impang  (mother  of  Pulang  Gana),  177; 

birth  of,  301 
Simungat,  261,  263 

Singalong  Burong  (bird  chief),  176,  178,  197, 
198,  199,  256;  the  great  teacher,  179  ; god  of 
war,  179 ; his  sons-in-law,  197,  198,  200 ; 
fetched  for  head  feast,  180 


ccxxxiv.  H.  Ling  Roth.— Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Religion,  &c.  (continued). 

Soul  wandering  during  sleep,  232 
Spirits,  see  Antics 
Strychnos  Antu,  286. 

Sun,  invoked,  200 
Swinging,  see  Sickness 

Sympathetic  help  in  childbirth,  98  ; in  war,  ii.  204 

Tabu,  165,  180  ; for  sickness,  261,  268,  269 

Tenyalang,  see  Penchallong 

Theft  divined,  79 

Trees  destroyed,  287 

Worship,  a magical  action,  190 

RIDING. 

Riding,  ii.  256 

SARAWAK. 

Sarawak,  extent  (xv.);  government  (xviii.),  (xix.) 
SKERTCHLY. 

Skertchly,  J.  B.  Description  of  fire  apparatus, 
371  ; description  of  traps,  430 

SLAVES  AND  CAPTIVES. 

Abortion,  ii.  214 
Adoption  into  tribe,  ii.  210 
Adulterers,  A182,  187 
Bewars  v.  Budaks,  A205 
Boys  and  girls,  A178 
Brian,  ii.  211,  214 

Children,  forget  parents,  ii.  209 ; sold  during  a 
famine,  ii.  209;  captives,  ii.  210  ; not  spared 
in  war,  ii.  210  ; Murut,  sales  of,  ii.  210,  A183 
Conversion,  compulsory,  ii.  215 
Custom  on  Rejang  river,  ii.  210 
Debtors,  ii.  209,  214,  A204-205 
Enfranchisement,  ii.  210,  212,  213,  214,  A135.  205 
Evolution  of  slavery  (vassalage),  ii.  226 
Exchanges,  ii.  209,  A206 
Famines,  cause  of  child  sales,  ii.  209 
Fire  makes  slaves,  ii.  213 
Humanity  to  captives,  ii  210 
111  usage  unknown,  ii.  209,  214 
Indoor  slaves,  ii.  210 
Inheritance,  ii.  21 1 
Introducing  slaves,  ii.  212 
Kayan  slaves  badly  treated,  ii.  210 
Land  Dyaks,  ii.  209 
Life  of,  A204 
Markets,  slave,  ii.  215 
Marriage  ensures  freedom,  ii.  213,  214 
Sacrificing  slaves,  141,  145,  159,  ii.  163,  204,  214, 
215,  216,  217,  222,  A162,  166,  174,  188,  189, 
199.  205 

Outdoor  slaves,  ii.  210 
Peace-making,  handed  over  at,  94 
Property  of,  ii  21 1,  214 
Ransoms,  ii.  209,  210 
Sea  Dyaks,  ii.  209 
Seduction  of,  ii.  212,  214 


Slaves  and  Captives  (continued). 
Tabusan,  ii.  210 
Temporary,  A184 
Thrashing  slaves,  ii.  214 
Tortures,  ii.  215,  222 
Transfers,  ii  213 
Trees  of,  ii.  212 

Tuba  eating  to  prevent  slavery,  ii.  213 
Wage  earning  degrading,  ii  215 
Women  captives,  ii.  210  ; not  spared  in  war,  210 
Work  of,  ii.  211,  212,  213,  214 

SUMPITAN. 

Antiaris  toxicaria,  ii.  194,  A195  ; taken  as  food, 

A195 

Antidotes,  ii  198  ; A195 
Brucin,  ii  196 

Chemical  investigations,  ii.  192 
Darts,  ii.  184  ; manufacture,  ii.  186  ; loose  barbed 
points,  ii.  185,  A195 

Derris  elliptica,  ii.  196,  197;  tied  on  to  ankles, 
ii.  248  ; eaten  by  porcupines  and  rhinoceros, 
ii.  196  ; eaten  to  prevent  slaver)-,  ii.  213 
Eating  poisoned  animals,  ii.  198 
Effect  on  man  and  animals,  ii.  190,  A195 
Experiments,  ii.  190,  191 
Febrifuge,  a,  A210 
Glucoside,  ii.  195 
Ipoh,  see  Strychnos 

Leubuscher,  Dr.,  experiments,  A210 
Lewin,  Dr.,  experiments  with  poison,  ii.  191 
Poison,  manufacture,  ii.  188;  varieties  of,  ii.  189, 
A195  ; a new,  A210;  see  Lewin,  Leubuscher 

[ in  Malay  Peninsula,  ii.  190,  191,  200] 

Porcupines  eat  tuba  with  impunity,  ii.  196 
Quivers,  ii.  184,  186,  187 

Rhinoceros  eats  tuba  with  impunity,  ii.  196,  A210 ; 

excreta  poisonous,  A210 
Ringer,  Prof.,  experiments,  ii.  190 
Shooting,  ii.  187;  range,  ii.  187,  188 
Sights,  ii.  184 
Siren,  see  Antiaris 

Strychnos  tieute  (ipoh),  ii.  195,  196,  A195 
Swallowing  arrow  poison,  294 
Tuba  root,  see  Derris 

Tubes,  ii.  184 ; straightness  of  bore,  ii.  185  ; 
manufacture,  ii.  185 ; boring  rod,  ii.  185, 
A194,  195,  196 
Undetermined  poison,  A210 
Upas,  see  Antiaris 

SWIMMING. 

Diving  for  fish,  i.  456,  462 
Swimming.  52,  54,  56  ; ii.  255 

TABU. 

(mali,  pamali,  penti.) 

Binting  marrow,  159,  A205 
Breaking  a,  402 
Burials,  137,  154-156 


Index. 


ccxxxv. 


Tabu  ( continued ). 

Childbirth,  97,  98 
Cure  by,  289 

Dogs  to  go  into  upper  loft,  425 
Farming,  194,  401,  402 
Fishing,  456 
Food,  to  praise,  288 

Foods,  vegetables,  388  ; new  rice,  390 ; goats, 
388,  389  ; ox,  buffalo,  388,  389  : fowls,  389  ; 
bears,  389  ; wild  cattle,  389  : lizards,  389  ; 
tiger  cats,  389;  fruits,  390;  fish  puttin,  303  ; 
fish  with  cabbage  palm,  390  ; dogs,  390 
Fruit  tree,  4T9 
Health,  to  mention,  288 
House  building,  at,  ii.  61 
Hunting,  224,  430 
Marriage,  113 
Mounds  in  memory  of,  357 
Prohibited  degrees,  122 
Rats,  to  drive  off,  403 
Religion,  165,  180 
Sibuyau  fish  puttin,  303 
Sickness,  261,  268,  269,  289 

TATUING. 

Clay,  pattern  marked  with,  ii.  83 
Dammar  soot,  ii.  83 

Distinctive  of  rank,  bravery,  head  taking,  &c., 
ii.  86,  90,  92,  159,  A209 
Hammers  or  mallets,  ii.  83  84 
High  perfection  of  the  art,  A204 
Inflammation,  rice  a preventative  to,  ii.  84  ; 

none,  ii.  90 
Instrument,  A209 
Gunpowder,  ii.  83 

Meaning  attached  to,  ii.  86,  90,  92,  159,  291, 
A193,  209 

Needles,  ii.  83,  84,  90 

Pattern  blocks,  ii.  84,  85,  86 

Tatuing,  55,  57  ; Milanaus  not  tatued,  56  ; 

Dusuns,  A193  I Tewehs,  A193 
Tree  dye,  ii.  90 
Women,  A193  ; Kayans,  A209 

TOTEMS  (see  also  Food:  tabu). 
Alligator  adjuration,  187 
Alligator  legend,  348 
Animals’  names  adopted,  ii.  275,  A208 
Birds  are  ancestors,  197,  229 
Rentaps’  forefathers  once  connected  with 
snakes,  390 

The  orang-outans  once  helped  the  Banting 
people,  350 

Totems  (probable  references  to)  half-brother  to 
a snake,  350 

TRADE. 

Bail  for  debts,  A186 

Barter,  ii.  231 

Chinese  cheating,  65,  67 

Commercial  ability,  ii.  231  ; inability,  A206 


Trade  (continued). 

Debts,  A186  ; see  Captives  and  Slaves 

Decoying  traders,  ii.  109 

Deposits,  A186 

Dollars,  ii.  231 

Failure,  a,  A209 

Fashion  in  trade  goods,  ii.  234 

Goods,  ii.  231 

Hoards  in  the  bush,  ii.  234 
Iron  a medium  of  exchange,  ii.  231 
, Kayan  system  of  trading,  87,  ii.  232,  233 
Licentious  life  of  traders,  A207 
Loans,  A185 

1 Malay  cheating,  65  ; trading  with  Kayans,  87  ; 
wheedlings,  ii.  233 
Markets,  ii.  232,  A209 
j Money  unknown,  ii.  231,  A176 
i Primitive  ideas,  ii.  231 
Protection  for  traders,  89 
Swindling,  ii.  232,  233 

Tabued  river  a hindrance  to  trade,  159  (and  note), 
A205 

Taxes,  on  traders,  A206;  spent  on  propitiatory 
sacrifices,  A207 
Useless  purchases,  ii.  234 
Wage  earning  degrading,  ii.  215 
Wealth,  ii.  233,  A176,  203,  206 

TRIBES  OF  SARAWAK  AND  BRITISH 
NORTH  BORNEO. 

Aborigines,  17,  ii.  294 

Badges  tribal,  ii.  32,  33,  34 ; chawats  as,  55 
Bakatans,  see  Punans 

Bajaus,  28 ; character,  59  ; physique,  59 ; stature, 
61 ; language,  ii.  273 
Balignini,  35 
Bisayans,  20 

Borneo  tribes,  Chas.  Hose’s  list,  37 
British  North  Borneo,  peoples  of,  20 
Buludupis,  22  ; saved  by  W.  B.  Pryer,  A209  ; 

Indonesian  characters,  A209 
Chinese  elements,  24 ; resemblances,  57,  58,  59 
Dalton's ‘‘Wild  Men,”  see  Punans 
Dusuns,  general  characteristics,  22 ; name  Ida'an, 
22  ; Chinese  element,  24  ; Saghais,  26  ; 
physique,  57  ; stature,  61  ; language,  ii.  273 
Eraans,  22 
Extinct  tribes,  105 

Hose,  Chas.,  list  of  tribes  in  Borneo,  37 
Ida’an,  see  Dusun 
Ilanun  (Iranum),  see  Lanun 
Indonesian  affinities,  63 

Kayans,  settlements  and  list  of,  15  ; general 
characteristics,  17  ; physique,  56  ; colour, 
62  ; noses,  63  ; character,  37  ; language,  18, 
ii.  272 

' Land  Dyaks,  2 ; chief  settlements  and  list  of,  3 ; 
general  characteristics,  7 ; physique,  45  ; age, 
60;  stature,  60,  A114;  colour,  62;  noses,  63  ; 
hair,  63  ; character,  65  ; language,  7,  ii.  267 


ccxxxvi.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 


Tribes  (continued). 

Lanuns  26;  physique,  59 ; stature,  61;  language, 
ii.  273 

Malay  affinities,  61  ; encroachments,  1 
Maxwell,  F.  R.  O.,  on  Sarawak  peoples,  1-20 
Milanaus,  settlements  and  characteristics,  12  ; | 

physique,  55  ; colour,  62  ; character,  91  ; 
language,  ii.  272 

Muruts,  18  ; general  characteristics,  19  ; phy- 
sique, 59  ; colour,  63  ; character,  94  ; 
Rickett’s  influence  over  (xx.) 

Orang  Ot,  see  Punans 
Pakatans,  see  Punans 
Pryer,  W.  B.,  saves  the  Buludupis,  A209 
Punans  (Bakatans,  Pakatans,  Skapans,  Bukkits, 
Ukits,  Dalton's  Wild  Men,  Schwaner’s 
Orang  Ot.)  — Aborigines  of  Borneo,  17, 
ii.  294;  animals,  eaten,  A196 ; best- 
mannered  people  in  Borneo,  16 ; blind  man  ] 
wishes  to  see  white  man,  17 ; burial  in 
living  trees,  Aig7  ; camphor  collected, 

16,  iC ; cannibalism,  none,  17;  caves, 
occasionally  dwelt  in,  16;  chase  dependent 
on,  17  ; cheek  bones  high,  18  ; chiefs,  A196; 
children  sold  for  rice,  17  ; childbirth  easy, 
A197 ; dangerous  enemies,  17,  A196,  204; 
dialects  not  understood  by  the  different 
tribes,  17;  dress  of  men  and  women,  A 196; 
Dyaks  fear  them,  17  ; dog,  large,  thought 
to  be  a deer,  91  ; doubtful  friends,  17 ; 
ear  lobes  extended,  57  ; eyes,  striking,  57  ; 
families,  large,  seven  to  ten  children,  16; 
features,  good,  17,  18,  57  ; refined,  19  ; fish 
caught,  16  ; fixed  residences,  none,  16  ; forest 
life,  17;  return  to,  17;  gutta  collected,  17  ; 
heads  not  taken,  16,  ii  158  ; supply  Kayans 
with,  17  ; of  enemies  and  animals  placed  on 
tombs,  A197  ; honest,  16  ; horse  supposed 
to  be  a bird,  91  ; houses,  none,  16,  16,  17, 

19,  A196 ; on  Batang  Lupar,  17  ; hunting 
rights,  A196;  huts,  temporary,  16;  in 
forest,  17;  between  buttresses  of  large  trees, 

19,  A196 ; imposed  upon,  16 ; shamefully 
treated,  17  ; driven  about,  17  ; hunted  like  | 
animals,  note  A197;  jungle  fruits,  16,  16; 
name  for  everything  in,  16  ; Kayans  inter- 
cept their  trade,  16 ; supplied  with  heads, 

17  ; lady  in  picture  asked  to  come  down, 

91  ; language,  dialects  of,  17  ; like  ! 
Tamil,  17 ; laughter  on  finding  no  one 
behind  a mirror,  91  ; marriage  tie  loose, 
A197  ; nomadic  life,  16,  17,  A196 , nose, 
aquiline,  18  ; prominent,  19 ; nests  col- 
lected, 16 ; paddy  not  planted,  16,  16 ; 
begun  to  plant,  17;  left  to  pigs  and  deer, 

17  ; poor  farming,  17  ; no  agriculture,  A 196; 
parang,  A196 ; physique,  good,  16,  18,  19, 

57,  A196;  pran  fruit  collected,  16;  property,  j 
idea  of,  learnt  from  Dyaks,  16 ; gongs 
and  jars  stowed  awfay  in,  17;  rice  food 


Tribes  (continued). 

taken  to,  17,  17;  rotans  collected,  16; 
rubber,  worked,  16;  salt  rejected,  A196; 
sago  taken  to,  17,  A196  ; self  defence,  fight 
in,  16;  sensible  talk,  17;  shields,  A196; 
skin,  fair,  16,  57  63 ; diseases  none,  16 ; 
straightforward  talk,  17;  sumpitan,  very 
expert  with,  16,  16,  Aig6  ; skilful  in  manu- 
facture of,  16,  ii.  189;  boring  the  tube,  ii. 
185  ; making  poison,  ii.  188,  189 ; timidity, 
i6,  A196;  sounding  a tocsin,  A197;  trees, 
live  in,  16,  17  ; shelters  in  buttresses  of,  19  ; 
tribal  divisions,  A196;  tatued  beautifully,  17; 
head  to  foot,  17,  57;  chin  tatued,  18;  not 
tatued,  ii.  90,  A196  ; method  of  tatuing,  ii 
90  ; sounding  a tocsin,  A 197  ; unselfishness, 
16;  walkers,  good,  57;  wax  collectors,  16; 
women  fairer  than  men,  16;  carry  heavy 
burdens,  57  ; word  not  to  be  trusted,  17 
Ricketts,  O.  F.,  influence  over  Muruts  (xx.) 
Sabahans,  22 

Sarawak  peoples,  F.  R.  O.  Maxwell  on,  1-20 
Sea  Dyaks,  7 ; settlements  and  list  of  8 ; general 
characteristics,  10  ; physique,  50  ; age,  60  ; 
stature,  61  ; colour,  62  ; noses,  63  ; hair,  63  ; 
character,  73  ; language,  10,  ii.  269 
Sulus,  20 

Tribes  of  Borneo,  Chas.  Hose’s  list,  37 
Ukits,  see  Punans 

WAR. 

Alarms,  ii.  109 

Alliances,  A 166 

Allies’  quarrel,  ii.  124 

Ambushes,  ii  112 

Ancient  feuds,  ii  97,  98 

Bechara,  ii.  97 

Bows  and  arrows,  ii . 139 

Calthrops,  ii.  114,  Aigi 

Camping  arrangements,  ii.  106 

Cannibalism,  ii.  127,  220 

Causes  of  war,  ii.  96 

Chiefs  start  first,  ii.  104  ; A177,  178 ; their 
musical  instruments,  106 
Cold-blooded  murders,  ii  98 
Costume,  ii.  128 
Councils  of  war,  ii.  102,  108 
Cowardice,  ii.  97 
Debts,  a cause  of  war,  ii.  100 
Defences,  ii.  no;  on  hills,  ii  112;  defensive 
measures,  ii.  114;  use  of  high  posts,  ii.  20, 
1 18  ; A 178,  204,  see  Habitations 
Defiances,  ii.  1 12 
Disputes  about  land,  ii.  96 

Enemy  enter  camp  ii.  106  ; Europeans  inferior 
to  natives,  A 195 
Excitement,  ii.  124 

Expeditions  organised,  ii.  100;  pride  in,  53;  A178 
Feuds,  ii.  97 

Firearms,  dread  of,  ii.  127 
Flotillas,  ii.  too  ; a grand  sight,  106 


Index. 


CCXXXVll. 


War  ( continued ). 

Food  on  expeditions,  ii.  104,  105,  127;  guard 
houses,  A191 

Hand  to  hand  encounters,  ii.  121 
Harassing  retreating  enemy,  ii.  116 
Heads  wanted,  a cause  of  war,  ii.  96  ; hunting, 
97  ; smoked  and  dried,  ii.  128 
Helens,  ii.  99,  A204 
Helmets,  ii  128,  129 
Hiding  chattels,  ii.  112 
Homeric  combats,  ii.  121,  A194 
Houses  cut  down,  ii.  20,  118  ; burning,  120 
Iron  smelting,  ii.  137 
Jackets,  ii.  128,  129  130,  A 194 
Knotted  string,  tembubu  toli,  ii  103,  290 
Leila  (brass  gun),  A203 
Murder  a cause  of  war,  ii  96 
Mutilations  not  committed,  ii  124 
Not  attacked  when  eating,  384 
Omens,  ii.  98,  104,  A178 
Parrying  blows,  ii.  128,  A194 
Peluan  feuds,  ii.  98 
Quarrels  of  allies,  ii.  124 
Shields,  ii.  138;  carrying,  ii.  114,  128,  A194 
Skirmishing,  ii.  108 
Smiths,  ii.  136,  137 

Spears,  ii.  132  ; sent  round,  ii.  103,  A194 
Straggling,  ii  104 
Sudden  attacks,  ii.  116 
Surprises  ii.  116,  127 

Swords  not  parried  ii  128 ; how  used,  A 194 ; 

varieties  of,  ii.  134-138,  A194 
Sympathetic  practices,  ii.  104 
Theft,  a cause  of  war,  ii.  96 
Time  of  no  value,  ii.  104 
Traders  decoyed,  ii.  109 
Treachery,  ii.  100,  121 
Tribute,  ii.  97 

Warpaths  crossed,  ii.  96,  109 
White  people  not  wanted,  ii.  100 
Women’s  influence  for  war,  363  ; ii.  99  ; 
spared,  ii.  100 ; assist  expeditions,  ii  102, 
103;  concealed,  ii.  no;  captured  by 
stratagem,  ii.  1 14  ; prizes,  ii.  119;  attacked 
when  men  away,  ii  120;  captured,  ii.  127; 
terror  of,  ii.  128 

WOMEN  (see  also  Childbirth). 
Captives,  ii.  210 
Care  of  children,  362,  363 
Cotton  weaving,  364 
Etiquette,  362 


Women  (continued.) 

Good  paddlers,  83 

Hard  work  a cause  of  small  population,  109 

Hard  worked,  362 

Heads  taken,  ii.  159-162,  A177,  178 

Heavy  burdens,  360 

Importance  of,  362 

Influence,  A162 

Influence  of  on  head  hunting,  ii.  163-166,  167,  168 

Names  of,  ii.  274,  A114 

Never  idle,  364 

Not  drinkers,  392,  ii.  206 

Not  spared  in  war,  ii.  210 

Opinion  of  a wife’s  capacities,  365 

Politeness,  363 

Power,  363 

Property,  A 182 

Rice  cleaners,  410 

Time  of  rising,  363 

Tortures,  ii  215,  216 

War,  influence  on,  363,  ii.  99  ; not  spared  in,  ii. 
100;  assist  expeditions,  ii.  102,  103;  con- 
cealed, ii.  no;  captured  by  stratagem,  ii. 
114;  prizes,  ii.  119;  attacked  when  men 
away,  ii.  120;  captured,  ii.  127:  terror  of, 
ii.  128 

Work,  362,  363,  ii.  211,  213,  214 
Work  on  farm,  363,  366 

WRITING. 

Alleged  facts,  ii.  287 

Communicating  thought  apart  from  speaking, 
ii.  290 

De  la  Couperie’s  statement,  ii.  287 
Degenerated  letters  used  as  ornament,  ii  287; 
denial  of,  ii  291 

Examples  not  forthcoming,  ii.  288,  289 
Indian  inscriptions,  ii.  293 

Inscription  on  Chinese  jar,  ii.  288,  289,  292  ; on 
stone,  289,  292  ; on  dagger,  290 
Kern,  Dr.,  discoveries  of  inscriptions,  ii  288, 
289,  292  ; his  remarks,  ii.  292 
Knotted  string,  ii.  103,  290 
Letter  to  Chinese  Emperor,  ii.  288,  289 
Mangain  inscription,  ii.  293 
Road  signs,  ii  290,  291 
Sanscrit  inscription,  ii.  292 
Sign-manual,  ii.  288 
Spear  symbol,  ii.  290 
Tatuing  a method  of  writing,  ii  291 
Wooden  heads,  ii.  291 
Writing  unknown,  ii.  291,  A161 


THE 


NATIVES  OF  SARAWAK  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  BORNEO. 

LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 

HER  MAJESTY  THE  QUEEN  (for  the  Royal  Library). 

His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  K.G. 

Rt.  Honble.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

Sir  Henry  W.  Acland,  Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Radcliffe  Library,  Oxford. 
Sir  Adam  Hay  Anderson,  F.R.G.S.,  Chester. 

Charles  Alken,  Esq.,  Hilldrop  Road,  N. 

Basil  Anderton,  Esq.,  B.A.,  Public  Libraries,  Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Jas.  Ashton-Guthrie,  Esq.,  M.B.,  Regent  Street,  Halifax. 

Messrs.  Asher  & Co.,  London. 

H.H.  Rajah  Brooke  of  Sarawak. 

H.H.  Rannee  Brooke  of  Sarawak. 

Rt.  Honble.  Lord  Belhaven  and  Stenton. 

Yen.  Archdeacon  Brooke,  The  Vicarage,  Halifax. 

Colonel  Badgley,  Exmouth. 

Mrs.  Baines,  Elm  Royde,  Lightcliffe. 

Henry  Balfour,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Pitt  Rivers  Collection,  University 
Museum,  Oxford. 

John  J.  Barlow,  Esq.,  Park  Street,  Southport. 

Philip  Bearcroft,  Esq.,  Eggleswick  School,  Settle. 

M.  M.  Miles  Booty,  Esq.,  Raymond  Buildings,  Grays  Inn. 

John  A.  Bright,  Esq.,  One  Ash,  Rochdale. 

J.  Potter  Briscoe,  Esq.,  Free  Public  Library,  Nottingham. 

D.  G.  Bruce-Gardyne,  Esq.,  Sloane  Street,  S.W. 

Messrs.  John  & Edward  Bumpus,  Ltd.,  Oxford  Street,  London. 

Admiral  Coote,  C.B.,  College  Road,  Dulwich. 

V.  Cary-Elwes,  Esq.,  Manor  House,  Brigg. 

S.  J.  Chadwick,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Oxford  Road,  Dewsbury. 

Edwin  Chapple,  Esq.,  Plymouth. 

Arthur  Chichester,  Esq.,  Youlston,  Barnstaple. 

F.  Claudet,  Esq.,  F.C.S.,  Oakhill  Park,  Hampstead. 

John  Coles,  Esq.,  F.R.A.S.,  Altyre  Road,  Croydon. 

Merton  Russell  Cotes,  Esq.,  J.P.,  F.R.G.S.  (Ex-Mayor),  East 
Cliff  Hall,  Bournemouth. 

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List  of  Subscribers. 


ccxxxix. 


Sir  Alfred  Dent,  K.C.M.G. 

Messrs.  Douglas  & Foulis,  Edinburgh. 

J.  Edge-Partington,  Esq.,  Westbury  Lodge,  Eltham. 

Andrew  Elliot,  Esq.,  Edinburgh. 

Thos.  England,  Esq.,  Holme  Dene,  Lightcliffe. 

Messrs.  Eyre  & Spottiswoode,  London. 

John  Ferguson,  Esq.,  St.  George’s  Square,  S.W. 

Jas.  Geo.  Fraser,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
Messrs.  Friedlander  & Sohn,  Berlin. 

Matthew  H.  Gray,  Esq.,  F.R.G.S.,  Lessness  Park,  Abbey  Wood. 
John  J.  Green,  Esq.,  Prospect  House,  Halifax. 

Messrs.  Wm.  Georges  Sons,  Bristol. 

Sir  Isaac  Holden,  Bart.,  Oakworth  House,  Keighley. 

Charles  Heape,  Esq.,  Glebe  House,  Rochdale. 

William  Highley,  Esq.,  Savile  Crescent,  Halifax. 

Messrs.  Hodges,  Figgis  & Co.,  Dublin. 

Rev.  James  Jeakes,  F.R.G.S.,  The  Rectory,  Hornsey. 

Henry  James,  Esq.,  Holly  Bowers,  Chislehurst. 

Robert  Jamie,  Esq.,  Serangoon  House,  Craiglockhart. 

George  A.  Kennedy,  Esq.,  Seedley  Terrace,  Pendleton. 

Konigl.  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde,  Berlin. 

Rt.  Hon.  Earl  of  Listowel,  K.P. 

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E.  V.  Low,  Esq.,  Bush  Hill  Park,  Enfield. 

G.  G.  Lancaster,  Esq.,  The  Albany,  Piccadilly,  W. 

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Messrs.  Sampson  Low,  Marston  & Co.,  London. 

Sir  Jas.  Maitland,  Bart.,  Stirling,  N.B. 

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Messrs.  Marlborough  & Co.,  London. 

Belgrave  Ninnis,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Brockenhurst,  Streatham. 
National  Library  of  Ireland,  Dublin, 


ccxl.  H.  Ling  Roth. — Natives  of  Sarawak  and  Brit.  N.  Borneo. 

Sir  Norman  Pringle,  Bart. 

General  Pitt  Rivers,  Rushmore,  Salisbury. 

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C.  E.  Peek,  Esq.,  F.R.G.S.,  Belgrave  Square,  S.W. 

R.  H.  Porter,  Esq.,  Princes  Street,  London. 

John  F.  Revilliod,  Esq.,  Vaud,  Switzerland. 

W.  A.  Richards,  Esq.,  Hillside,  Sandbach. 

Mrs.  Roth,  Divonne,  France. 

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Major-Gen.  R.  Murdock  Smith,  Museum  of  Science  and  Art, 
Edinburgh. 

John  Sampson,  Esq.,  York. 

Dr.  A.  Schreiber,  Barmen,  Germany. 

W.  M.  Smeeton,  Esq.,  New  Road,  Halifax. 

Mrs.  Lindsey  Eric  Smith,  Elfinsward,  Haywards  Heath. 

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Maximilian  Strong,  Esq.,  F.R.G.S.,  Bank  of  Egypt,  Alexandria. 
J.  H.  Swallow,  Esq.,  Crow  Wood,  Sowerby  Bridge. 

Messrs.  H.  Sotheran  & Co.,  London. 

Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Tredegar. 

Sir  Richard  Tangye,  F.R.G.S.,  Putney. 

Major  R.  C.  Temple,  Port  Blair,  Andaman  Islands. 

Rev.  Edward  J.  Taylor,  F.S.A.,  St.  Cuthberts,  Durham. 

Mrs.  H.  Thackwell,  Rostellan  Castle,  Co.  Cork. 

James  Thin,  Esq.,  Edinburgh. 

Everard  im  Thurn,  Esq.,  F.R.G.S.,  East  India  Avenue,  E.C. 
Prof.  E.-  B.  Tylor,  F.R.S.,  The  Museum  House,  Oxford. 
Theosophical  Publishing  Society,  Charing  Cross. 

George  Vacher,  Esq.,  F.R.G.S.,  Ewell  Road,  Surbiton. 

His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 

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Henry  S.  Wellcome,  Esq.,  Snow  Hill  Buildings,  E.C. 

Walter  M.  Wilkinson,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Streatham  Lodge,  Kingston 
on  Thames. 

Messrs.  Williams  & Norgate,  London. 


